Abdallah Said Kassongo na PAFMECA Siku ''TANU Yajenga Nchi,'' Ilipoimbwa kwa Mara ya Kwanza Tabora

Abdallah Said Kassongo na PAFMECA Siku ''TANU Yajenga Nchi,'' Ilipoimbwa kwa Mara ya Kwanza Tabora

Mohamed Said

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ABDALLAH SAID KASSONGO NA PAFMECA 1958 SIKU KWA MARA YA KWANZA ''TANU YAJENGA NCHI ULIPOIMBWA''

Watu wengi wamekuwa wakinirushia barua ya mkutano wa PAFMECA Moshi mwaka wa 1959.

Imekuwa jambo la kwaida siku hizi kwangu mimi kupokea nyaraka, picha za zamani zinye uhusiano na historia ya TANU na uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Hakika maneno ya John Illife yamethibiti pale aliposema katika miaka ya 1960 kuwa historia ya TANU iko mikononi mwa watu binafsi.

Kwa ajili hii basi nakuwekeeni hapa historia Abdallah Said Kassongo na vijana wenzake wa wakati ule walivyokuwa mstari wa mbele katika kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Kisa cha PAFMECA ni moja ya hizi juhudi zao.

Naingia katika kitabu cha Abdul Sykes kuangalia nini kinasema kuhusu wazalendo hawa.

Kisa hiki alinihadithia Abdallah Said Kassongo tumekaa dukani kwake Tabora kafungua jokofu lake la kizamani sana akanitolea soda akaifungua na kunipa.

Akili yangu haikuwa kwenye soda.

Akili yangu iko kwenye note book yangu naandika na kumsikiliza Mzee Kassongo:

''Ilikuwa wakati wa mkutano wa PAFMECA uliofanyika Mwanza ndipo TANU Youth League ya Tabora iliamua kuwapa wakazi wa Tabora kitu ambacho kitadumu ndani ya fikra na kumbukumbu zao kwa miaka mingi.

TANU Youth League ya Tabora chini ya uongozi wa Abdallah Said Kassongo ilikuja kuwa tawi hodari sana na lenye mipango mikubwa Tanganyika nzima.

Kassongo na wanachama wengine wa TANU Youth League, Zena bint Malele, Jaffari Idd (aliyekuwa mpishi wa Nyerere katika mkutano wa kura tatu) Juma Salum Kisogo na Shaban Rukaya kwa juhudi zao wenyewe bila kutaka ushauri wa viongozi wa TANU Tabora, waliamua kuwaleta Nyerere na wajumbe wengine wa PAFMECA hadi Tabora kuja kufanya mkutano wa hadhara.

Nyerere Tom Mboya, Francis Khamis, Kanyama Chiume na Dr. Kiano walikuwa Mwanza wakihudhuria mkutano wa PAFMECA.

Jaffari Idd alikwenda kwa mfanya biashara mmoja wa kihindi mjini Tabora, Rajabali Hirji, kumuomba aiazime TANU gari yake kwenda Mwanza kumchukua Nyerere na kumleta Tabora.

Hirji alikuwa ndiyo kwanza amenunua gari mpya ya Kimarekani, Chevrolet. Hirji kwa furaha alikubali na vijana wakaondoka kwenda Mwanza usiku ule ule.

Pale Nzega mfanyabiashara mmoja wa Kiarabu, aliyejulikana kwa jina moja la Yahya alijitolea petroli kwa ajili ya safari nzima ya kwenda Mwanza.

Walipofika Mwanza Kassongo alikwenda moja kwa moja nyumbani kwa Paul Bomani kuuliza habari za Nyerere.

Bomani alimjulisha Kassongo na wenzake kuwa Nyerere na wageni wake wote walikuwa wakikaa Mwanza Hotel katikati ya mji.

Nyerere alipotoka nje ya Mwanza Hotel na kuliona lile gari kubwa la Kimarekani lililokuwa likingíaa lenye herufi kubwa ñ ëTANU Youth Leagueí zimebandikwa ubavuni mwake, alifurahi sana na akatabasamu kwa furaha.

Vijana wa TANU walikuwa wamechoka kwa safari.

Pale pale Kassongo alimwambia Nyerere kwamba walikuwa wametoka Tabora kuja kumchukua yeye na wajumbe wa PAFMECA kuwapeleka Tabora kukutana na kuwasalimu wananchi.

Nyerere na ule wajumbe wote wa PAFMECA walikubali kwenda Tabora ijapokuwa safari hiii haikuwa katika ratiba yao.

Bomani alimpigia simu Rajab Saleh Tambwe, mwenyekiti wa Mkoa wa TANU Tabora kumjulisha juu ya kuwasili kwa waheshimiwa katika wilaya yake jioni ile.

Walipokuwa njiani kwenda Tabora msafara ulisimama Nzega ambapo tawi la TANU chini ya Rashid Ramadhani Nyembo liliwapokea kwa ngoma ya Kimanyema iitwayo Kisonge.

Wajumbe wa PAFMECA waliwasili Tabora jioni sana na walipelekwa moja kwa moja hadi Parish Hall ambako umati mkubwa ulikuwa ukisubiri kuwapokea.

Siku iliyofuata TANU ilifanya mkutano mkubwa kiwanja cha ndege cha zamani ambapo Nyerere, Francis Khamis na Kanyama Chiume walitoa hotuba. Tom Mboya, kwa sababu zisizojulikana, alinyimwa ruhusa na serikali kuhutubia.

Huu ulikuwa mkutano wa pili mkubwa uliohutubiwa na Nyerere tangu ule uliofanyika soko kuu la Tabora mapema mwaka ule baada ya kura tatu, siku Nyerere alipotokwa na machozi ya uchungu.

Siku hii itaingia ndani ya historia ya Tanganyika kuwa ni siku ambapo mwimbo maarufu wa Kinyamwezi uliimbwa, mashairi yake yakiwa yamebadilishwa kwa Kiswahili kuwa, ''TANU Yajenga Nchi.''

Mwimbo huu uliimbwa kwa mara ya kwanza katika viwanja hivi. Huu ulikuwa wimbo wa ushindi wa vita ukiimbwa hapo zama na Wanyamwezi wakitoka vitani.

Kuwako kwa wanasiasa wazalendo wa Afrika ya Mashariki na Kati wakiwa wamekusanyika pamoja na wote wakizungumza kwa kauli moja wakiitaka Uingereza kutoa uhuru kwa makoloni yake yote barani Afrika, kulitia imani zaidi kwa watu nchini Tanganyika na nje ya mipaka yake.

Kwa TANU Youth League Tabora, hadhi yake ilipanda zaidi mbele ya Nyerere na kwa makao makuu ya chama mjini Dar es Salaam.''

PICHA: Abdallah Said Kassongo, Dr. Kiano, Tom Mboya na Kanyama Chiume.


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Tom Mboya angejua siasa Ni mbaya kiasi hicho angetulia kando
 
Mohamed Said Nimemsoma Prof. Shivji katika kitabu chake cha Nyerere anasema umemshambulia sana Nyerere.

Unajibu vipi tuhuma hizo?
 
Kiranga,
Mimi nakikwepa kitabu cha Mwalimu.

Watu wengi wanataka nikifanyie pitio nawakatalia.
Sheikh sasa utakuwa mwanahistoria gani unayekikwepa kitabu cha historia ya rais wa kwanza wa nchi yako?

Nenda kakisome, umesemwa kwamba umemshambulia Nyerere bila kuwa fair. Profesa Shivji kasema hivyo.

Haya maswali utaulizwa sana, maana umetajwa sehemu nyingi kwenye hivyo vitabu kama source.

Na ukiulizwa, watu wakijua wewe ni mwanahistoria, watakuwa wanategemea ushasoma kitabu na una majibu ya kujitetea.

Hata mimi nashangaa hujasoma kitabu hiki mpaka sasa.
 
Sheikh sasa utakuwa mwanahistoria gani unayekikwepa kitabu cha historia ya rais wa kwanza wa nchi yako?

Nenda kakisome, umesemwa kwamba umemshambulia Nyerere bila kuwa fair. Profesa Shivji kasema hivyo.

Haya maswali utaulizwa sana, maana umetajwa sehemu nyingi kwenye hivyo vitabu kama source.

Na ukiulizwa, watu wakijua wewe ni mwanahistoria, watakuwa wanategemea ushasoma kitabu na una majibu ya kujitetea.

Hata mimi nashangaa hujasoma kitabu hiki mpaka sasa.
Kiranga,
Kitabu nimekisoma tena nimepewa na wenyewe walioandika kama ahsante kwa mchango wangu wakati wa utafiti.

Lakini nafanya staha.
Acha watu wabakie na hayo yao.

Unajua hata hawa wazee wangu 1950s wanaanza kampeni ya kumtoa Mwingereza Tanganyika hawakutegemea kuwa mambo yatakujakuwa makubwa kiasi hiki.

Mimi naandika kitabu cha Abdul Sykes sikutegemea haya hata katika ndoto zangu.

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Mahojiano nyumbani kwangu wakati wa utafiti wa Nyerere Biography
Kulia Prof. Shivji, Prof. Saida Othman na Dr. Ngw'anzi Kamata
 
Kiranga,
Kitabu nimekisoma tena nimepewa na wenyewe walioandika kama ahsante kwa mchango wangu wakati wa utafiti.

Lakini nafanya staha.
Acha watu wabakie na hayo yao.

Unajua hata hawa wazee wangu 1950s wanaanza kampeni ya kumtoa Mwingereza Tanganyika hawakutegemea kuwa mambo yatakujakuwa makubwa kiasi hiki.

Mimi naandika kitabu cha Abdul Sykes sikutegemea haya hata katika ndoto zangu.
Aaah, kumbe hivyo, vitabu umesoma ila hutaki kujibu tuhuma hapa.

Kama hivyo nimekuelewa sana.

Nilifikiri unasema unaepuka kusoma vitabu, nikataka kushangaa sana.
 
Aaah, kumbe hivyo, vitabu umesoma ila hutaki kujibu tuhuma hapa.

Kama hivyo nimekuelewa sana.

Nilifikiri unasema unaepuka kusoma vitabu, nikataka kushangaa sana.
Kiranga,
Nakuwekea hapo chini Shivji baada ya kitabu cha Abdul Sykes kutoka 1998.
Msikilize:


''An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[1] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.
Of late there has been interest in Tanzania’s political history and Abdulwahid’s name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[2] newspapers, [3] international magazines,[4] and books.[5] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid.

There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics.

In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary.

Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ‘veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten’. [6] There are also those who have dismissed him as being ‘petty bourgeois’.
Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class.

In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that:
...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union.

Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers’ union.

Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class.
[7]
This was in reference to his nomination in 1948 as the first ever General Secretary to lead a trade union in Tanganyika.

Probably not knowing who Abdulwahid was and what he stood for throughout his life, or perhaps fired with Marxist zeal, Shivji has allowed himself to use wrong tools of analysis.

Engels defines the term ‘bourgeois’ to mean ‘the class of modern capitalist, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage-labour’. [8]

However, Sklar has observed that the ‘bourgeois’ concept has undergone evolution thus transforming its original meaning:
Recently, the term has been used by Marxists and others to identify dominant class in societies that maintain market economies and allow capitalist accumulation as a consequence of private property in the means of production. [9]
Had Shivji been exposed to Abdulwahid’s life history chances are that he would have used a different yardstick to gauge and judge him.

But since a wrong premise was applied, a wrong conclusion was the result.

No African enterprise under colonialism could qualify to be put under this category, let alone have the capability to employ wage-labour in the sense of labour-capital relationship as defined by classical or neo-Marxists.

This is the kind of confusion surrounding the personality of Abdulwahid and indeed the whole history of nationalism.''

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Sunday News 20th October, 1968

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[1] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika, London, 1965.
[2] Yash Tandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy’ Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[3] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[4] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events, London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[5] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State and The Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p. 174.
[6] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[7] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam 1986, pp. 174.
[8] F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848.
[9] Richard L. Sklar ‘The Nature of Class Domination in Africa’ in JMAS Vol. 17 No.4, 1979, p. 544.'
 
Kiranga,
Nakuwekea hapo chini Shivji baada ya kitabu cha Abdul Sykes kutoka 1998.
Msikilize:


''An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[1] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.
Of late there has been interest in Tanzania’s political history and Abdulwahid’s name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[2] newspapers, [3] international magazines,[4] and books.[5] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid.

There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics.

In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary.

Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ‘veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten’. [6] There are also those who have dismissed him as being ‘petty bourgeois’.
Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class.

In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that:
...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union.

Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers’ union.

Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class.
[7]
This was in reference to his nomination in 1948 as the first ever General Secretary to lead a trade union in Tanganyika.

Probably not knowing who Abdulwahid was and what he stood for throughout his life, or perhaps fired with Marxist zeal, Shivji has allowed himself to use wrong tools of analysis.

Engels defines the term ‘bourgeois’ to mean ‘the class of modern capitalist, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage-labour’. [8]

However, Sklar has observed that the ‘bourgeois’ concept has undergone evolution thus transforming its original meaning:
Recently, the term has been used by Marxists and others to identify dominant class in societies that maintain market economies and allow capitalist accumulation as a consequence of private property in the means of production. [9]
Had Shivji been exposed to Abdulwahid’s life history chances are that he would have used a different yardstick to gauge and judge him.

But since a wrong premise was applied, a wrong conclusion was the result.

No African enterprise under colonialism could qualify to be put under this category, let alone have the capability to employ wage-labour in the sense of labour-capital relationship as defined by classical or neo-Marxists.

This is the kind of confusion surrounding the personality of Abdulwahid and indeed the whole history of nationalism.''



[1] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika, London, 1965.
[2] Yash Tandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy’ Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[3] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[4] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events, London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[5] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State and The Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p. 174.
[6] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[7] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam 1986, pp. 174.
[8] F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848.
[9] Richard L. Sklar ‘The Nature of Class Domination in Africa’ in JMAS Vol. 17 No.4, 1979, p. 544.'
Asante Mzee,

Mtu akivaa miwani yenye lenzi za rangi ya waridi, kila kitu atakiona cha rangi ya waridi.

Nakitafuta kitabu chako nikisome, tena kilichotiwa saini na muandishi "To Kiranga".

Kinapatikana hapo bookshop ya Samora Ave?
 
Asante Mzee,

Mtu akivaa miwani yenye lenzi za rangi ya waridi, kila kitu atakiona cha rangi ya waridi.

Nakitafuta kitabu chako nikisome, tena kilichotiwa saini na muandishi "To Kiranga".

Kinapatikana hapo bookshop ya Samora Ave?
Kiranga,
Kitabu kinauzwa maduka ya Ibn Hazm Media Centre Msikiti wa Mtoro, Msikiti wa Manyema na Msikiti wa Mtambani bei shs: 10,000.00 tu.

Kipo kwa Kiswahili na Kiingereza.
 
Kiranga,
Kitabu kinauzwa maduka ya Ibn Hazm Media Centre Msikiti wa Mtoro, Msikiti wa Manyema na Msikiti wa Mtambani bei shs: 10,000.00 tu.

Kipo kwa Kiswahili na Kiingereza.
Peleka na bookshops za kawaida hata zile za wakatoliki. Au nini mbaya
 
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