Kumbukumbu za Komredi Ali Sultan Issa, al-maaruf ''Shetani''

Kumbukumbu za Komredi Ali Sultan Issa, al-maaruf ''Shetani''

bagamoyo

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April 28, 2011

HIZI NI KUMBUKUMBU ZA ALI SHETANI AMBAYE ALIKUWA NI KOMRED AU (UMMA PARTY)

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Ramadhan MadafuI am not worried about “kibuki” because I may be an even more powerful shetani. In the streets, people sometimes even call me “Ali Shetani” as a joke.

Ali Sultan Issa
Jina la Ali Shetani sikuanza mimi hapa. Hili ni jina analojisifu mwenyewe katika kumbukumbu zake alizo andika kwenye kitabu chake kilicho toka hivi karibuni. “Race, Revolution and Struggle for Human Rights in Zanzibar – The Memoirs of Ali Sultan Issa and Seif Sharif Hamad” (page 162).

Hapa nitakipitia kitabu hichi muhimu katika historia ya visiwa vyetu vipenzi vya Unguja na Pemba. Humu katika kitabu hichi tunapata kuwajua makomred, wafuasi wa Umma Party iliyo ongozwa na Ali Sultan pamoja na Abdulrahman Babu. Humu tunaupata ukweli wao kwa ulimi wa kiongozi wao mkubwa kabisa. Sio kwa kuzuliwa na Mahizbu, Ma-ZPP, Ma-afro au Ma-youth-league. Humu tunapata kujua tabia za makomred kwa wanavo taka wenyewe tujuwe.

Ali Shetani ndie kiongozi hasa wa makomred.
Babu ni wapili katika chama hichi. Ali anatueleza kwamba alipofika London, Uingereza August 1953, hakuchukua muda kuingia chama cha kikoministi, May Day 1954 (Page 50). Wakati huo Abdulrahman Babu akijiona yeye ni anarchist, (page 49). Ali Shetani anatuambia kua yeye ni Mzanzibari wa kwanza kwenda Moscow 1957, (page 54).

Shetani kafukuzwa kutoka ZNP kwa sababu ya kuponda viongozi wa chama chake. Anatueleza kwamba alipokua Babu yuko jela, Ali Sultan ameanzisha mpango wa kuunda chama cha tatu. Alizungumza na vijana, wafanyakazi, makomred wenziwe ndani ya ZNP na baadhi ya viongozi wa ASP walio soma Urusi kama Hassan Moyo, Twala, na Kassim Hanga. Anatuambia kwamba: “sikuwa na niya ya kufanya lolote bila ya Babu kukubali, lakini tulitaka akitoka jela akute mambo yote yamekwisha bila yakuweza kuyahoji au kuyageuza (fait accompli)” (page 77).

Alipotoka Babu jela, Shetani anatuambia: “hapo hapo nilimtilia nguvu Babu atoke ZNP”. Babu akasema: ”Wacha kwanza tujenge umoja na masikilizano na tukurejeshe kwenye chama”. Anaendelea Komred Ali Sultan kusema: “Babu alitaka kusikilizana mpaka siku ya mwisho”.
Nani Ali Sultan Issa?Kwa vipimo vyetu vya visiwani na kwa murwa wetu wa Kiislamu au hata wa Kibinadamu huyu kiongozi wa makomred simtu wa maana. Bora tumuachie mwenywe atueleze.

Mama yake malaya: Tumsikilize Ali Sultan kuhusu mama yake mzazi: “Sijui vipi mama yangu akiweza kutulisha. Inaweza kuwa akipata pesa kwa wanaume wake.”, ( page 37). Naam huyu ni mama yake mzazi. Anamsifu kuwa alikuwa ana wanaume wake ambao wakimlipa pesa huyo mama kwa huduma zake.

Mlevi: Komred Shetani anatuelezea kuwa alipokuwa chini wa umri wa miaka 13 mama yake akimchukua huyu mtoto kwa mjomba wake na akimpa vinibu vya brandy au wisky na chochote kile kiliopo. Baadae alipotimia miaka 13 akaanza kulewa mwenyewe kwa kunya tembo la mnazi, (page 39). Ameendelea na ulevi mpaka hii leo.

Anakula nguruwe: Anasema Komred: “Nilipokua Cuba mara ya pili, nilialikwa kwenye karamu ya rasmi, ghafla akafika Fidel Castro. Nilikua nimeshika sahani ya mhogo na nguruwe, yeye (Castro) akaja, akacheka na mie, akaniambia ‘Yukko con poyo’, maana yake mhogo na nguruwe.”, (page 77).

Hamhishimu baba yake: Baba yake Ali Sultan alikataa kumposea mke. Anaelezea kuhusu mkewe wa mwanzo: “Baba yake (Amour Zahor) na mimi tulikua sote memba wa halmashauri kuu ya ZNP. Yeye alikua Unguja na mimi nilikua Pemba. Nimesikia baadae hakunikubali kuoa mwanawe kwajili mie siamini dini.”, (page 57). Anaendelea: “Baadae viongozi wa chama wamekuja kutupatanisha mie na baba yangu. Wamesema nae kwanza na baadae wakanijia mie. Wamenitaka nimuangukie miguu na nimtake radhi. Nikakataa, nikawaambia yeye ndie mkosa, kwa hivyo yeye (baba yangu) ndiye aniangukie miguu na anitake radhi”, (page 58).

Anachukua wake za watu: Anaelezea alipo mchukua mke wa mwenziwe alie fungwa baada ya mapinduzi, akamkodia nyumba: “Niliita nyumba yake “makimbilio” kwani huko ni pahali ninakokwenda jificha. Ni pahali pakuzini”. Alipotoka mumewe jela Shetani alimuambia: “Nilikuwekea mkeo ulipo kua hupo, sasa huyu hapa. Ninakurejeshea mwenyewe”, (page 102). “Pia nilikuwa nina nyumba yangu maksudi ya kuzinia”, (page 120)

Mvuta bangi: Ali Shetani kaanza kuvuta bangi tokea mtoto wa miaka13. Anaelezea: “Nilipokua waziri, kuvuta bangi asubuhi kukinipa nguvu na uwezo wa kufikiri. Nikitaka kuandika kitu, ninavuta bangi, hapo fikra zinakuja”, (page 118)

Jasusi: Alipokuwa katika ZNP alipelekwa Misri kufungua ofisi ya ZNP Cairo. Huko Cairo alitengeneza maandamano alipo uliwa Petrice Lumumba. Wakaingia ubalozi ya Belgiji. Huko Waliiba makaratasi ya siri ya ubalozi, akawapa makaratasi hayo Marusi, Machina na Machekoslovakia. Ama Wamisri walipewa matakataka tu. (page 67-68).

Baada ya mapinduzi, Abeid Karume alijuwa uhodari wake Komred Shetani wa ujasusi, akampleka ubalozi wa Zanzibar London kufanya kazi chini ya Othman Shariff. Kazi yake huko ilikua “kumchungua (Othman) kila anachofanya”, (page 97). Tunajua Julius Nyerere na Karume wameshirikiana kumuuwa Othman Shariff, (page 129), na Komred Ali ndie alie ripoti kila alichokuwa akifanya huko London. Pia tunajua Nyerere na Karume wameshirikiana kumuuwa Hanga na Twala (page 130-131), na makomred walimuandama Hanga na Twala kwa muda mrefu kabla ya mapinduzi (page 77). Je! makomred wameshirikiana vipi kuwadhulumu vijana hawa? Tunangojea makomred wengine waungame.

Na mengineo: Anatuelezea mwenyewe Komred Ali alipo onana na Frank Carlucci huko Pemba. Carlucci alikuweko Kongo alipo uliwa Lumuba, baadae akaletwa na CIA Zanzibar siku za mapinduzi. Mwisho akawa mshauri wa Rais Regan kwa mambo ya usalama kisha akawa waziri wa ulinzi, Marekani. Baada ya mazungumzo marefu baina ya Shetani na mjumbe wa CIA anasema Shetani: “Mpaka hapo tumekwisha imaliza liter kasrobo ya Wisky tokakubaliana tukhitalifiane. Kwa bahati nzuri, mke wangu alkwenda mbali kuhudhria mkutano, kwa hivyo nikamuambia (Carlucci) tulale pamoja kitandani.” (page 96).

Ali Shetani kaanza Pemba“Nimekaa Pemba chini ya miezi miwili, na sikumbuki kufanya jambo lolote la kujuta hii leo. Nitafanya yale yale kwa njia ile ile hii leo.”, Ali Sultan Issa (page 93). Abeid Karume alimpeleka Shetani Pemba baada ya mauwaji ya Unguja. Anaelezea Komred Ali Sultan kwamba Wahindi na Warabu waliotaka kuhama Pemba kukimbilia Kenya au Tanganyika ilibidi wanyakanywe dhahabu zao. “Hatukutaka kitu chochote kengine, dhahabu na mapambo (jewelry) tu.”, (page 90)

Akaanza Komred Shetani kupiga watu viboko. Anaeleza: “Badala yakutia watu jela, kila mkosa akipigwa viboko halafu anaachiliwa…. Niliona hivi ni bora kuliko kuwatia jela……Basi nikikaa kitini markiti, nikawa nagawa adhabu. Tukiwapiga watu viboko hadharani, ili watu wote waone, ili washike adabu zao.”, (page91)

“Sikupenda kulazimisha watu kazi, lakini kazi kwa hiari pamoja na kuwapa moyo”. “Baadhi ya wakati ninachukua fimbo njiani ninafukuza yoyote asiefanya kazi, na asiejenga nchi”. “Kwanza ninazungumza nao na ninajaribu kwahamasisha kwa maneno. Lakin baadae sisiti kuwapiga watu viboko nikiwaona wamekaa wakati wa kazi.”, (page 95)

Makomred na Mali ya Watu Ali Sultan alikua mkubwa wa halmashauri ya kutaifisha majumba. anajisifu kunyang’anya majumba ya watu wa Mjini Unguja. “Katika miezi minne na nusu niliotumikia halmashauri hii tumenyang’anya majumba mamiya. Aghlabu ya nyumba za mawe Mjini tumezinyang’anya”, (page 101). “Kwa kuondoka Warabu na Wahindi walibakia Mjini watu wachache sana ambao wakiishi huko kabla ya mapinduzi, labda kumi katika asili miya.. Walivo ondoka wote hao, majumba mengi Mjini yakawa matupu na yanaporomoka. Mjini kukawa kama msitu, yoyote anaweza kujificha akitaka.” (page 125).

Baada ya kunyang’anya watu majumba, mashamba, mali na maduka yao nini wamefanya makomred? Shetani hakuacha kutuelezea: “Tulipo maliza kujenga nyumba yetu nzuri Migombani baharini, kusini ya mji wa Zanzibar. Maria (mkewe wa pili) na mie tumeipanga wenyewe nyumba yenye veranda na mandhari nzuri ya bahari.

Nyumba ina njia ya miguu kuteremkia mpaka mchanga wa pwani. Tulikuwa na vyumba saba, vyoo viwili na garaji. Kulikuwako majiko mawili, moja ndani ya nyumba na moja nje. Kulikuweko upande wa maboy na choo chao. Sakafu ya nyumba ilikuwa ya saruji, kwa hivyo tukiwa na sherehe tunawakiribisha wageni huko. Juu tulikua na chumba changu cha kusomea, pahala pa kuweka mabuku, kijiko kidogo, na bar. …..Nje barabarani nimeweka bao kuwaambia kila apitae ‘Azimio la Mapinduzi’, kwani nilihisi kujenga nyumba kama hii ndio makusudio ya mapinduzi.” (page 121)

Ali Sultan alichukua eka tatu meli nane kaskazi ya Mjini, na eka tisa Machui, (page 128). Baadae kachukua eka 27 Chuini kajengea hoteli yake (page 154).

Maisha ya Kikomred
“ Tulikuwa wana wa mapinduzi na nilazima tujitolee mhanga baadhi ya raha zetu”,

Ali Sultan Issa (page 118).
Ali Shetani, mkubwa wa makomred na koministi wa kwanza Zanzibar anatueleza vipi maisha yake: “Natumia kiasi dola 60 kwa sigara na Dola 180 kila mwezi kwa ulevi. Pia ninawaajiri maboy wawili na mayaya wawili kunichungia kibanda changu Chuini au kupika na kusafisha nyumba. Kwa pamoja, wote wanne wanapata Dola 75.” (page 163).

Huyu ndie Komred mkubwa, mpiganiyaji wa haki za wafanya kazi na wakulima na wanyonge. Anatumia pesa zaidi ya mara tatu kwa sigara zake na ulevi wake kuliko mishahara wa watu wanne wanao mtumikia.
“Nilpokuwa waziri, maisha yangu binafsi yalikuwa bora sana kuliko watu wa dasturi.

Mshahara wa kuanzia mwalimu wa serekali ulikua shilingi mia tatu kwa mwezi. Mimi nikipokea shilingi elfu tatu……pamoja na gari, dereva, petroli, kodi ya nyumba, maji, taa na telefoni bure.” (page 119).

“Karibu ya nyumbani ulikuweko mti wa Mabanyani mkubwa, mpaka leo upo. Mtoto wa Kiarabu wa kiasi miaka kumi akiuparamia mti mpaka chini ya dirisha la chumba cha wanangu. Akikaa kwenye mti akiwachokoza na kufanya mzaha na wanangu, mpaka siku moja nimechoka nae nikaamrisha polisi wamkamate na wamtupe jela. Kwa hakika polisi wamechukua hatua mahususi kwa sibabu nilikua waziri. Baada ya kiasi wiki moja, mama yake kanijia akaniomba nimtoe jela. Nikamtoa. Siku zile sisi mawaziri tukiweza kumkamata na kumfunga yoyote tunaye mtaka…tulikuwa na nguvu hata ya kuuwa.”, (page 120-121)

Hata mwanaharamu wake akimuogopa na akimkibia: “Alikua ni mwanangu mwanamume wa kwanza. Ninapo kwenda kwao, mwanzo akinikimbia kwa sibabu nilikua waziri na kila mtu akiniogopa.” (page 122)

Makomred na ilimu
“The standard of education went down, and the single person most responsible for this deterioration was Ali Sultan Issa.” Seif Sharif Hamad (page 195)
Ali Sultan kiongozi wa makomred alikamata kwa muda wa miaka minne wizara ya ilimu ya Zanzibar baada ya mapinduzi. Bora tumuachilie mwenyewe atuelezee aliyo yafanya.

Kata mishahara ya walimu: Komred Ali Shetani amekata mishahara ya walimu kutoka shilingi mia sita mpaka mia tatu. Anasema: “Baada ya kupunguza mishahara, mwalimu Zanzibar akipata mshahara sawa sawa na askari wa polisi au mwanajeshi.” (page 110).

Fukuza walimu: “Wale walimu wasiokubaliana na siasa yetu wemetokelea mbali. Wale waliobaki hawakusema chochote kwa sibabu wakiogopa” (page 110)

Mafunzo ya Kiislamu: Shetani anasema: “Mafunzo ya Kiislamu Zanzibar yameanguka chini baada ya mapinduzi, kwa sababu mashekhe wengi wameacha nchi. Sisi makomred tumeona hili ni jambo zuri. Visiwa vyote hivi vilikua Waislamu. Wanataka nini tena? Badili ya mashekhe kuja huku, nawende kwengineko kwenye watu wanaotaka kusilimishwa.” (page111)

Ushahidi wa Seif Sharif: Seif Sharif kamaliza masomo yake ya form six Unguja Novemba, 1963. Januari 1964 nchi imepinduliwa. Kufika March 1964 Seif kawa Maalim Seif. Baada ya miezi minne kumaliza skuli, amefanywa mwalimu kusomesha mambo manne kwenye ile ile skuli aliyosoma. (page 194)
“Idadi ya wanafunzi imezidi kwenye klasi kutoka ishrini na tano kufika mpaka wanafunzi thamanini.” (page 195)
Serekali ya makomred imeleta walimu kutoka Urusi na Jarmani ya Mashariki. Wengi wao walikua hawajui Kingereza vizuri. Wanafunzi hawafahamu kitu kwao. (page 195)
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Makomred ni majoga na mabarakala (Opportunists)“I cannot compromise with opportunism, for he who compromises with opportunism is bound to be an opportunist himself.” Ali Sultan Issa (page 75)

Kwanza tumsikilize Komred anasema nini juu ya wale madhlumu walio nyang’anywa mali yao na wakafukuzwa majumbani mwao: “Wale waliobakia hawakuweza kufanya chochote. Imewabidi wasalim-amri, au tulijua wapi pakuwapeleka. Hawakuweza kusema ‘nyo’. Wote walikua majoga, na hatukupata upinzani wa kunyang’anya. Nani atathubutu?”, (page 101).

Sasa tumsikilize anasemaje juu ya makomred? “Kwa miaka yote baada ya mapinduzi, ilitubidi tukae na hadhari; ilibidi tuangalie tunakwenda wapi, tunaonana na nani, na tunasema nini. Ilibidi tufikiri kabla hatujasema. Tukijua watu wanapotea; hapana asiejua kwamba watu wa dasturi wakituhumiwa kutaka kupinduwa serekali na wakiuwawa. Watu wakipotea na hawaonekani tena.Kila siku zikipita mambo yakizidi kuharibika.
Kwa hakika, mtu akiwa mwenye itikadi basi maisha zama za Karume yalikua mazuri sana.” (page 127).

Mistari ya watu kujipanga kununua chakula ilijaa nchini. Shetani anasimulia: “Siku moja tukiendesha gari (pamoja na mkewe wa Kizungu) tukaona watu wamejipanga mstari, na ijapokuwa tulikua sisi wawili tu ndani ya gari, nimemuambia: Ssshhh! Mzee atasikia!” (page 128).
Komred anasema: “Hatukutaka kumkosoa Karume- kwani yeye alikua ndie bwana mkubwa” (page 129).

Makomred na Wazee Wao
Tukuimchukulia Komred Ali Sultan kwakua ni kiongozi wa mbele kabisa wa makomred, tutapata kujua watu hawa vipi.
Mama yake: Tumekwisha ona huko mbele alipomsifu mama yake kua ni malaya. Akilipwa pesa na wanaume wake.
Baba yake: Pia huko mwanzo tumeona heshima yake kwa baba yake alipo ombwa na wazee wa chama cha ZNP kumtaka radhi baba yake, akakataa. Na akamtaka baba yake amshike yeye miguu na amuombe radhi.
Ami yake: Huyu ami yake ameuliwa Mfenesini, Unguja siku za mapinduzi. Komred Ali Shetani anatoa sababu ya kuuliwa huyu shahid: “Lazima aliishi vibaya na watu wa jirani yake”, (page 88)
Mkwe wake: Huyu ni shahid mwengine alie uliwa kwa dhulma ya bure. Lakini bora atusimlie Komred wetu hadithi yake: “Mkwe wangu, Amour Zahor, ameuliwa pamoja na kikundi cha watu walio tuhumiwa kuwa ni maadui wa mapinduzi. Watuhumiwa hawa hawakupelekwa kortini. Nimesikia yeye na wenziwe wamechukuliwa tu pahali na wakapigwa risasi. Risasi haikumuuwa, kwa hivyo mkwe wangu akaomba amalizwe. Badili yake, wauwaji wake wamemfukia nae bado yuhai pamoja na wenziwe. Alikua kibaraka, kwa hivyo kuuliwa kwake hakunishitua au kunipunguza kasi”, (page 100-101)

Makomred si Wafrika na wanadharau WaafrikaBaada ya kuuliwa Karume, Shetani hakujua bado nani wala nini limetokea. Akamuambia mwenziwe: “Ikiwa mmoja katika makomred kafanya kitendo hichi, basi tumo mashakani, na sote tutakufa. Hasa ikiwa wamempiga Karume, na Karume hajafa, sote tutauliwa. Lakini ikiwa Waafrika wamefanya haya wenyewe kwa wenyewe, basi tutakuwa hatuna matata.”, (page 133).
Anafakhari na mwanawe wakiume akisoma Uengerza kuwa “kapigana na mtoto wa kiume aliemwita ‘Muafrika’ ”, (page 146).
“Pia kutengenza na kuhifadhi miundombinu haijapata kuwashughulisha watu wajinga waliotoka misituni”, (page 128)

Makomred wamemuuwa KarumeMakomred wameshirikiana na Karume kwa kila hatua alizo zifanya tokea mwezi 12 Januari 1964 mpaka mwezi wa Februari 1972. Kheri, na shari wao wamebeba dhambi pamoja nae. Kuuwa, kufunga watu, kuharibu uchumi, afiya, ilimu, adabu na hishma. Kunyang’anya mali watu, kupiga watu viboko, kuwagawa watu na kupiga vita kabila mbali mbali, Warabu, Wahindi, Wangazija, Magoa, Mabahrani na hata Washirazi pia.

Abeid Karume na Julius Nyerere walipowafukuza makomred hapo mwezi wa Februari 1972, ndipo Babu na wafuasi wake wakafanya mpango wa kumuuwa Karume mwezi 7 April 1972, baada ya kufukuzwa kwa mwezi mmoja na nusu tu. Halafu wakamsingizia Humoud Mohamed Barwani kuwa yeye kafanya kitendo hicho ili kulipiza kisasi cha baba yake. Sikweli. Ali Sultan anatuambia kuwa Babu amefanya mpango kumuuwa Karume, akafika mpaka ufukoni wa Unguja, halafu akarudi Dar-es-Salaam, bila ya sababu inayojulikana. Hapo wafuasi wake Zanzibar wakakata shauri ya kuendelea na mpango wao wa kumuuwa Karume. (page 136-137)

Anasema nini?
Ali Sultan anatuambia kua “mapinduzi hayakuwa mauwaji ya halaiki (genocide)”, (page 86), halafu anatuambia kwamba “kiasi ya theluthi ya Warabu wa Unguja wameuliwa au wamefukuzwa nchi.” (page 87).
Anasema: “Ninaweza kusema Seif Bakari alikuwa gozi mbaguzi, kwa sibabu hajapata kuowa mwanamke wa Kiarabu. Ambao ndio ulikuwa mtindo wa siku zile”, (page 126)
Anatuambia: “Ilinibidi kuweka benki (pesa za kigeni) na nizigeuze shilingi za Tanzania. Ambapo wageni hapa wakipata wanawake wetu wote kwa sibabu wanazo dola. Nchi gani hii? Ilikuwa ni upumbavu kuishi kwenye hali kama hii. Hiyo ilikuwa ni sababu moja ya mimi kutaka kupigania mabadiliko ya katiba.”, (page 150)

Baada ya kutoka jela mwaka 1979 kenda Uengereza akakutana na makomred wenziwe. Wakazungumza haja ya katiba mpya. Anasema: “Tunataka demokrasia na kusitisha hukumu kwa dikrii. Tunataka kufungua biashara ili watu wapate vitu waweze kuishi. Serekali lazima iachie uchumi mchanganyiko…. Kwani hata Uchina ina uchumi wa mchanganyiko hivi sasa” (page 151). Halafu Komred anatuambia: “Ni makosa ya Marekani, wliotujaza vichwani mwetu fikra za soko huru, ubepari na demokrasia” (page 166).

Komred Shetani anasema: “Kwa hakika, Seif Bakari na watu wa Youth League ndio takriban sababu ya maovu yote yalio tokea baada ya mapinduzi”, (page 126). Huyu Komred anatuambia nini hapa? Alikuwa wapi yeye na makomred wenziwe tokea siku ya mapinduzi mpake wiki sita kabla ya kuuliwa Karume? Huyu Komred pamoja na makomred wenziwe wameshirikiana na mapinduzi kwa muda wa zaidi ya miaka minane, halafu anamsingizia Seif Bakari. Je! Alikua amekwisha vuta bangi yake aliposema haya?

Source: “Race, Revolution and Struggle for Human Rights in Zanzibar – The Memoirs of Ali Sultan Issa and Seif Sharif Hamad”
Source: FREE ZANZIBAR PEOPLE FROM MKOLONI MWEUSI: HIZI NI KUMBUKUMBU ZA ALI SHETANI AMBAYE ALIKUWA NI KOMRED AU(( UMMA PART))
 
Historia nzuri, ila ukomunisti uliharibu fikra za wengi badala ya kuzijenga
 
Historia ya Zanzibar na mapinduzi huwa inabadilika sana kutegemea nani anaiandika.

Ila kitu kimoja ambacho serikali hataki kukubali ni kuwa palikuwa na mauaji makubwa ya Waarabu na Wahindi
 
Haya yanayoendelea hivi sasa nani wa kulaumiwa ??? au ndio mzimu wa mashetani unafanya kazi ??
 
UMMA party makomredi wao kimataifa

View attachment 2335487
Bagamoyo,
Nilikutana na Ali Sultan uso kwa macho kwa mara ya kwanza jioni moja nyumbani kwa Balozi Abbas Sykes Sea View akiwa na Balozi Abdallah Suedi.

Abbas Sykes akaniuliza kama namfahamu Ali Sultan.
Hakumtaja jina ila alinionyesha kwa kidole.

Nikajibu kuwa simfahamu.

Balozi Sued akaniambia katika njia ya maskhara kuwa Ali Sultan yeye mtu maarufu atakasirika kwa mimi kusema simfahamu.

Nikasema kuwa namfahamu kwa umaarufu wake ila hatufahamiani kwa yeye kunijua mimi.

Balozi Sykes akanitambulisha kwake.

Balozi Suedi akasema, ''Mimi namkumbuka Ali Sultan tulipokwenda Zanzibar baada ya kuuliwa Karume.

Ali Sultan alikuwa anatembea kavaa bastola kiunoni.''
Ali Sultan akacheka sana na sote tukacheka.''

Ali Sultan akasema, ''Hayo yamepita sasa namwelekea Allah.''

Nimeona katika video hiyo baadhi ya watu ambao nimepata katika shughuli za maisha kuzungumzanao.

Ngoja niweke picha zao na maelezo kidogo.
 
Wednesday, November 2, 2011

AHMED BADAWI QULLATEIN - A TRIBUTE​


Badawi Qullatein
Comrade Ahmed Badawi Qullatein one of the founding members of the Marxist Umma Party of Zanzibar and a close colleague of late Abdulrahman Babu has passed away while on pilgrimage in Mecca.

Badawi born around 1930 started his radical political career in the mid 1950s as a trade union activist in the Zanzibar and Pemba Federation of Labour (ZPFL). Even before articulating trade unionism i.e from 1950 to 1954 he was an active member of the Zanzibar Club which was started by Zanzibar graduates of Makerere and UK universities.

Most of the members of the Zanzibar Club had joined The Communist Party of Great Britain while being students in the UK in the late forties and early fifties.They include the late Dr Ahmed Rashid who knew Mwalimu Nyerere at Edinburg, late Dr Idarus Baalawy and others.

Even non-intellectual Zanzibaries who landed in the UK as seamen also joined the British Communist movement in those days.The notable thing is that literally every single one of them was received in Zanzibar when they returned by Ahmed Badawy.He made sure he was at the baggage room of the docks or airport to embrace them.

Badawi left ZPFL after serious rifts emerged within its leadership in 1960 and started the Allied Maritime and Dock Workers Union which together with other newly launched unions that had also broken away from the ZPFL formed The Federation of Progressive Trade Unions(FPTU).The federation started publishing newsletters, bulletins and two weekly newspapers-Kibarua and its English sister publication Worker.

Badawi was appointed their editor and the two papers became the ferment of working class struggles and consciousness in the isles.Meanwhile another ex-British Communist Party member Khamis Abdulla Amer became the Secretary General of the FPTU.(Khamis was appointed member of the Revolutionry Council after the Zanzibar Revolution of 1964)

It may be recalled that FPTU leadership forged close links with revolutionary Cuba as early as 1961 such that Zanzibaries were already in Cuba during the CIA inspired Playa Giron invasion in April of that year.They offered to enlist to defend the Cuban Revolutin.Fidel,Che and Raul appreciated the Zanzibari's move and solidarity which set the stage for the FPTU to send a bigger group of Zanzibaries for full military and cadre training in the subsequent year of 1962 History seemed to repeat itself when the US threatened to invade Cuba during the October Crisis of 1962 and the Zanzibaries were there again offering to confront US aggression thousands of kilometers away from their home in Zanzibar.

That is the reason why Che came to the isles in 1965 on his way to the then Congo and he met the ex-FPTU and Umma Party militants during his one week stay at Migombani lodge in Zanzibar.It was a moving moment indeed! One Cuban trained 1962 veteran Comrade Ali Bafaqih narrated to me that historic all night meeting with Che puffing his big cigar while engaged in lively discussion on the prospects of the African liberation struggle with the "Comrades"present who included Babu, Badawy,Foum, Ali Mahfoudh and others. Che was then already a staunch Pan-Africanist.

Upon their return fom Cuba FPTU leadership activists managed to smuggle a few pistols into the isles.Badawi possesed one Makarov and so did Ali Sultan who had a Browning.Rumours spread and authorities became jittery whereby the Umma Party was proscribed in December of 1963 while plans were in full gear to arrest and prosecute Abdulrahman Babu for subversion and treason.It is now known that some extremist rightwing members of the Ancien regime advocated the killing of the leader of the Umma Party.

It was Badawi among the echolons of Umma group who prevailed on the intrasigent Babu to immediately leave the isles and seek refuge in Daresalam.Badawi then liaised with late Saleh Sadalla and Twala who assisted to provide an outrigger canoe which was used by Babu to secretly flee across the channel to Dar.

Badawi escorted Babu to Fumba fishing village in southwest Zanzibar from where he departed accompanied on the canoe by Ali Mahfoudh to whom Badawi gave a pistol to protect Babu on the way just in case.(Narrations that Babu left from Kizingo beach in Zbar town attributed to the recently published book by Ghassani are not correct.Indeed the man who drove Babu with Badawi is still living in Daresalam)

Badawi was the first leader of the Umma Party to be approached by some members of what was to be known subsequently as the Commitee of 14 who organised the 1964 Revolution and was duly informed of the impending uprising whereupon he informed Babu and the entire Umma leadership to get prepared for the eventuality.

It is pertinent to mention here that the Umma group was informed even before late mzee Abeid Karume and other political leaders of the ASP got the information with the exception of late mzee Saleh Sadalla, Kassim Hanga and Abdulaziz Twala who were privy to the preparations of the Revolution.

Badawi was also the first person to draft the telegrams that were sent to global leaders seeking their recognition of the Zanzibar Revolutionary Government.He also instructed Umma militants to guard their neighbourhoods and families from roaming criminal bands of lumpens who saw the revolution as a racial anti-Arab orgy.

Actually the intervention of Umma militants who were themselves multiracial minimised and diminished the scale of bloodletting visited upon both the Arab minority and the black followers of the overthrown regime.

Badawi was appointed the first Director of Information and Broadcasting after the Revolution and subsequently promoted to the post of Junior Minister of Works Ministry until arrested in 1972 following the assasination of mzee Abeid Karume.

He was subjected to severe physical abuse and egregeous torture as well as sentenced to death.However he was set free in 1978 together with Babu and other comrades. May his soul rest in peace!

Source: AHMED BADAWI QULLATEIN - A TRIBUTE
 

BOOK REVIEW: A Life of a Revolutionary Loyalist​


Video courtesy of Mohamed Said

Khamis Abdallah Ameir’s Maisha Yangu is a riveting account of a life that had gone through many vicissitudes but which will remain defined by its participation in the Zanzibar revolution.

Ahmed Rajab18 June 202216 min
Khamis Abdallah Ameir, who turned 92 on May 1, 2022, is the only surviving member of the initial Zanzibar Revolutionary Council which was formed immediately after the isles’ January 12, 1964 revolution.

Ameir was appointed to the council as a trade unionist leader who was also a founding member of the Marxist Umma Party, which was a junior partner in the revolution. The revolution itself was the handiwork of elements, mostly lumpen, of the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) Youth League.

Ameir served on the dreaded Revolutionary Council for eight years until April 1972, when he was arrested in the wake of the assassination of Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume, the first president of the People’s Republic of Zanzibar and Tanzania’s First Vice-President.

He, along with his fellow accused, mostly former members or sympathisers of the Umma Party, was tried in a marathon trial which had all the hallmarks of a Kafkaesque setting. It was the world’s first trial in which the prosecution also acted on behalf of the defendants. Ameir with a number of his co-accused were initially sentenced to death but their sentence was progressively reduced to prison terms.

photo_2022-06-18_17-08-07-640x480.jpg

The reviewer with Khamis Abdulla Ameir (right) at the Africa Union-sponsored dialogue on Pan-Africanism and Renaissance, Addis Ababa, May 2013. PHOTO | COURTESY

In Maisha Yangu: Miaka Minane Ndani ya Baraza la Mapinduzi — Khaini au Mhanga wa Mapinduzi, his book launched on June 18, 2022, in Zanzibar, Ameir has written a tome which refuses to be compressed under one category. The title of the book translates to My Life: Eight years in the Revolutionary Council — A traitor or a sacrificial lamb? in English.

The 593-page book is, in fact, a composite of genres: part travelogue, part memoir (both haunting and poignant), part history and part a re-evaluation of the roles played by the various actors in the revolution.
Curiously, despite the contrasting genres, there is no narrative tension between the personal and the political. The narrative voice that emerges out of this door stopper of a book is that of honesty, integrity and fair play. It is a voice imbued with moral values, de-mystifying a lot of the myths of the Zanzibar Revolution.

Reflection on the Zanzibar revolution
In this important sense, the writing functions as Ameir’s reflection on the revolution and its aftermath. It gives praise where praise is due and exposes the gangsterism, as well as the iniquitous politics of the revolutionary council. No political party, including Ameir’s own Umma Party, or major political leader, pre-or post-revolution, is spared.

In another sense, the book, published by Buluu Publishing, in Champs-Élysées, Paris, France is a pointer to the dynamics, cultural and political, which have distorted the interpretation of the revolution. Ameir’s contribution to its re-interpretation helps in demythologizing it as an ideological instrument.

Ameir traces his personal and political trajectories beginning with his youthful escapades in the Zanzibar of the late 1940s, and ending with his time in Zanzibar’s then notorious jail as a condemned traitor. His jail experience leads him to ask the pertinent question in the book’s subtitle of whether he was a traitor or a sacrificial lamb of the revolution.

No doubt, to Ameir the revolution heralded hope for a progressive, equitable society but he laments that it quickly degenerated into a catastrophe. He portrays it as a grandiose spectacle.

At times it was nothing but a thieving enterprise, at times a farce full of laughable absurdities but for most of the time, it was a humiliating experience for those visited by the brutalities of the new regime. Despite all that, Ameir remained critically loyal to the revolution.

A quintessential Zanzibari, Ameir is a product of two Omani clans (al Hinai and Mazrui) and an African one from Nyasaland, present-day Malawi. The crisscrossing of his intra-Arab clan connections (even beyond the Hinai and the Mazrui) and the extension to his African tribe provides an interesting case study for socio-anthropologists studying the intersection of ethnic groups in Zanzibar’s political and social spheres as it highlights the kaleidoscope that is Zanzibari society.

In his youth, Ameir wanted to see the world and seek green pastures abroad. Because of his family’s reduced circumstances, he decided to stow away on an ocean liner, then almost a national pastime for urban Zanzibari youth. After an eventful two years in Arabia, he finally reached London where he became political, embracing Marxism-Leninism and joining the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB).

In London, Ameir lived in a house opposite that of Mbiyu Koinange, who represented Jomo Kenyatta’s Kenya African Union (KAU). Ameir and other Zanzibaris, such as Seif Said Al Busaidy, found themselves playing a pan-African role in helping Koinange in his anti-colonial endeavours.

They assisted him in selling the political tracts which Koinange authored. They spent a lot of time in Koinange’s drawing-room rubbing shoulders with iconic African leaders of the time, including Sir Seretse Khama of the then Bechuanaland (present-day Botswana).

The influence of Babu

Ameir was hugely influenced by two other Zanzibari radicals, Abdulrahman Babu and Ali Sultan Issa who was already a member of the CPGB. Then Babu, a pan-Africanist, espoused anarchism as his political philosophy before he took to Marxism. Both Issa and Babu were also active in the anti-colonial struggle and were familiar figures in African political circles.

It was not surprising that Babu, a perceptive thinker, with his charismatic flair and intellectual stamina, would emerge as their natural leader. Nor was it surprising that when the trio eventually returned to Zanzibar and immersed themselves in the struggle for the isles’ independence, the radicals joined hands with another home-baked Marxist Ahmed Badawi Qullatein to spearhead Zanzibar’s pro-independence progressive wing.

Unlike Babu, Issa and Qullatein who were active in the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP), Ameir refused to join any of the main political parties, neither the ZNP nor the ASP. He devoted his energies to the trade union movement until when the Marxists within the ZNP broke with their party.

He became a founding member (with Babu, Issa and Qullatein) of the Umma Party, arguably the first fully-fledged Marxist-Leninist party in East Africa. The Zanzibar Communist Party, which died in its infancy, preceded it by a few months but lacked the organizational structure of a party.

A true Marxist

While in London, Ameir fell in love with, and married, a nurse, Sergut, whose family came from the Ethiopian feudal class with strong connections to Emperor Haile Selassie. They had one issue, Samira.

Ameir took care of her singlehandedly when she was three years old after her mother was summoned to join Haile Selassie’s medical staff when the Emperor was in London on his way to Washington. Six months later, Ameir took Samira to Ethiopia so they could join her mother.

As he allows us to peer into his first marriage, Ameir portrays a relationship that ricocheted between unadulterated love for his wife and a visceral loathing for the social class to which she belonged. His in-laws tried very hard to convince him to start a new life in Ethiopia with a promise of a lucrative job.

But, an ardent Marxist that he was, he refused to countenance such an existence which depended largely on nepotism and the largesse of his feudal in-laws. In the end, the marriage could not withstand such emotional strains and Ameir decided to return to Zanzibar where he made his mark in trade union activism, rising to the post of secretary-general of the Federation of Progressive Trade Unions (FPTU).

It was also in Zanzibar where he contracted his second marriage to a local girl which resulted in two daughters and a son. Ameir was also a natural father to another daughter.

Ameir’s Maisha Yangu is a riveting account of a life that had gone through many vicissitudes but which will remain defined by its participation in the Zanzibar revolution.

It was, by any standard, a sobering experience.

Source : BOOK REVIEW: A Life of a Revolutionary Loyalist - The Chanzo Initiative
 
November 3, 2011 ·

BADAWI QULLATEIN, MTETEZI WA WANYONGE (11 OKTOBA 1930 – 31 OKTOBA 2011)​



Badawi Qullatein zama za uhai wake

Na Ahmed Rajab

BADAWI Qullatein aliyefariki dunia Makkah Jumatatu asubuhi akiwa na umri wa miaka 81 alikuwa ni mtu wa vipaji vingi: mpigania haki za wafanya kazi, mwanamapinduzi, mhariri wa magazeti na mcha Mungu. Alikuwa mtu wa dhihaka nyingi na maskhara mengi ingawa baadhi ya nyakati akipandisha hamaki. Na ulipomwambia mbona umekasirika, akijibu: ‘Unanikasirisha, kwa nini nisikasirike? Sifa nyingine ya Badawi ilikuwa ya ukaidi.

Hata hivyo, atakumbukwa zaidi kwa jinsi alivyoutumia ujana wake kuwatetea walala hoi na kupigania haki zao. Yeye ni mfano mzuri wa mtu wa tabaka la wenye kujiweza aliyejitolea kuwapigania wasiojiweza. Hivyo ndivyo walivyokuwa wengi wa wafuasi wa Abdulrahman Babu waliojiengua kutoka chama cha Hizbu au Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) na kuanzisha chama cha Umma Party mwaka 1963.

Wengine watamkumbuka Badawi kwa mchango wake katika Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar ya mwaka 1964. Akiwa mmoja wa viongozi wakuu wa Umma, Badawi alikuwa na mahusiano mazuri na wanaharakati wa Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP). Kati yao walikuwa akina Seif Bakari, Hassan Nassor Moyo, Saleh Saadalla na Abdulaziz Twala, ambaye wakati mmoja akiishi pamoja naye. Wakimuamini; naye akiwaamini.

Siku moja Seif Bakari alimdokozea Badawi kwamba baada ya uhuru kutoka Uingereza watafanya fujo Unguja mjini na kutia moto majumba ya serikali. Badawi akamwambia: ‘La, lengo lisiwe kutia moto bali kuichukua serikali.’ Usiku wa manane wa kuamkia 12 Januari 1964, serikali ya Zanzibar ilipinduliwa. Miongoni mwa waliopindua walikuwa akina Seif Bakari, Yusuf Himidi, Said Washoto, Pili Khamisi, Ramadhani Haji, Said Idi Bavuai, Khamis Darweshi na Abdallah Said Natepe

Baadaye Badawi aliwaita vijana wa Umma waliokuwa wamerudi kutoka Cuba walikopata mafunzo ya mbinu za kupindua serikali wawasaidie wapinduzi. Badawi hali kadhalika ndiye aliyekaa pamoja na ‘Field Marshal’ John Okello, Twala na Jumbe na kulipanga Baraza la Mapinduzi na lile la Baraza la Mawaziri.

Badawi aliwahi kuniambia kwamba walipokuwa wanapanga nani ashike wizara gani, Okello alimwambia: ‘Ile ya Ali Muhsin mpe Babu.’ Okello ama alisahau au hakujuwa ni wizara gani aliyokuwa nayo Sheikh Ali Muhsin, aliyekuwa kiongozi wa Hizbu. Ndipo Babu akatangazwa kuwa waziri wa mambo ya nje na biashara.

Kuna baadhi ya wafuasi wa Umma waliomlaumu Badawi kwa kutofanya jitihada ya kuwaingiza makomredi zaidi kwenye Baraza la Mapinduzi. Jibu lake lilikuwa kwamba hakutaka wana-Afro wadhanie kuwa makomredi walikuwa na uchu wa madaraka.

Hivyo, mbali na katibu wake, Salim Rashid, Baraza la Mapinduzi lilikuwa na makomredi wawili tu:Abdulrahman Babu na Khamis Abdallah Ameir. Badawi mwenyewe aliteuliwa kuwa Mkurugenzi wa Idara ya Habari na Utangazaji. Moja ya hatua alizochukua ni kulibadilisha gazeti la serikali la ‘Maarifa’ liwe ‘Kweupe’. Baadaye akateuliwa waziri mdogo.

Kama wengi waliokuwa wakiyaunga mkono Mapinduzi, baadaye Badawi akisikitika kuwa mapinduzi yaliendeshwa sivyo. Nakumbuka siku moja katika miaka ya 1990 nikitembea Dar es Salaam pamoja na mwandishi Mohamed Said wa Tanga na tukasadif kukutana na Badawi njiani. Nilipokuwa ninawajulisha watu wawili hao nilimwambia Mohamed kwamba akitaka kuyaandika ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar basi amwendee Badawi.

Papohapo Badawi akasema kwa masikitiko: ‘Mapinduzi gani, ilikuwa ni wanawake tu.’ Nilishangaa na kumuuliza alikusudia nini. Alijibu kwamba Mapinduzi yalifisidika na akanitajia visa vya watu waliofungwa gerezani na waliouliwa kwa sababu baadhi ya viongozi wa Mapinduzi wakiwataka ama wake zao ama hawara zao.

Comrade Badawi, ambaye jina lake kamili lilikuwa Ahmed bin Abubakar Shibli bin Omar Qullatein alizaliwa Malindi, Unguja, ingawa nyumba ya ukoo wake na alikolelewa ni Hamamni, Mji Mkongwe, hukohuko Unguja. Ametokana na ukoo wa kisharifu. Asili ya ukoo wa Qullatein imeanzia Tarim, Hadhramaut huko Yemen ya Kusini. Ukoo huo ni tawi la kabila la Al Nadhiri la huko Tarim ingawa Maqullatein wanapatikana Afrika ya Mashariki tu

Kutoka Tarim mababu zake Badawi wakateremkia Somalia; kwanza Mogadishu na halafu Barawa na baadaye kwenye kisiwa cha Pate karibu na Lamu, Kenya, kabla ya kuishia Unguja ambako ndiko alikozaliwa babu yake, Sayyid Omar Qullatein. Bwana huyu ana umaarufu mkubwa katika historia ya tariqa ya Kisufi ya Qadiriya iliyoshamiri katika nchi nyingi za Afrika ya Mashariki.

Yeye alipewa ijaza ya kuwa khalifa yaani kiongozi wa tariqa hiyo na Sheikh Uweys bin Muhammed bin Bashir al Barawi kutoka Barawa, Somalia, aliyefika Zanzibar mnamo karne ya 19 na ambaye ndiye aliyeiasisi tariqa hiyo Afrika ya Mashariki. Tangu siku hizo hadi leo miongoni mwa makhalifa wa Qadiriya huko Zanzibar hupatikana mmoja kutoka ukoo wa Qullatein.

Huyo babu yake Badawi ndiye aliyelijenga hilo jumba la Hamamni la ukoo wao. Linaitwa Hamamni kwa sababu jumba hilo, ambalo sasa limeporomoka, limepakana na hamamu za Waajemi wa kale. Kwenye hamamu hizo waungwana wa zama hizo walikuwa wakienda kuoga, kukandwa na kusingwa.

Tunaweza, kwa kiwango fulani, kumfananisha Badawi na babu yake. Wote waliwakumbatia watu wa chini — Badawi katika medani ya kisiasa na babuye kwenye tariqa ya Qadiriya. Wala sitokosea nikisema kwamba hata huko kwenye dhikiri kulikuwa na siasa. Wafuasi wa Qadiriya walikuwa na mtandao wao ulioenea sana Tanzania Bara na kuwa kati ya wapinzani wa kwanza wa ukoloni huko.

Visiwani Zanzibar lakini hali ya mambo ilikuwa tafauti na siasa hazikuchanganywa na dhikiri za Qadiriya. Badawi alizivaa siasa licha ya kukatazwa na baba yake, Sayyid Shibli, aliyekuwa mara kwa mara akimkumbusha kwamba wao ni watu wa dini na ‘siasa si mambo yetu.’ Pingine ilikuwa rahisi kwa Badawi kuziingia siasa kwa vile Sayyid Shibli kwa muda wa miaka mingi alikuwa akifanya kazi katika eneo la Wasomali, kaskazini mwa Kenya.

Hadi leo jina la Sayyid Shibli ni maarufu sana katika eneo hilo. Alianzisha skuli Isiolo, Garissa na halafu Wajir ambako aliishi kwa miaka. Mwishomwisho wa ukaazi wake katika eneo hilo alikuwa na cheo cha Afisa wa Elimu na aliteuliwa kuwa Mjumbe wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria la Kenya. Hivyo, Badawi akimuona babake kila mwezi wa Ramadhani alipokuwa akienda Unguja.

Baada ya masomo ya sekondari huko Unguja Badawi alipata kazi ya ukarani serikalini, kwanza akiwa karani wa Forodha na baadaye wa Idara ya Kazi(PWD). Mara alijiingiza katika harakati za wafanya kazi na kuwa mmoja wa waasisi wa Shirikisho la Vyama vya Wafanya Kazi vya Kimaendeleo (FPTU). Akishirikiana na kina Ali Sultan Issa, Khamis Abdallah Ameir pamoja na Bwanakheri Musa, ambaye sasa anaishi Liverpool, Uingereza.

Lakini Badawi akifanya mambo yake chini kwa chini kwa vile alikuwa mtumishi wa serikali. Mnamo mwaka 1960 Badawi alitoroka kazini na kuelekea Ujerumani ya Mashariki ya Wakomunisti. Alibaki huko mwaka mzima akisomea uchumi na fani ya kuendesha vuguvugu la wafanya kaz

Aliporudi Zanzibar alijitumbukiza moja kwa moja katika vuguvugu la wafanyakazi. Akiwa katika uongozi wa chama cha FPTU Badawi akishirikiana sana na viongozi wa shirikisho jingine la wafanya kazi, Zanzibar and Pemba Federation of Labour (ZPFL), la chama cha ASP. Hao walikuwa pamoja na Hassan Nassor Moyo, Adam Mwakanjuki na Mohammed Mfaume.

Badawi akisifika kuwa mchapa kazi hodari na kati ya shughuli zake ilikuwa kuhariri magazeti ya ‘Kibarua’ kwa Kiswahili na ‘The Worker’ kwa Kiingereza.

Mbali na Khamis Abdalla Ameir mtu mwingine aliyekuwa na ushawishi mkubwa kwa Badawi ni Ali Sultan Issa, sahibu yake toka utotoni. Watatu hao walipokuwa kwenye kamati kuu ya Umma Party ndio waliokuwa na uwezo wa kushindana kiitikadi na mwenyekiti wao Babu. Wote wanne walikuwa wafuasi wa siasa za Kimarx za Mwenyekiti Mao wa China.

Kuna siku wafuasi wa Hizbu walipakaa kinyesi kwenye nyumba ya Badawi iliyokuwa Malindi, kwenye shina la Hizbu. Ikabidi Badawi na makomredi wenzake wahamie Miti Ulaya kulikokuwa na wafuasi wengi wa ASP. Kitimbi hicho cha kutiliwa kinyesi nyumbani kwake hakijamzuia Badawi kuandika makala ya kumsifu Sheikh Ali Muhsin alipofariki.

Baada ya kuyatumikia Mapinduzi tangu 1964 Badawi, aliyekuwa waziri mdogo, na Ali Sultani, aliyekuwa waziri, waliondoshwa kwenye nyadhifa zao tarehe 20 Februari 1972. Wakati huo Babu alikuwa amekwishatolewa kwenye uwaziri katika serikali ya Muungano na Julius Nyerere. Badawi alikuwa miongoni mwa watu waliokamatwa, takriban wote wakiwa makomredi, kufuatia kuuliwa Rais wa Zanzibar Sheikh Abeid Karume tarehe 7 Aprili, 1972. Alihukumiwa kifo.

Hatimaye aliachiwa huru mwaka 1978 na akahamia Dar es Salaam. Jijini humo haikumchukua muda kuanza kuishi maisha ya mtu wa kawaida. Alijiingiza katika biashara mbalimbali na mwishowe akaishia kuuza duka la nguo huko Kariakoo. Huko Dar pia akihudhuria darsa za Sharif Abdulkader Junayd katika Msikiti wa Ijumaa wa Kitumbini. Akifuata wasia wa babake kwamba awe akimtumikia Sharif Junayd. Hali kadhalika akiswali sana katika Msikiti wa Makonde.

Unyenyekevu na ucha Mungu wake ulizidi muda wote huo. Aliwahi kuonekana Makkah miaka mingi iliyopita akifagia katika Msikiti Mkuu wa Haram Sharif. Akiwa mzima, siku moja au mbili kabla ya kufariki alimwambia mwanawe Mohammed aliyekuwa naye kwamba angelipenda maisha yake yamalizikie huko katika mji mtakatifu.

Jumatatu asubuhi alifanya tawaf ya mwisho (kuzunguka Kaaba) katika Haram Sharif na aliporudi nyumbani pumzi zikampanda na akatutoka.

Baruapepe: ahmed@ahmedrajab.com
Source: Tanzia: Buriani Badawi Qullatein, mtetezi wa wanyonge (11 Oktoba 1930 – 31 Oktoba 2011)
 
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