Nguruvi3,
Nashukuru sana kwa mchango wako uliosheheni hoja za maana sana. Naomba niseme tu kwamba kwa kweli hoja zako zimezidi kuchangamsha na kupanua sana fikra zangu; Nitajitahidi kujadili mambo ambayo naona ni muhimu, na iwapo kuna jambo ambalo utadhani nimeliacha, tafadhali usisite kunijulisha;
Kwanza, kuhusu nafasi ya wasomi katika Maendeleo ya taifa letu, naunga mkono hoja yako, hasa juu ya umuhimu wa watu hawa as critical thinkers, sio kwa CCM tu bali taifa kwa ujumla. Siku za nyuma, niliwahi kulijadili suala hili kidogo katika majibu yangu kwa mdau mwenzetu Pasco, na ukipata muda, naomba upitie thread ifuatayo, kwenye ukuruasa wa TANo Post Number 235:
https://www.jamiiforums.com/tanzani...-edward-lowassa-then-2015-ni-ccm-tena-12.html
Kuhusu hoja yako juu ya Wasomi wanaokimbilia CCM ni kutokana na wao kutojiamini lakini pia kushindwa kusoma mazingira, kwa hili naunga mkono hoja, lakini naomba niongezee pia kwamba, mara nyingine wasomi hawa huwa na uelewa mkubwa tu juu ya mazingira lakini kutokana na up bring yao na vilevile socialization processes walizopitia, they just decide to become ignorant kwani kwa njia hiyo ndio wataweza kurithishwa mfumo mbovu uliojengwa na wazee wao tofauti na popular expectations kwamba Vijana wasomi wanatakiwa kutumia fursa zilizopo wawe kama Agents of Change. Ni kutokana na ukosefu wa Uzalendo as you rightly have put it, ndio maana wanageuka kuwa wasomi uchwara na wa kimaslahi zaidi;
Kuna hoja zako nyingine mbili ambazo ningependa kuzijadili kwa pamoja ambazo ni: ile inayohusu Vijana wasomi kukimbilia CCM kwa imani kwamba siasa inalipa in terms of ajira, income n.k; na ile inayohusu Vijana kupewa nafasi za uongozi ndani ya CCM kwa masharti ya kuwa watiifu na wafunga midomo. Ningependa kutumia quotations mbili muhimu katika maoni yangu juu ya hili kama ifuatavyo: Ya kwanza ni ya Mwalimu Nyerere, kutoka kwenye barua ya Kujiuzulu Ubunge mwaka 1957, aliyomwandika Gavana wa kikoloni ndani ya kipindi kifupi cha uteuzi wake:
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I have given everything that it was in my power to give and what I have given has been rejected. I came to the council expecting a little of the spirit of give and take. That spirit is not there. I would feel that I am cheating the people and cheating my own organization if I remained on the council, receiving allowances and attending sundowners as an Honorable Member, giving the impression that I was still of some service on that council, when in fact I know that I am useless. I had therefore no alternative but to tender my resignation and to ask that my resignation take effect from Friday, 14[SUP]th[/SUP] December, 1957, the day my last compromises were rejected by the government]
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Mkuu Nguruvi3, unalionaje hili katika mazingira ya leo hali isiyotoa matumaini yoyote ya maana kwa wananchi kwa mwendo ule ule wa miaka 50 ya uhuru? Wabunge uliowataja kama Filikunjombe na wengine ambao wameangushwa na Uzalendo wao, je mazingira yao hayafananii na haya ya Mwalimu mwaka 1957? Kinachowazuia wao kuchukua uamuzi mgumu ni kitu gani?
Naomba pia niweke quotation nyingine ambayo nadhani pia ni muhimu na relevant katika hili. Haya ni maneno ya mmoja wa Statesman wa nchini Marekani aliyeishi in the 18[SUP]th[/SUP] Century - Dean Acheson ambae alitamka kwamba:
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I will undoubtedly have to seek what is happily known as gainful employment, which I am glad to say does not describe holding public office
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Mkuu nguruvi3, this quotation nails home hoja yako ya Vijana Wasomi kukimbilia CCM kwa ajili ya ajira kipato na madili yenye kuwapatia fedha. Hakika kwa vijana wa nama hii kwa kiasi kikubwa,
Siasa kwao ni: GAINFUL EMPLOYMENT. Na kama ulivyojadili, vijana hawa wanajua kabisa kwamba wanaende huko kutumikia masuala mengine yalio nje ya wananchi au maslahi ya taifa.
Kuna hoja yako nyingine ambayo imenivutia sana ile inayohusu uanzishwaji wa baraza la ushauri la CCM ambalo lita play kama a critical thinking body; Nakubaliana na wewe, na naomba nikiri kwamba sikuwahi kulitazama kwa jicho hilo;
In the section that follows, naomba nijumuishe hoja zako nyingine kadhaa ambazo hakika nimezipitia mstari kwa mstari na kubaini kwamba kama kuna neno moja lingebeba hoja hizi, basi ni MFUMO. Sana sana nitaelezea maoni yangu based on how hoja zako stimulated my thoughts, hasa hoja yako kwamba -
Kwa wenzetu wanasiasa ni wasimamizi wa hoja za wataalam lakini kwetu wanasiasa ndio wanaoongoza wataalam.
Kwa bahati mbaya sana, moja ya matatizo yatokanayo na colonial legacy ni
SUPREMACY OF POLITICS over and above everything else RULE OF LAW, ECONOMICS n.k. Bila ya matumizi ya siasa, ingechukua muda mrefu sana nchi yetu kupata uhuru. Tatizo lililojitokeza ni kwamba, supremacy of politics ililelewa hata baada ya uhuru hivyo ku-infect na kudumaza nyanja nyingine zote muhimu katika taifa; Leo hii, watawala wetu wapo mkao wa ku - exercise political supremacy at the expense of everything else; Ndio maana kwa mtazamo wangu ambao pengine ni finyu, pamoja na mapungufu mengi yaliyokuja na
Economic and political Reforms, kwa kiasi kikubwa, reforms hizi zimekuja na faida yake moja kubwa, hasa kusaidia kupunguza
supremacy of politics nchini; Wengi wetu tunakubaliana kwamba ni Viongozi wachache sana kama Mwalimu na Sokone ambao walitumia supremacy ya siasa kwa maslahi ya taifa; na hata pale walipokosea, bado tunaweza kusema kwa kujiamini kwamba viongozi hawa
DID NOT PROFIT FROM POLITICS; Lakini katika nyakazi hizi, how true is that? No doubt wengi wao wapo mkao wa
KIBIASHARA ZAIDI.
Mwanazuoni mmoja kutoka Sweden GORAN HYDEN ana dhana moja that I find very useful kutusaidia kuelewa nini kinaendelea katika taifa letu, in the realm of hoja zako kadhaa. Dhana hii sio nyingine bali ile ya
ECONOMY OF AFFECTION. Key pillars za dhana hii ni tatu:
- WHO YOU KNOW is more important than WHAT YOU KNOW;
- SHARING PERSONAL WEALTH is more rewarding than INVESTING IN ECONOMIC GROWTH & SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT &
- A HELPING HAND today generates RETURNS TOMORROW;
TUNAJIFUNZA NINI KATIKA HILI?
Huu ndio uchumi unaoendekezwa na CCM ya leo i.e. THE ECONOMY OF AFFECTION; uchumi wa namna hii unaishi ndani ya uchumi wa aina yoyote na ni tofauti kabisa na Ujamaa na Ubepari; Katika uchumi huu,
Money isnt an end in itself, lakini pia
serikali sio the primary redistributive mechanism; Badala yake, uchumi unaendekeza na pia kuyapa kipaumbele mambo yafuatayo:
- Handshake kuliko Contracts; &
- Personal discretion kuliko official and rational policies to allocate rasilimali za nchi kwa maslahi ya taifa;
Uchumi huu ni kaka VIRUS ya Ukimwi kwani una uwezo mkubwa sana wa kujipenyeza sehemu yoyote na pia kuharibu/kuua kinga yoyote;
Muhimu zaidi, mfumo huu una survive katika mazingira ya Ujamaa, Ubepari, mixed economy etc, bila ya tabu yoyote, na ndio maana pamoja na madhara makubwa ya baadhi ya sera za soko huria kwa wananchi walio wengi, demand for changes au opposition on mapungufu ya Liberalization, Privatization and Marketization kwa watanzania walio wengi (hasa vijijini), hata siku moja mtazamo au opposition ya namna hii haiwezi kutokea from the top (watawala); Imekuwa ni utamaduni kwa watawala kupuuza vilio vya wengi towards that end; WHY? Kwa sababu, Economy of Affection inawasaidia watawala to get around any hurdles or rough edges za any system be it Socialism, Capitalism, Mixed etc
. na kusonga mbele kiuchumi at the expense ya wananchi walio wengi;
ROLE YA WASOMI KATIKA MFUMO HUU NI IPI?
Ni vigumu sana kwa wasomi kubadili mfumo huu kwa maslahi ya taifa; Nitajaribu kufafanua; Uchumi wowote unaendeshwa na the principles of EXCHANGE; Lakini kwa bahati mbaya, chini ya ECONOMY OF AFFECTION, exchanges are not registered officially, na badala yake all important exchanges in the economy either stay
informal or happen
Under the table; The Economy of Affection is an invisible economy, kwahiyo WASOMI (policy makers for instance) wenye roho nyepesi na pia uhaba wa Uzalendo kwa taifa lao wanashawishika kwa urahisi sana kujiunga na mfumo huu;
Kitu kingine kibaya zaidi ni kwamba, hata wataalamu kama vile wachumi, wanasheria n.k, wanapata wakati mgumu kutumia their conventional forms of analysis to incorporate mfumo huu; Matokeo yake ni kwamba, wasomi wengi wanakuwa frustrated kwamba hawawezi kuleta change, na kwa wale wenye roho nyepesi, wanajiunga na mfumo huu in practice; pia huwa inatokea kwamba wasomi wanapokuwa nje ya mfumo huu, ni kawaida sana kwa wao kuonekana ni mabingwa katika fani zao, wazalendo, n.k, lakini mara tu wanapotia mguu ndani ya System, mfano huko mawizarani, bungeni, ikulu n.k, wanaishiwa energy waliyokuwa na nayo na wanajikuta na three options: Jiuzulu, initiate policy reforms individually, au join the parade; wengi huishia ku join the parade ya Economy of affection;
Naomba nimalizie mchango wangu kwa kujadili kidigo hoja yako nyingine muhimu sana hoja kuhusu Mawaziri Wakuu Wawili ndani ya miaka mitano kuwa na misimamo tofauti kuhusu vipaumbele vya TAIFA. Kwa mtazamo wangu, chanzo kikuba cha cha tatizo hili pia ni Colonial Legacy; Serikali/State imekuwa katika mgogoro mkubwa sana kiutawala kutokana na muingiliano uliopo baina ya Taasisi za Umma (formal and civic institutions) na Community institutions. Mwalimu Nyerere alijaribu sana kurekebisha hili lakini hakufanikiwa kumaliza the project; nitafafanua;
Ebu tutazame kwanza Dhana ya STATE
The State (almost equivalent to serikali) kwa kawaida huibuka in response to mahitaji yaliyopo miongoni mwa makundi mbalimbali ndani ya jamii husika kama vile ulinzi na usalama, ustawi wa jamii, lakini muhimu zaidi umuhimu wa kutatua the never ending conflicting demands on scarce resources vis-à-vis unlimited wants, and for our matter Suala la ELIMU KWANZA VS KILIMO KWANZA;
The state is made up of hierarchy of organizations mbalimbali established for the purpose ya kufanikisha malengo mbalimbali ya kiuchumi, kisiasa na kijamii; Watumishi wa serikali kwa kawaida hutegemewa na jamii to perform roles fulani fulani katika taasisi na ngazi mbalimbali za serikali towards that end; in the process, watumishi hawa wanatakiwa kuweka pembeni any pursuit of self interest na badala yake to act zaidi in the interest of the public; Mara nyingi utekelezaji wa dhana hii huwa ni mgumu sana katika nchi kama zetu i.e. ni vigumu sana kwa watumishi wengi wa umma kuweka mpaka unaoeleweka baina ya private and public interest au a personal and official issues; Ni kawaida sana kwa watumishi wa serikali wa ngazi mbalimbali kutumia dhamana yao waliyopewa na umma to favour their own interest at the expense of public interest; Je kwanini inatokea hivi?
Tunarudi pale pale kwenye colonial legacy ambayo Nyerere alijitahidi kuifuta lakini waliompokea hawakuendeleza juhudi zake; tutazame kidogo historia ili nieleweke vizuri zaidi; Wakati wa harakati za kutafuta uhuru, in principle, nationalist leaders kama Nyerere walikuwa wanaiogomea serikali ya kikoloni pamoja na taasisi zake ilizoziunda; In the process, nationalist leaders na wafuasi wao (mfano TANU) did not find civic institutions as legitimate; Kwa maana nyingine, legitimate institutions in this context zilikuwa ni zile zilizokuwepo ndani ya jamii, hasa zile informal na ni hizi ndizo Nyerere na wananchi walizipa uzito wa legitimacy kuliko zile za serikali; taasisi za serikali ya kikoloni ni hizi ambao tunazo leo kama vile mahakama, polisi, n.k, na taasisi za kijamii (community institutions) zilikuwa ni zile zilizotokana na imani mbalimbali za dini, mila, ukabila, occupation ya watanganyika mbalimbali n.k); Loss of legitimacy ya government institutions ndio ilipelekea eventually kwa serikali ya kikoloni kuporomoka, kwani haikuwa na uhalali mbele ya umma ikifananishwa na institutions za watanganyika weusi huko kweney community zao mbalimbali, institutions ambazo TANU iliwekeza sana katika harakati zake za uhuru;
Baada ya uhuru, Nyerere alijaribu to pursue development policies kwa aidha kuziweka inherited institutions toka kwa mkoloni ziwe mkao wa wananchi zaidi lakini mara nyingine kuanzisha nyingine mpya from scratch; in the end, nia ya Mwalimu ilikuwa ni kujaribu kuzifanya hizi institutions sasa ndio ziwe na legitimate role over and above zile community institutions za awali; mradi huu ulikuwa ni mgumu sana kwani nje ya Mwalimu, viongozi wengi walitokana na community institutions huko kwenye maeneo yao Kwahiyo walizidi kuendekeza such institutions at the expense of the state institutions; in other words, viongozi wengi nje ya Mwalimu, lakini sana waliomfuatia walijengwa na local community zao, hawakuwa viongozi wa kitaifa moja kwa moja, na utamaduni huu unaendelea hata leo;
Viongozi wengi wa leo tunaowasikia wakivuma huku na kule wamejengwa na community institutions za huko wanapotoka, whether ni upareni, umasaini, uhayani, ugogoni, n.k, hasa kwa kupitia nafasi zao za ubunge ambapo baadae ndio huchaguliwa kuwa mawaziri n.k, au viongozi wa kitaifa. Kwahiyo, hata kwa wengi ya viongozi hawa, loyatly yao kwanza ni wanapotoka, then taifa ndio hufuata; ndio maana unakuta mara nyingi kuna tendency ya wao kuheshimu zaidi community institutions za huko wanapotoka kuliko state or civic institutions na matokeo yake, wanafanya maamuzi mengi sana hata yanayohusishwa matumzi ya fedha za umma, kuendeleza loyalty yao huko makwao; Ndio maana suala la viongozi kuja na Agenda ya KILIMO KWANZA kwasababu huko kwao kilimo ndio ajira kuu, au kiongozi kuja na agenda ya ELIMU kwanza kwasababu kwao wapo nyuma kielimu, au ELIMU kwanza kwasababu wanaogopa kilimo kitaua ufugaji (recall ugomvi wa ardhi baina ya wakulima na wafugaji) etc etc, haya yanaendelea kuwa ni mambo ya kawaida miongoni mwa viongozi wengi, licha ya Usomi na ufahamu wao mkubwa;