Mwinyi’s account on the Rwanda genocide shock

Mwinyi’s account on the Rwanda genocide shock

Geza Ulole

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Mwinyi’s account on the Rwanda genocide shock​

SUNDAY MAY 16 2021​



mwinyi pic

Second phase President Ali Hassan Mwinyi gestures at a past event. He writes in his memoir ‘Mzee Rukhsa: Safari ya Maisha Yangu’ that the Rwanda genocide was one of the saddest matter to have occurred in the Great Lakes region. PHOTO | FILE

Summary

  • A plane travelling from Tanzania to Rwanda carrying Burundi’s leader Cyprien Ntaryamira and Rwanda’s Juvenal Habyarimana was shot down killing all on board


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By Jacob Mosenda
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Dar es Salaam. The 1994 Rwandan genocide that left nearly a million people dead, is one of the events that Tanzania’s former President Ali Hassan Mwinyi will never forget.

The retired leader, 96, popularly known as Mzee Rukhsa, made efforts to find a lasting solution between the warring factions, but the situation continued to worsen when the Rwandan and Burundian presidents were assassinated few hours after attending a reconciliation session in Arusha.

In his memoir: ‘Mzee Rukhsa: Safari ya Maisha Yangu’, Kiswahili for ‘Mzee Rukhsa: The Journey of My Life’, he says he will never forget Wednesday April 6, 1994, a day on which he led the meeting of regional leaders to discuss peace and security amid tensions in Burundi and Rwanda.

“The meeting was a continuation of our efforts to reconcile Rwandans, especially the government led by President Juvenal Habyarimana on the one hand and the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) on the other,” he said.

The memoir states that among the leaders who attended the meeting were President Habyarimana of Rwanda and President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi who each flew to Arusha with Habyarimana offering a lift to Tanzania’s ambassador to Rwanda Saleh Tambwe.

On their way back home after the meeting, Mwinyi writes, President Habyarimana, whose flight was of high-speed decided to offer a lift to the President of Burundi, Ntaryamira, whose plane was slow, in a situation that they could not accommodate Ambassador Tambwe back to Kigali.


“This was the luckiest day for our ambassador to Rwanda, as the plane carrying the two presidents was shot down and exploded when it was about to land at Kigali airport. Everyone on board died,” Mzee Rukhsa writes.

Mwinyi says, at the meeting aimed at resolving the issue, President Habyarimana assured them that he would go to implement the Arusha agreement, including the swearing-in of the transitional government, but little did he know that his days were drawing to a close.

“The deaths of these presidents shocked me personally, as well as the entire government and Tanzanians. We were traumatized, saddened and deeply distressed. I announced three days of national mourning for the presidents and sent condolences to the families of the deceased as well as the governments and the peoples of those two countries,” explains Mwinyi.

He says deaths occur, including accidental or intentional deaths, but it is uncommon to hear of two presidents, neighbours, dying together and for Tanzania, it was the first time for guests at the presidential level, friends and neighbours to die after leaving Tanzania.

“The saddest thing is that both presidents were in our country looking for a solution to end the killings that were going on in their countries and bring peace, harmony, and cooperation among all citizens…,” he explains.

He goes on to say that although induced genocide had begun slowly in the past, the death of President Habyarimana was a source of the genocide in Rwanda.

“In a blink of an eye, a wave of refugees from Rwanda to Tanzania, some with serious injuries started. I went to Ngara where I witnessed hundreds of bodies floating in River Kagera, some with shocking injuries caused by swords, spears,” recalls Mzee Mwinyi.

Also, he narrates witnessing the bodies of wives and husbands married to Tutsis and Hutu who were seen as traitors and killed by being stabbed with a spear together.

“It was dreadful. At the Rusumo Bridge on the Tanzania-Rwanda border, I witnessed an estimated 10,000 refugees crossing the border into Tanzania every one hour. The United Nations acknowledged that this was the largest and fastest growing number of refugees from one country to another in Africa,” reads the memoir.

According to the UN figures, he says, on April 28, 1994 alone, 280,000 refugees entered Tanzania from Rwanda where most of them reached Ngara District which had a population of about 170,000, meaning, for every single citizen there were two refugees.

All the visitors, according to Mwinyi, needed food, water, shelter, toilets and so on. However, he says, suddenly the forest area turned into a desert because the refugees fell all the trees to get temporary housing materials, people’s farms were invaded, and they were harvested by starving refugees.

“I do not blame the refugees in such an environment, but the loss to the nation and our people was so huge,” he says.

He reveals that by May 1994, the Beneko Refugee Camp in Ngara had broken the record of being the largest refugee camp in the world and a daunting task for a poor country like Tanzania at the time.

“I’m not sure if a rich country would have suddenly accepted the burden of that level of refugees. But in Tanzania, especially in the time of Mwalimu Nyerere, we built a reputation for hospitality for refugees, and it is in fact our habit to be hospitable to foreigners,” notes Mzee Mwinyi.

President Habyarimana and President Ntaryamira were both Hutu, he says, their deaths were celebrated by a group of about 70 Rwandans and Burundians at the New Mwanza Hotel, they were celebrating the deaths, again at a time when the nation was still in national mourning.

In this regard, then Prime Minister John Malecela ordered their arrest, but they were later released after the Attorney General said there was no law prohibiting people from celebrating the death of another.

The act gave people the impression that Tanzania was involved in the civil war in Rwanda, explains Mwinyi. “The truth is that my government was neutral and we tried to remain silent not because we supported the killing of Tutsis and Hutu who were seen as traitors, but because I was the mediator of their disputes.”

He notes that some of the statements made by individuals, not on behalf of the government, and the government’s silence angered the Father of the Nation, Mwalimu Nyerere, who apparently believed the government had a side.

“On Tuesday, July 1, 1994, Mwalimu Nyerere convened a press conference and strongly condemned us in government that we were undermining Tanzania’s reputation as a defender of freedom and human rights. He said the Rwandan genocide was planned and carried out deliberately and that there was documentary evidence and he wanted us to strongly stand against the genocide,” he disclo

Mwinyi says the statement from Mwalimu Nyerere hurt him a lot because he personally was not and would never defend killers and that was why when the killings worsened he went to Rusumo Bridge and witnessed hundreds of floating corpses.

“If you have seen with your own eyes the consequences of such atrocities, how will you dare to defend the perpetrators of such killings? I could not do that…,” he writes.

Mwinyi says, “He must tell the truth.” To him, who was deeply troubled by the Rwandan mediation as well as witnessing the effects of the genocide, was deeply hurt by the level of accusations levelled against him by some of his fellow countrymen.

“After the Father of the Nation criticized our government on the issue of Rwanda and the explanation we gave, I thought this was over, but it was not. I finally had to convene a meeting with the elders of Dar es Salaam on August 4, 1994 to try again to put this matter right, alongside other issues,” he explains.

At the meeting, he says, he had to strictly remind people that the relations between Tanzania and Rwanda did not start with the second phase government, but existed before, during and after the late Habyarimana seized power in 1973.

 
Thank you Geza Ulole for the insight, It is a book to read, several issues related to this tragic history were puzzling my mind, at least now I can connect the dots.

By the way, how comes these elders of Dar es salaam don't age?
 
Indeed President Ali Hassan Mwinyi did tried his best to mediate and reconcile factions within Rwandese people to bring peace in this region of Great Lakes in Africa but there was no real commitment from parties concerned as after each meeting some issues would derailed this important exercise to restore trust and peace in Rwanda.

This rare video will attest president Mwinyi great diplomatic skills :

RWANDA PEACE ACCORD PART 1


After one long year of peace negotiations, the Rwanda government under President Juvenal Habyarimana and the rebel Rwanda Patriotic Front led by Colonel Alexis Kanyarengwe signed a peace accord in Arusha, Tanzania. The historic date was 4th August 1993, raising hopes that the civil war, which started when RPF invaded Rwanda from Uganda
Source : Owanapaedia
 
I need to get a copy of Book,Very interesting Story.✌
 
Mobutu’s life in Zaïre
Tuwekee humu hiyo makala tuone..Itakuwa vizuri!


Ending a Chapter, Mobutu Cremates Rwanda Ally

By Howard W. French
  • May 16, 1997
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In what may be one of his last acts as head of state, President Mobutu Sese Seko today ordered the cremation of the body of Rwanda's former President, Juvenal Habyarimana, who died in a suspicious airplane explosion over his country in April 1994.

Mr. Habyarimana's body was brought secretly to Kinshasa on Monday from Mr. Mobutu's northern hometown, Gbadolite, where it had been kept in a private mausoleum built by the Zairian leader for his Rwandan counterpart, according to people involved in the cremation ceremony. It is not clear how Mr. Mobutu obtained the Rwandan's body.

This morning, with an Indian Hindu leader presiding, at Mr. Mobutu's insistence, the corpse was burned in Kinshasa in order to prevent desecration by the rebels, witnesses said.

In its peculiar way, for Mr. Mobutu and for Zaire, the cremation ceremony represented the closing of a loop in the crises that have embroiled Zaire and its far smaller eastern neighbors, Rwanda and Burundi, since Mr. Habyarimana's death.

The Rwandan leader was a Hutu, and his death set off the Hutu massacre of Tutsi in Rwanda. A subsequent Tutsi takeover in Rwanda led to an exodus of more than a million Hutu into Zaire.

And it was partly to hound those refugees, and to stop Hutu attacks on Rwanda and Burundi from Zairian territory, that the Tutsi-led Government in Rwanda lent critical support to the Zairian rebellion that is now about to topple Mr. Mobutu.

Mr. Mobutu's longtime support for Mr. Habyarimana's dictatorship, and his open sympathies for the Hutu people, are widely seen as causes for the rebellion in Zaire. The men were both longstanding dictators whose relations had grown so close that when a Tutsi insurrection began in 1990, Mr. Mobutu sent his army to assist the Rwandan leader.

According to people who took part in the ceremony today, Mr. Mobutu promised Mr. Habyarimana's family that his body would be given a proper burial in Rwanda.

But fearing the capture of Gbadolite by Zairian rebels who control most of the country and now threaten to take Kinshasa itself, Mr. Mobutu ordered that Mr. Habyarimana's remains be flown to the capital for a final religious ceremony before they could fall into rebel hands.

The rebels, led by Laurent Kabila, have received strong support from Rwanda's current Tutsi-led Government. It came to power through an insurrection in 1994 that stopped the Hutu massacre after Mr. Habyarimana's death.

Mr. Kabila's rebellion began in October 1996 as a localized uprising by Zairian ethnic Tutsi in Zaire's far eastern Kivu province. Mr. Mobutu threatened to strip them of their nationality.

Western diplomats say that under Tutsi leadership, Rwanda invaded Zaire to assist the ethnic Tutsi community and to break up the Hutu refugee camps.

Mr. Habyarimana was killed, along with his Burundian counterpart, Cyprien Ntaryamira, when the airplane they were riding was about to land as it was returning from a summit meeting in Tanzania; the plane was believed to have been hit by a rocket and exploded.

Their deaths set off the mass killings in which members of the Hutu majority butchered hundreds of thousands of the Tutsi minority, along with many moderate Hutu.

Mr. Mobutu's insistence on a proper burial of Mr. Habyarimana's body set off a frenzied search in Zaire last week for a means of disposing of the embalmed corpse, which was kept for three days in the hold of a cargo aircraft at Kinshasa's international airport.

When it was decided that the body was to be cremated, Mr. Mobutu insisted that the cremation follow some kind of religious rite. Cremation is not common among central Africans, so it was decided to consult Indian immigrants living in Zaire.

The problem was made more acute by the rapid approach of the rebels to the airport.

During this period, a nervous Zairian Presidential security official who was charged with supervising the corpse repeatedly called people around Kinshasa for advice on what to do.

The security official confided today that his greatest fear was being caught with Mr. Habyarimana's body in his charge.

''If it were up to me, I would have dumped it into the river,'' he said. ''But for Mobutu, it is like one of his own children. And even if it is one of his own last acts, he insisted on this being done correctly.''

A version of this article appears in print on May 16, 1997, Section A, Page 4 of the National edition with the headline: Ending a Chapter, Mobutu Cremates Rwanda Ally. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe


 
But why Mobutu held the remaining s of Habyarimana??
Habyarimana used to call Mobutu Elder Brother. Mobutu was to attend and witness the signing of the Arusha Peace Accords, but changed his mind because he was informed of the assassination plot against some top government figures. He warned Habyarimana of the assasination plot and decided not to attend the Arusha Peace Accords.

Being unbearably naive, Habyarimana confidently believed that Tanzania and Nyerere was going to protect him. This was his own undoing.
 
Habyarimana used to call Mobutu Elder Brother. Mobutu was to attend and witness the signing of the Arusha Peace Accords, but changed his mind because he was informed of the assassination plot to kill against some top government figures. He warned Habyarimana of the assasination plot and decided not to attend the Arusha Peace Accords.

Being unbearably naive, Habyarimana confidently believed that Tanzania and Nyerere was going to protect him. This was his own undoing.
Ooh, thank you very much for this information, I never knew this before, what I know is Mobutu resisted to leave Zaire without Habyarimanas ashes and he finally succeeded.
 
Rwanda: The Failure of the Arusha Peace Accords

International Community's Lack of Support for Military Demobilization and Rwandans' Inability to Implement Accords Led to Genocide in 1994

The Arusha Accords were a UN-sponsored agreement between the RPF, a predominantly Tutsi rebel group, and the Government of Rwanda. This posting will look specifically at the military power-sharing (demobilization and reintegration) section of the Arusha Accords which was a small but crucial part of the larger political context in which the genocide occurred. These documents shed light on the failure of the international community to fully support Rwanda's efforts for peace, as well as the Rwandan government and the RPF's failure to implement peace.
Habyarimana Juvenal at the front line of RPF war in Mutara when Tutsi rebels invaded Rwanda in 1990s courtesy of CELEBRATING THE LATE HABYALIMANA JUVENAL 79TH BIRTHDAY IN PICTURE: KWIZIHIZA IMYAKA 79 ISHIZE HABYARIMANA JUVENAL AVUTSE N IMYAKA 22 ISHIZE PAUL KAGAME AMWISHE


On October 1, 1990 the RPF invaded Rwanda from Uganda and clashed with Rwandan government troops. Weeks later, the parties began efforts to end the conflict peacefully. However, even before the beginning of the official negotiations in July 1992, all parties involved, including observers and facilitators, expressed doubts about the feasibility of a lasting peace. In May 1992, Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana, and Defense Minister James Gasana knew that integration of the two militaries would be one of the most difficult negotiations of the entire Arusha process. (Document 1)

Source : nsarchive
The documents show that implementation of the Arusha Accords proved challenging for many reasons: distrust among the signatories, lack of funding for programs, security concerns related to the process of demobilization, challenges in integrating the militaries, and increasing political tensions.[2]

Weeks after the Arusha Accords were signed in August of 1993, (Document 32), Joyce Leader writes back to the US Secretary of State warning that "although leaders of both sides have signed the peace accord, neither side trusts the intentions of the other" (Document 18).

Source : nsarchive
In late November 1993, the peace agreement and cease-fire were on very delicate footing when a massacre in the prefecture of Ruhengeri put the RPF and government at odds, both refusing to participate in the joint commission that had been set up to integrate the militaries, and thus further stalling demobilization efforts (Document 19 and Document 20).

Major Brent Beardsley, military assistant to UNAMIR force commander, General Roméo Dallaire, explains the apprehension among soldiers about the demobilization process:

There was a lot of officers, a lot of NCOs [non-commissioned officers] and a lot of troops, who for the previous three years during the war, had had a steady salary, they had food for them and their families, they had a job, and — and now suddenly they were going to lose their livelihood. There was no secret about us not having the money for the DDR [disarmament, demobilization and reintegration]. So they're sitting there going, and what am I going to do? In that society, where there's no social safety net, when you fall, you fall far… I think that was a major…destabilizing factor in the military, especially on the government side, those troops were worried about their futures.

The problem was complex and multi-fold: the international community would not provide humanitarian and development aid (including for the demobilization program) until the Rwandans installed their transitional government as agreed upon in the Arusha Accords. However, due to massive uncertainty and instability within Rwandan politics, and increasing tensions about demobilization, the transition government was never installed.

Joyce Leader: Military Power Sharing Negotiations in Rwanda

Source : nsarchive

Documents show that the US was hesitant to commit any funding until it was clear what other countries were committing: "there [was] a general feeling that the Europeans and others should be doing more" (Document 23). "Turf battles" cropped up between the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the World Bank over funding of the demobilization program, causing the organizations to "work at cross purposes" (Document 37). The international donor "roundtable" that was supposed to raise funds for Rwanda was delayed due to Rwanda's failure to install the transition government (Document 40 and Document 41).


Excerpt of Tarnoff's message to Amb. Rawson about why the US is stalling on providing funding for Rwanda's demobilization program, see Document 23.
Throughout March 1994, the Rwandans failed to resolve the political impasse. The unresolved political tensions eventually reached a boiling point in April 1994, after President Habyarimana's plane was shot down. The next morning. April 7, 1994, the genocide began during which between 800,000 and one million Rwandans, predominantly Tutsi, were slaughtered.

Video Analysis of Habyarimana Plane Crash

This video is brief synopsis of the findings of Rwanda's the Mutsinzi Report, also known as the Committee of Experts Investigation of the April 6, 1994 Crash of President Habyarimanas Dassault Falcon-50 Aircraft.
source: Mutsinzireport


While this collection of documents begins to help us better understand the failure of negotiated settlements in Rwanda, key records are still unavailable to the public. Access to Rwandan, French, and Belgian government documents, as well as key US government documents from the Clinton Administration would provide a clearer picture of state-level and individual motivations in the decision-making process, who the perceived winners and losers were in the negotiations, and how this affected the outcome.
Read more : Rwanda: The Failure of the Arusha Peace Accords
 
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