Why Magufuli administration misses the point on Government splurge

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Pesa za mifuko ya hifadhi ya jamii hazitajenga kiwanda chochote. Ni siasa tu. Pesa za mifuko ya hifadhi ya umma sio pesa za serikali, ni pesa za wafanyakazi. Zinatokana na makato yao ya mishahara. Serikali imekuwa inatumia pesa hizi kama zake, wakati sio zake. Pesa hizo zimetumika kujenga UDOM kwa makubaliano kwamba serikali hii ingerudisha pesa hizo kwa mifuko hiyo. Haijarudisha hata senti moja. Pesa hizo zimejenga jengo la Usalama wa Taifa OysterBay Dar. Serikali haijarudisha hata senti moja kwa mifuko ilikochota pesa hizo. Pesa za mifuko zimejenga jengo la Machinga Complex Ilala Dar na nyumba za polisi Kurasini Dar. Serikali haijarudisha hata senti moja. Ndizo zilizojenga Daraja la Mwalimu Nyerere Kigamboni. You can rest assured haitarudi hata senti moja. Ukweli, kama alivyosema CAG kwenye mojawapo ya taarifa zake za mwaka, mifuko ya hifadhi ya jamii ina hali mbaya ya kifedha. Hii ndio sababu wenye mamlaka wanataka kuondoa fao la kujitoa. Wameigeuza mifuko ya hifadhi ya jamii kuwa shamba la bibi mpaka mifuko inakaribia kufilisika. Sasa wanataka kuficha uchafu huu kwa blangeti la uzalendo uchwara. Wafanyakazi wa Tanzania wakikubali udanganyifu huu wataliwa kama ambavyo pesa zao zimeliwa kwenye miradi niliyoitaja. Suala sio tuache siasa. Hatuwezi kuacha siasa. Suala ni tuache siasa za aina gani. Hawa wanasiasa wanaojivika uzalendo uchwara kuhusu hela za wafanyakazi wao wenyewe wametengenezewa utaratibu maalum ambapo wanakatwa na NSSF halafu baada ya kumaliza ubunge wanarudishiwa pesa zao. Hawasubiri wafikishe miaka sitini ndipo wapate mafao yao ya kujitoa. Halafu wanawahubiria wafanyakazi wasubiri miaka sitini ndipo wapate mafao yao. Wana ndimi mbili kama za nyoka. Wafanyakazi wa Tanzania amkeni, hamna choch

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Madudu ya uchaguzi wa 1995 angalieni yasijirudie:-


Returning materials to the RO's office
was often chaotic and unsupervised. In
many areas, polling officials had to trans-
port the ballot boxes by foot during the
night. When they arrived at the RO's
office, there was not an organized method
for collection which led to confusion. pp 84

one constituency, international observers
witnessed persons breaking the seals and
opening the ballot boxes in the crowded
hallway of the building housing the RO's
office. People were removing the result
forms, recopying them in the hallway,
and supposedly handing them in as their
official reports from the polling stations.
While counting at the polling stations
was generally fair and transparent, the
compilation of results at the constituency
and regional levels was fraught with
problems. Some ROs were found literally
hiding in tiny offices with their assistants,
attempting to finish their work without
'interference' by the observers, candi-
dates or party agents who are permitted
by law to witness all stages of tabulation.
Observers who did cross-check the fig-
ures at the constituency levels found
many errors. In one constituency, there
was a difference of 10,000 ballots between
the presidential and parliamentary races.
Errors of this sort were not uncommon,
and there were rarely checks at each stage
of the tabulation to prevent them from
compounding. A paradoxical aspect of
the logistical problems was that in remote
areas where we might expect difficulties
(such as Mtwara or Ruvuma Regions)
things ran smoothly, yet Dar es Salaam
and other urban areas faced the most
serious delays. pp 85


The 1995 Tanzania Union Elections
Author(s): Lisa Richey and Stefano Ponte



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The Dar es Salaam Re-run,

19 November 1995

The 29 October elections in the constitu-
encies around Dar es Salaam were char-
acterized by the general disorganization
and shortages of materials which plagued
some other areas of the country. In
stations which received adequate sup-
plies to open for voters, the atmosphere
was calm, but in those stations which
remained closed or faced severe short-
ages of ballot papers, confusion, bitter-
ness, frustration, and suspicion mounted.
These situations of chaos and disorder in
Dar es Salaam were seen by NEC officials
who then decided on 30 October to
declare the results of all constituencies in
Dar es Salaam Region null and void and
to hold another election on 19 November.
The decision by NEC to re-run the Dar es
Salaam elections met with varying re-
sponses. The preliminary statement is-
sued by the Tanzania Election Monitoring
Committee (TEMCO) based at the Uni-
versity of Dar es Salaam concluded:
Justification for singling out Dar es
Salaam for rescheduling while letting the
other regions go ahead has yet to be
established by the Commission.
A coalition of ten opposition parties
presented a case to the High Court
pleading for an injunction to halt the re-
run of the elections, citing that there were
similar problems throughout the country
and that all of the elections should be
nullified. As the opposition parties were
waiting for the court's decision, NEC
continued plans for the election re-run.
To avoid the previous election problems,
NEC took numerous actions for Dar es
Salaam. First, NEC made Tsh. 2,442
billion available to finance the re-run and
the British High Commission furnished
new ballot papers at a cost of Tsh. 7,035
million. The REC and four ROs were
replaced, and Presiding Officers were
replaced by army personnel. A new series
of training seminars were organized for
all election officials to be held at the ward
level. Registration was permitted for
persons who had lost or discarded their
registration cards after the first election.
Also, it was decided that party agents
would be paid directly through the party
headquarters to avoid problems of fund-
ing directly from the RO.
On 13 November, the High Court, citing
questions of jurisdiction and lack of
compelling evidence, dismissed the peti-
tion by the opposition parties to restrain
the Director of Elections from declaring
the Presidential election and to halt the
Dar es Salaam re-run. Upon hearing the



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REFERENCES
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Conclusion
It has been observed that despite efforts by various stakeholders to improve on the factors that are impeding voters turn out a little has been achieved in certain aspects. Access to civic education among voters remains a major factor towards voters turn out, as it has been found by thus study that a significant proportion of the respondents interviewed respondents had civic education. If this is left unattended thoroughly implies that most of people in Morogoro are not likely to turn to vote. This study therefore calls for stakeholders to capitalize on voters’ civic education.


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ABSTRACT

Worldwide voters’ turnout shows a notable decline since the mid 1980s, this is a challenge to democratization process. A number of efforts have been in place to address this, still a great proportion of registered voters do not vote in the elections as revealed in 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010 General elections in Tanzania.


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The motives for turning to vote in general election in the study area were leadership role towards development (22.5%), exercising democracy (17.5%), good policies of political parties and manifestos (20.0%) and achievement done by former leaders (15.0%), good promises made by candidates during campaigns (10.0%) and voted to avoid corrupt leaders (15.0%). The study recommends for provision of civic education programme to citizens through various means and rigorous campaigns to disclose candidates’ potentialities.


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This problem of low voters’ turnouts affects the processes of democratization (TEMCO 2010, Hansford & Gomez 2010). Voter turnout is the percentage of eligible voters who cast a ballot in an election. Voter turnout is one measure of citizen participation in politics. A high turnout is generally seen as evidence of the legitimacy of the current system (Niemi & Weisberg 2001, Pintor et al., n.d).


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In the first multiparty election in 1995 the registered voters were 8 929 969 but only 6 846 681 voters’ equivalent to 76% turned to vote. In 2000 General Election, registered voters were 10 088 484 and those who turned to vote were 8 517 598 that are equal to 84.4%. In 2005 General Election, registered voters were 16 401 694 and voters who turned were 11 875 927 that is about 72.4%. In 2010, Tanzania General Election registered and qualified voters were 20 137 303 where turnout was 8 626 283 which is equal to 42.8% (African Election Database 2011). All these elections revealed the turnouts drop of about 69.1% (IDEA, 2011). In 2015, Tanzania witnessed a total of 23 254 485 voters registering with 15 193 862 turning out for voting (NEC 2015). Similarly Tairo (2011) argues that Tanzania has evidenced the number of turnouts decreasing from time to time since 1995 to 2010 general elections although the number of registered voters increasing in those sessions from 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010 and 2015 respectively.


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Theoretical Approaches towards Determinants of Voter Turnout

An Information Theory

An information theory was propounded by John G. Matsusaka in 1993 to study what determines voters’ turnout in election, he claims that:

“Campaign spending increases voter turnout. People who are contacted by campaign worker prior to an election are more likely to vote. Public employees and farm owners are more likely to vote; farm labourers are less likely to vote. Married people are more likely to vote. A person level of education is positively correlated with his or her probability to vote. People who recently moved are less likely to vote. A person’s age is positively correlated with her probability of voting, other things equal” (Matsusaka 1995:92)


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