Magonjwa Mtambuka
JF-Expert Member
- Aug 2, 2016
- 32,246
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Nyang'au wameumia sana na ujenzi wa eacop. Yaani roho inawadunda.
EACOP vs Lamu pipeline
EACOP vs Lamu pipeline
- Thread starter Geza Ulole
- Start date
Geza Ulole
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 65,136
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- Thread starter
- #102
21 MAY 2021
NEWS
Tanzania, Total have signed EACOP host agreement. Credit: Johannes Rupf from Pixabay.
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Tanzania has signed a Host Government Agreement (HGA) with a Total-led joint venture to launch the East African Crude Oil Pipeline Project (EACOP).
The EACOP project forms part of the wider $3.5bn Lake Albert resources development project in Uganda and Tanzania.
The signing of the HGA follows the final agreements made in April 2021 by Total and its partners.
These include shareholders agreement of EACOP and the tariff and transportation agreement between EACOP and the Lake Albert oil shippers.
The latest HGA establishes the legal and commercial framework for the project’s financing, construction, and operation.
Commenting on the project, Uganda President Yoweri Museveni said: “The pipeline is a very important regional project, Tanzania and Mozambique you have gas and the corridor can be used to take another pipeline for gas to help countries in the great lakes region with the resource.”
The EACOP project aims to connect the oil fields around Lake Albert in Uganda to supply up to 216,000 barrels of crude oil a day to Tanzania’s export terminal in Tanga.
Total, the government-owned Uganda National Oil Company (UNOC), Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC), and China’s CNOOC will be shareholders in the EACOP project.
The first oil export from the project is expected to take place in early 2025.
The oil pipeline will run from the future Kabaale Industrial Park in the Hoima district of Uganda to the Chongoleani peninsula near the Tanga Port in Tanzania.
The Lake Albert project also includes Tilenga and Kingfisher upstream oil projects in Uganda along with the construction of the EACOP in Uganda and Tanzania.
www.hydrocarbons-technology.com
NEWS
Tanzania signs host agreement for East African oil pipeline project
SHARETanzania, Total have signed EACOP host agreement. Credit: Johannes Rupf from Pixabay.Sign up here for GlobalData's free bi-weekly Covid-19 report on the latest information your industry needs to know.
Tanzania has signed a Host Government Agreement (HGA) with a Total-led joint venture to launch the East African Crude Oil Pipeline Project (EACOP).
The EACOP project forms part of the wider $3.5bn Lake Albert resources development project in Uganda and Tanzania.
The signing of the HGA follows the final agreements made in April 2021 by Total and its partners.
These include shareholders agreement of EACOP and the tariff and transportation agreement between EACOP and the Lake Albert oil shippers.
The latest HGA establishes the legal and commercial framework for the project’s financing, construction, and operation.
Commenting on the project, Uganda President Yoweri Museveni said: “The pipeline is a very important regional project, Tanzania and Mozambique you have gas and the corridor can be used to take another pipeline for gas to help countries in the great lakes region with the resource.”
The EACOP project aims to connect the oil fields around Lake Albert in Uganda to supply up to 216,000 barrels of crude oil a day to Tanzania’s export terminal in Tanga.
Total, the government-owned Uganda National Oil Company (UNOC), Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC), and China’s CNOOC will be shareholders in the EACOP project.
The first oil export from the project is expected to take place in early 2025.
The oil pipeline will run from the future Kabaale Industrial Park in the Hoima district of Uganda to the Chongoleani peninsula near the Tanga Port in Tanzania.
The Lake Albert project also includes Tilenga and Kingfisher upstream oil projects in Uganda along with the construction of the EACOP in Uganda and Tanzania.
Tanzania inks host agreement for East African oil pipeline project
Tanzania has signed the HGA with Total-led joint venture to launch the East African Crude Oil Pipeline Project (EACOP).
www.hydrocarbons-technology.com
Geza Ulole
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 65,136
- 91,917
- Thread starter
- #103
Geza Ulole
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 65,136
- 91,917
- Thread starter
- #104
Geza Ulole
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 65,136
- 91,917
- Thread starter
- #105
ADVERTISEMENT
President Samia Suluhu Hassan witnesses the signing of the Host Government Agreement at State House, Dar es Salaam, yesterday in what was a major step towards implementation of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline project. The signing was also witnessed by Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. Another picture on Page 3. PHOTO | STATE HOUSE
By Jacob Mosenda
More by this Author
Dar es Salaam. All is now set for actual construction of the $3.5 billion pipeline project after lengthy discussions and about five agreements among the partners were finalized yesterday.
Uganda having signed an agreement with the investors last month, yesterday was the Tanzanian government’s turn to finalise an agreement with EACOP, an event witnessed by President Samia Suluhu Hassan and her Uganda counterpart, Yoweri Museveni, at a ceremony held at State House in Dar es Salaam.
The East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) project is set to bring to life a 1443km-long heated oil pipeline from Hoima in Uganda to Tanga in Tanzania.
This will not only be the world’s longest heated crude oil pipeline; it will also be the biggest joint investment in the East African Community bloc’s history.
Yesterday’s agreement, which is the key element that was being awaited to allow construction to begin, comes with great benefits for Tanzanians.
Speaking at the event, President Hassan said the crude oil project would indeed help increase employment for Tanzanians, as well as stimulate joint oil exploration in the region, noting that Tanzania was likely to find oil at Lake Eyasi.
“Out of the 1,443-km pipeline 1,147km will pass through Tanzania in eight administrative regions and 24 districts.
“More jobs will be create, as we owe Tanzanians more than 7 million jobs over the next five years, so this project will increase employment,” the Tanzania President said.
Uganda has discovered the presence of 6.5 billion barrels of oil, and there’s no doubt it will increase.
Currently, she said, the discovery was only 40 percent while the remaining 60 percent was being worked on.
In the project, Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC) will hold a 15 percent stake, while the country will get 60 percent of the tax revenues.
“It will stimulate exploration of oil and gas activities in our East African region. We hope to find oil through Lake Eyasi while the DRC also has the prospect of finding oil and the infrastructure that will be used is the EACOP.
“All this will be using this project as a transportation corridor,” said President Hassan.
“We now need to work together to ensure that the remaining components (Final Investment Decisions) are completed so that, by 2025, oil can be exported,” added President Hassan.
For his part, Uganda President Yoweri Museveni reminded Tanzanians and Ugandans not to be content with the crude oil project, but to use the income from the project to bolster other economic sectors.
“Other sectors such as commercial agriculture, industry, will now be assisted by the benefits from this temporary project, but agriculture remains a sustainable venture as well as tourism, so let’s use these limited resources to protect sustainable resources,” advised President Museveni.
He said the money from the project should be used to finance other projects that are more sustainable so that when oil is finished, the countries will have grown to higher development levels.
Mr Museveni also noted that Uganda also needed gas for the steel industry, to provide oxygen in the metal layers and other uses. “Therefore, the created corridor can be used to lay a gas pipeline from Tanzania to help the Great Lakes countries.”
Tanzania Energy Minister Medard Kalemani said that the project will create employment for more than 10,000 Tanzanians during construction, and 1,500 after oil transportation starts toflow along the facility.
According to the minister, 60 percent of all pipeline revenue will be go to Tanzania, while Uganda will receive 40 percent.
“In terms of tax revenue for all 25 years of the project, Tanzania will receive $290 million in direct taxes and since the country’s land will be used, then we will be paid revenue of $59 million,” Dr Kalemani said - adding that crossing the port will peg $73 million.”
Mentioning the five steps to be taken in the implementation of the construction of the project, Dr Kalemani said what will start is the construction of the pipeline itself 1443km from Hoima to Tanga-Chongeoleni.
“Secondly, there will be eight oil pumping stations. Two will be built in Uganda, and six in Tanzania for pumping and reducing fuel speed,” he said.
Dr Kalemani said pipeline’s lubricant facilities would be built because oil contains wax so 26 will be built in Tanzania and seven in Uganda.
He said the next step would be to build 76 valve shutters, 53 of them built in Tanzania and 23 in Uganda.
“There will be construction of five oil storage tanks in Tanga where each tank will be able to fill 500,000 barrels so it will be able to store about 2,500,000 million barrels of oil,” said Energy Minister Kalemani.
Stakeholders in this project include Total Company in France (with 62 percent stake); TPDC (15 percent); Uganda (15 percent), and CNOOC: eight percent.
www.thecitizen.co.tz
Tanzania, Uganda finalise key agreements on pipeline project
FRIDAY MAY 21 2021
President Samia Suluhu Hassan witnesses the signing of the Host Government Agreement at State House, Dar es Salaam, yesterday in what was a major step towards implementation of the East African Crude Oil Pipeline project. The signing was also witnessed by Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni. Another picture on Page 3. PHOTO | STATE HOUSE
Summary
- The stage is now set for the construction of a $3.5 billion 1,443km oil pipeline from Hoima in Uganda to the port city of Tanga to commence following the signing yesterday of the second and final Host Government Agreement
By Jacob Mosenda
More by this Author
Dar es Salaam. All is now set for actual construction of the $3.5 billion pipeline project after lengthy discussions and about five agreements among the partners were finalized yesterday.
Uganda having signed an agreement with the investors last month, yesterday was the Tanzanian government’s turn to finalise an agreement with EACOP, an event witnessed by President Samia Suluhu Hassan and her Uganda counterpart, Yoweri Museveni, at a ceremony held at State House in Dar es Salaam.
The East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) project is set to bring to life a 1443km-long heated oil pipeline from Hoima in Uganda to Tanga in Tanzania.
This will not only be the world’s longest heated crude oil pipeline; it will also be the biggest joint investment in the East African Community bloc’s history.
Yesterday’s agreement, which is the key element that was being awaited to allow construction to begin, comes with great benefits for Tanzanians.
Speaking at the event, President Hassan said the crude oil project would indeed help increase employment for Tanzanians, as well as stimulate joint oil exploration in the region, noting that Tanzania was likely to find oil at Lake Eyasi.
“Out of the 1,443-km pipeline 1,147km will pass through Tanzania in eight administrative regions and 24 districts.
“More jobs will be create, as we owe Tanzanians more than 7 million jobs over the next five years, so this project will increase employment,” the Tanzania President said.
Uganda has discovered the presence of 6.5 billion barrels of oil, and there’s no doubt it will increase.
Currently, she said, the discovery was only 40 percent while the remaining 60 percent was being worked on.
In the project, Tanzania Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC) will hold a 15 percent stake, while the country will get 60 percent of the tax revenues.
“It will stimulate exploration of oil and gas activities in our East African region. We hope to find oil through Lake Eyasi while the DRC also has the prospect of finding oil and the infrastructure that will be used is the EACOP.
“All this will be using this project as a transportation corridor,” said President Hassan.
“We now need to work together to ensure that the remaining components (Final Investment Decisions) are completed so that, by 2025, oil can be exported,” added President Hassan.
For his part, Uganda President Yoweri Museveni reminded Tanzanians and Ugandans not to be content with the crude oil project, but to use the income from the project to bolster other economic sectors.
“Other sectors such as commercial agriculture, industry, will now be assisted by the benefits from this temporary project, but agriculture remains a sustainable venture as well as tourism, so let’s use these limited resources to protect sustainable resources,” advised President Museveni.
He said the money from the project should be used to finance other projects that are more sustainable so that when oil is finished, the countries will have grown to higher development levels.
Mr Museveni also noted that Uganda also needed gas for the steel industry, to provide oxygen in the metal layers and other uses. “Therefore, the created corridor can be used to lay a gas pipeline from Tanzania to help the Great Lakes countries.”
Tanzania Energy Minister Medard Kalemani said that the project will create employment for more than 10,000 Tanzanians during construction, and 1,500 after oil transportation starts toflow along the facility.
According to the minister, 60 percent of all pipeline revenue will be go to Tanzania, while Uganda will receive 40 percent.
“In terms of tax revenue for all 25 years of the project, Tanzania will receive $290 million in direct taxes and since the country’s land will be used, then we will be paid revenue of $59 million,” Dr Kalemani said - adding that crossing the port will peg $73 million.”
Mentioning the five steps to be taken in the implementation of the construction of the project, Dr Kalemani said what will start is the construction of the pipeline itself 1443km from Hoima to Tanga-Chongeoleni.
“Secondly, there will be eight oil pumping stations. Two will be built in Uganda, and six in Tanzania for pumping and reducing fuel speed,” he said.
Dr Kalemani said pipeline’s lubricant facilities would be built because oil contains wax so 26 will be built in Tanzania and seven in Uganda.
He said the next step would be to build 76 valve shutters, 53 of them built in Tanzania and 23 in Uganda.
“There will be construction of five oil storage tanks in Tanga where each tank will be able to fill 500,000 barrels so it will be able to store about 2,500,000 million barrels of oil,” said Energy Minister Kalemani.
Stakeholders in this project include Total Company in France (with 62 percent stake); TPDC (15 percent); Uganda (15 percent), and CNOOC: eight percent.
Tanzania, Uganda finalise key agreements on pipeline project
All is now set for actual construction of the $3.5 billion pipeline project after lengthy discussions and about five agreements among the partners were finalized yesterday.
Geza Ulole
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 65,136
- 91,917
- Thread starter
- #106
Geza Ulole
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 65,136
- 91,917
- Thread starter
- #107
Geza Ulole
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 65,136
- 91,917
- Thread starter
- #108
Geza Ulole
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 65,136
- 91,917
- Thread starter
- #109
IDEAS & DEBATE
Uganda oilfields plan an economic chance for Kenya
By GEORGE WACHIRA
More by this Author
SUMMARY
- Proactively preparing Kenya’s logistics systems (ports, railways, roads) to effectively participate in Uganda’s transit imports of oilfields construction equipment, drilling materials, and pipelines is a major economic opportunity for Kenya.
- If financial closures for the oilfield development projects are finalised this year, construction could commence in 2022 and take four years to 2025.
- Refinery construction in Western Uganda is another opportunity which could happen much later.
WEDNESDAY MAY 26 2021
Last month when Uganda and Tanzania leaders signed an agreement to commit construction of the crude oil export pipeline from Lake Albert in Uganda to Tanga in Tanzania, it opened the way for the upstream investors, Total and CNOOC, to commit funds to develop western Uganda oilfields.
Proactively preparing Kenya’s logistics systems (ports, railways, roads) to effectively participate in Uganda’s transit imports of oilfields construction equipment, drilling materials, and pipelines is a major economic opportunity for Kenya.
If financial closures for the oilfield development projects are finalised this year, construction could commence in 2022 and take four years to 2025. Refinery construction in Western Uganda is another opportunity which could happen much later.
As much as 300,000 tonnes of cargo, both containerised and non-non-containerised, will likely be imported from various overseas sources by the pipeline and oilfield development construction contractors. And the ports of Mombasa and Dar Es Salaam will be competing to handle the imports.
However, Tanzania, being an investment participant in the crude oil export pipeline, will most likely plan to maximise Dar and Tanga ports utilisation for pipelines imports to enhance local content benefits.
With the oilfield development and pipeline construction happening concurrently, and Dar preoccupied with the pipeline project, Mombasa will directionally be the entry port of choice for Uganda oilfields materials.
However, Kenya should prove its logistics adequacy, efficiency, and cost competitiveness, and not indulge in complacency.
For containerised and in-gauge cargo it is timely that an expanded Mombasa port has already been linked by a Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) to an Inland Container Depot (ICD) at Naivasha.
This should permit direct consignment of goods from export ports direct to Naivasha. The ongoing works at the Naivasha ICD should reflect the anticipated cargo receiving and transfer needs for the Uganda Oilfield projects.
The Uganda oil companies’ logistics planning may opt for laydown warehousing in the vicinity of Naivasha ICD, or immediately load the cargo directly on to road trucks or the MGR (Meter Gauge Railway) wagons for warehousing nearer the oilfields. This is useful information that the ICD developers should proactively find out.
There are ongoing works to link ICD on to MGR and rehabilitation of the MGR all the way to Malaba. Uganda is also planning to rehabilitate the MGR from Malaba to Kampala. The load bearing capacity of MGR lines, locomotives, and rolling stock should anticipate the needs of Uganda oilfield imports.
Ideally railway transportation should terminate for warehousing as near as possible to the oilfields, which would favour the Uganda northern railway branch from Tororo to Pakwach on the northern tip of Lake Albert, or the old line to Kasese in Western Uganda.
In most cases it is how and where goods will be cleared by the Customs that can create the biggest logistics headache (or opportunity). Therefore, both KRA and URA should agree on the most efficient methods of goods verification and clearance. The objective here should be to minimise double checking, handling, and delays.
There will also be large out-of-gauge cargo which will require specialised haulers from Mombasa port direct to the oilfields. It will be for Kenya road authorities to designate convenient routes with minimum logistics pinch points, and where obstacles exist to plan convenient diversions.
The objective will be to achieve this at minimum costs, and few inconveniences to motoring public.
From experience, it will be expected that Kenyan and Ugandan road transporters will want to have a fair share of the transit haulage, whether from Mombasa or Naivasha. And road transporters are a strong and influential lobby who usually get their way.
Therefore, how to distribute the business between the rail and road transportation will need to be decided early and prudently.
From the transportation scenarios and options above, it is evident that there is need for Kenya/Uganda logistics stakeholders to sooner than later establish a consultative transit logistics forum.
This will invariably include the oilfields EPC contractors, port/railway/road authorities, revenue authorities, clearing and forwarding firms, and road transporters.
Let this be an opportunity for the two countries to develop a logistics model that reflects genuine regional co-operation for mutual economic benefits. It is also an experience we shall utilise whenever in the future we develop Turkana oilfields.
Uganda oilfields plan an economic chance for Kenya
If financial closures for the oilfield development projects are finalised this year, construction could commence in 2022 and take four years to 2025.
www.businessdailyafrica.com
MY TAKE
Unfortunately Mr Wachira keeps day dreaming!
As long as the EACOP will be constructed from Tanzanian side i don't see how Mombasa port will be a recipient of EACOP construction materials!
All logistics are well stipulated in the GHAs of both Uganda and Tanzania where a primary port will be Tanga assisted by Dar port!
U should be thinking how materials will get to Lokichar an area Tullow's Early Crude Oil Pilot Scheme (EOPS) failed as there is no infrastructure!
Geza Ulole
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 65,136
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- #110
Macron is in Rwanda, i won't be surpriseed if FID for EACOP will be announced this week!
wa kupuliza
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 15, 2012
- 15,216
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Macron yuko Rwanda pale kuzuga kuomba msamaha mambo ya Genocide ila lengo lake ni wanajeshi wa Rwanda waende huko Mozambique kupambana na Magaidi ili kulinda interests za Co. Ya ufaransa TOTAL.
Kagame alikuwepo huko France last week kwny mkutano khs mambo ya Africa so nadhani suala hilo la RDF kwenda Msumbiji liko tayari(lkn lisingewezeka bila France&Rwanda) kuonekana zimerudisha mahusiano.
Uganda wameshapeleka wanajeshi wao tayari huko Msumbiji.
Geza Ulole
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 65,136
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- Thread starter
- #112
Na nini kinakufanya uamini SADC itaruhusu wanajeshi wa Rwanda Mozambique? nadhani huelewi jinsi SADC haimzimikii Kagame! Sidhani kama Macron anaweza kufanya mistake kama hiyo! Labda ungesema wanajeshi wa Uganda ila wa Rwanda sidhani! SADC haiwezi kukubali huo upuuzi! Hivi mara ya mwisho Kagame kukanyaga ardhi ya SADC ukiacha SA (Ramaphosa iauguration), DRC na Tanzania ni lini?
AFRICA BRIEF
From Algeria to Zimbabwe and countries in between, a weekly roundup of essential news and analysis from Africa. Delivered Wednesday.
Macron Goes to Africa
The French president is seeking to project influence, build new alliances, repair old rifts, and defuse the immigration issue at home.
By Lynsey Chutel, the writer of Foreign Policy’s weekly Africa Brief.
French President Emmanuel Macron welcomes Rwandan President Paul Kagame to an international conference on Sudan in Paris on May 17. LUDOVIC MARIN/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES
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MAY 26, 2021, 6:44 AM
Welcome to Foreign Policy’s Africa Brief.
This week’s highlights: Emmanuel Macron’s diplomatic tour of Africa, Germany and Namibia near a deal on reparations for the Herero genocide, and a fake Rembrandt boosts Africa’s homegrown technology.
If you would like to receive Africa Brief in your inbox every Wednesday, please sign up here.
What Does France Want in Africa?
Since taking office in 2017, French President Emmanuel Macron has made Africa a key part of his foreign policy. In a 2017 speech in Burkina Faso, Macron promised to usher in a new relationship between the continent and one of its former colonizers.
Early on, Macron made it clear his focus on Africa went beyond former French colonies, from landing in Nigeria in 2018 to dance at the famed New Afrika Shrine to meeting with the country’s young tech entrepreneurs. He also championed the return of African artifacts but betrayed some of his own biases when he attributed Africa’s challenges as “civilizational.”
Beyond the gaffes, Macron has made good on his promise to strengthen ties between Africa and France. But with such wide-ranging interests, it’s hard to decipher Macron’s objectives on the continent.
Summits in Paris. Last week, Paris welcomed a bevy of African leaders. On May 17, Macron hosted the International Conference to Support the Sudanese Transition, which aimed at helping a post-Omar al-Bashir Sudan reenter the international community.
France helped broker a deal to alleviate Sudan’s debt by providing a bridging loan to repay Khartoum’s arrears to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Acting as something of a patron for the newly democratizing country, France further helped raise $2 billion in donations for Sudan from the United Kingdom, United States, the European Union, and others.
The next day, Macron held a summit on the Financing of African Economies: getting the World Bank and IMF in the same room as African leaders from Senegal, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and more. They discussed the key issue of Africa’s debt and helping the continent’s post-COVID-19 pandemic recovery.
In a press conference, flanked by DRC President Félix Tshisekedi—who is also the chair of the African Union this year—and Senegalese President Macky Sall, Macron championed a restructuring of African countries’ international debt to include a combination of grants and funding to help them rebound from the pandemic while also using economic tools to address the growing risk of terrorism on the continent.
“Africa’s key asset is its young people. They are the most dynamic in the world. But support to the sector has never been a priority. We are correcting that paradox now, with the launch of an alliance for African entrepreneurship,” Macron tweeted from the conference.
It’s exactly the sort of thing African politicians and policymakers want to hear. Such a move could also stem the flow of African migrants to Europe—a key concern for Macron as the 2022 election approaches in France, where he is likely to face a strong challenge from the far-right and staunchly anti-immigration candidate Marine Le Pen.
Visit to Pretoria. This week, Macron will travel to South Africa, where he will meet South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, who has positioned himself as a leader of Africa’s collective vaccine acquisition campaign. Macron has thrown his support behind the effort, calling for donations to help boost Africa’s COVID-19 vaccination drive, both for surplus vaccines and funding for public health programs.
It’s a noble effort when the global vaccine drive has been characterized by wealthy countries hoarding vaccines. But South Africa also has strategic importance—it is a key player in a region now facing an insurgency characterized as a terrorist threat in Mozambique.
Macron already met with Mozambican President Filipe Nyusi in Paris last week, where he was expected to ask for French support in fighting the insurgency.
Repairing relations with Rwanda. Before he arrives in South Africa, Macron will begin his tour in Kigali, where a visit to Rwanda will be “the final step in the normalization of relations between France and Rwanda,” according to an Elysée official, and will see the historic announcement of a new French ambassador to Kigali.
Rwanda severed diplomatic ties with France in 2006 after a French judge issued arrest warrants for Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s aides over their alleged involvement in the assassination of Kagame’s predecessor, Juvénal Habyarimana.
The former Hutu president, whose death in part sparked the 1994 genocide, was killed when a flight operated by a French crew was downed. In response to the warrants, the Rwandan government ordered anti-French demonstrations and expelled the ambassador.
The two countries restored relations in 2009, but it has been a frosty relationship characterized by Rwanda’s criticism of France’s complicity in the genocide. This year marked a turning point after a commission found in March that France bore “overwhelming responsibility” for failing to do more to stop the killings.
On the sidelines of last week’s summit, Kagame told news channel France24 he welcomed the report as a “convergence of the facts” and said the two countries now had a chance to build a strong relationship. Kagame and Macron also held bilateral talks during the summit.
Deprioritizing democracy? What that relationship will look like is an open question. As Le Monde columnist Philippe Bernard wrote, France can take responsibility for its role in the genocide, but that should not mean ignoring the authoritarian nature of the current regime.
France, however, has historically overlooked this characteristic in its allies, particularly when they are strategically important to its interests in Africa. After all, Macron personally attended the funeral of Chadian dictator Idriss Déby and has shown support for the military transitional government run by Déby’s son, even as observers and civil society groups decried the lost opportunity to introduce a democratic government.
The Week Ahead
May 27: The Southern African Development Community holds a summit to discuss the insurgency in Mozambique.
May 27 to 28: French President Emmanuel Macron travels to Kigali, where he will meet Rwandan President Paul Kagame.
May 28 to 29: Macron visits South Africa, where he will meet President Cyril Ramaphosa.
What We’re Watching
Another coup in Mali. Army officers detained the heads of Mali’s already tottering transitional government on Monday in the country’s third coup in less than a decade.
Mali’s President Bah Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane were taken to a military camp outside the capital, Bamako, on Monday by soldiers who were unhappy with the cabinet reshuffle. Hours earlier, the reshuffle saw the replacement of former defense and security ministers who supported the junta in September 2020.
The Economic Community of West African States called for the two transitional leaders’ immediate release.
Stumbling block in Somalia. Former Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama has stepped down as the African Union’s special envoy to Somalia before he could even visit Mogadishu. Mahama cited the lack of support for his position from Somalia’s federal government.
On May 8, the African Union announced Mahama would serve as its high representative to Somalia to help broker a settlement over the electoral crisis. Reports quickly surfaced that Somalia rejected Mahama over his “extensive links” to Kenya. The two East African nations have a fraught diplomatic relationship, and only recently restored relations after Somalia criticized Kenya for hosting leaders of the self-declared independent state of Somaliland.
Demonstrators display placards and banners outside the venue where a handing-over ceremony takes place for human remains that were brought to Germany during its colonial rule of Namibia in Berlin on Aug. 29, 2018.JOHN MACDOUGALL/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES
Namibia and Germany strike tentative reparations deal. After years of negotiations, Germany and Namibia are closer to announcing an agreement for redress of the Nama and Herero genocide committed by German colonial troops from 1904 to 1908.
Namibia’s special envoy to Germany, Zedekia Ngavirue, said Germany refused to pay compensation to the individual families affected by the genocide. Instead, reparations would focus on “reconciliation and reconstruction,” Ngavirue told the Namibian. The details of the plan are expected to be presented in the Namibian parliament later this week.
Africa’s critically ill COVID-19 patients are more vulnerable. Africa may have fewer COVID-19 deaths than other regions, but according to a study published in the Lancet, those admitted to critical care facilities were 40 percent more likely to die.
Researchers at the University of Cape Town studied the hospital admission data of more than 3,000 patients from 10 different countries, specifically Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Libya, Malawi, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, and South Africa between May and December 2020.
The results pointed to a lack of resources as one of the key factors, including access to oxygen and ventilators. The data also suggests the prevalence of HIV/AIDS was a contributing factor to COVID-19 mortality rates—a warning issued in Africa early on in the pandemic.
Chart of the Week
Only a fraction of Africans are vaccinated against COVID-19. Of the 1.68 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses administered around the world to 176 countries, Africa has only administered 24.2 million doses. The World Health Organization said only about 2 percent of Africans have been vaccinated since the start of the pandemic.
This Week in Culture
A Rembrandt fake that fooled dealers for decades. For more than 40 years, a small oil painting has been part of the University of Pretoria’s art collection. Attributed to the Dutch master Rembrandt van Rijn, “Portrait of an Old Man” depicts a grey bearded man in profile wearing a heavy cloak and fur hat.
To the naked eye, the painting bears all the characteristics of the Dutch Golden Age—an atmospheric portrait that plays with light and an apparent invoice from an auction in the Dutch master’s handwriting. Donated by a Dutch businessman in 1976 to the University of Pretoria, the painting had been owned by 14 different buyers and described as “surely authentic” in a volume of Dutch paintings of the 17th century.
Scientists at the University of Pretoria Museums’ Tangible Heritage Conservation unit wanted to establish the exact provenance of the painting, but the closer they looked, the more unsettling evidence they found. The puzzle compelled the university to build its own authentication expertise in South Africa, which unearthed a paint chemical invented after Rembrandt’s death.
The university may have lost what it thought was a valuable masterpiece, but it has developed authentication technology that means art and artifacts no longer need to be shipped to Europe for authentication.
African Voices
Misuse and missed opportunities in Malawi. One of the world’s poorest nations is hemorrhaging billions of dollars to corruption, Lilongwe-based journalist Madalitso Wills Kateta writes in Foreign Policy. The personal gains of Malawi’s political inner circle have been prioritized over the desperate need for development in rural Malawi, he argues.
Mauritius is losing its luster. Once hailed as a model of good governance in Africa, accusations of money laundering and an increasingly unaccountable ruling party have dimmed Mauritius’s aims to be the Singapore of Africa. Media and democracy scholar Roukaya Kasenally tracks the decline of the island nation to the 2019 election in African Arguments.
Lynsey Chutel is the writer of Foreign Policy’s weekly Africa Brief. She is a journalist based in Johannesburg. Twitter: @lynseychutel
TAGS: AFRICA, FOREIGN & PUBLIC DIPLOMACY, FRANCE, RWANDA, SOUTH AFRICA, SUDAN
Macron Goes to Africa
The French president is seeking to project influence, build new alliances, repair old rifts, and defuse the immigration issue at home.
foreignpolicy.com
muhogo_kiks
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Wewe mwehu nini? ?? Hili bombo linpitia serengeti ya wapi? Makali***n kwako? ?
wa kupuliza
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Na nini kinakufanya uamini SADC itaruhusu wanajeshi wa Rwanda Mozambique? nadhani huelewi jinsi SADC haimzimikii Kagame! Sidhani kama Macron anaweza kufanya mistake kama hiyo! Labda ungesema wanajeshi wa Uganda ila wa Rwanda sidhani! SADC haiwezi kukubali huo upuuzi! Hivi mara ya mwisho Kagame kukanyaga ardhi ya SADC ukiacha DRC na Tanzania ni lini?
AFRICA BRIEF
From Algeria to Zimbabwe and countries in between, a weekly roundup of essential news and analysis from Africa. Delivered Wednesday.
Macron Goes to Africa
The French president is seeking to project influence, build new alliances, repair old rifts, and defuse the immigration issue at home.
By Lynsey Chutel, the writer of Foreign Policy’s weekly Africa Brief.
French President Emmanuel Macron welcomes Rwandan President Paul Kagame to an international conference on Sudan in Paris on May 17. LUDOVIC MARIN/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES
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MAY 26, 2021, 6:44 AM
Welcome to Foreign Policy’s Africa Brief.
This week’s highlights: Emmanuel Macron’s diplomatic tour of Africa, Germany and Namibia near a deal on reparations for the Herero genocide, and a fake Rembrandt boosts Africa’s homegrown technology.
If you would like to receive Africa Brief in your inbox every Wednesday, please sign up here.
What Does France Want in Africa?
Since taking office in 2017, French President Emmanuel Macron has made Africa a key part of his foreign policy. In a 2017 speech in Burkina Faso, Macron promised to usher in a new relationship between the continent and one of its former colonizers.
Early on, Macron made it clear his focus on Africa went beyond former French colonies, from landing in Nigeria in 2018 to dance at the famed New Afrika Shrine to meeting with the country’s young tech entrepreneurs. He also championed the return of African artifacts but betrayed some of his own biases when he attributed Africa’s challenges as “civilizational.”
Beyond the gaffes, Macron has made good on his promise to strengthen ties between Africa and France. But with such wide-ranging interests, it’s hard to decipher Macron’s objectives on the continent.
Summits in Paris. Last week, Paris welcomed a bevy of African leaders. On May 17, Macron hosted the International Conference to Support the Sudanese Transition, which aimed at helping a post-Omar al-Bashir Sudan reenter the international community.
France helped broker a deal to alleviate Sudan’s debt by providing a bridging loan to repay Khartoum’s arrears to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Acting as something of a patron for the newly democratizing country, France further helped raise $2 billion in donations for Sudan from the United Kingdom, United States, the European Union, and others.
The next day, Macron held a summit on the Financing of African Economies: getting the World Bank and IMF in the same room as African leaders from Senegal, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and more. They discussed the key issue of Africa’s debt and helping the continent’s post-COVID-19 pandemic recovery.
In a press conference, flanked by DRC President Félix Tshisekedi—who is also the chair of the African Union this year—and Senegalese President Macky Sall, Macron championed a restructuring of African countries’ international debt to include a combination of grants and funding to help them rebound from the pandemic while also using economic tools to address the growing risk of terrorism on the continent.
“Africa’s key asset is its young people. They are the most dynamic in the world. But support to the sector has never been a priority. We are correcting that paradox now, with the launch of an alliance for African entrepreneurship,” Macron tweeted from the conference.
It’s exactly the sort of thing African politicians and policymakers want to hear. Such a move could also stem the flow of African migrants to Europe—a key concern for Macron as the 2022 election approaches in France, where he is likely to face a strong challenge from the far-right and staunchly anti-immigration candidate Marine Le Pen.
Visit to Pretoria. This week, Macron will travel to South Africa, where he will meet South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, who has positioned himself as a leader of Africa’s collective vaccine acquisition campaign. Macron has thrown his support behind the effort, calling for donations to help boost Africa’s COVID-19 vaccination drive, both for surplus vaccines and funding for public health programs.
It’s a noble effort when the global vaccine drive has been characterized by wealthy countries hoarding vaccines. But South Africa also has strategic importance—it is a key player in a region now facing an insurgency characterized as a terrorist threat in Mozambique.
Macron already met with Mozambican President Filipe Nyusi in Paris last week, where he was expected to ask for French support in fighting the insurgency.
Repairing relations with Rwanda. Before he arrives in South Africa, Macron will begin his tour in Kigali, where a visit to Rwanda will be “the final step in the normalization of relations between France and Rwanda,” according to an Elysée official, and will see the historic announcement of a new French ambassador to Kigali.
Rwanda severed diplomatic ties with France in 2006 after a French judge issued arrest warrants for Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s aides over their alleged involvement in the assassination of Kagame’s predecessor, Juvénal Habyarimana.
The former Hutu president, whose death in part sparked the 1994 genocide, was killed when a flight operated by a French crew was downed. In response to the warrants, the Rwandan government ordered anti-French demonstrations and expelled the ambassador.
The two countries restored relations in 2009, but it has been a frosty relationship characterized by Rwanda’s criticism of France’s complicity in the genocide. This year marked a turning point after a commission found in March that France bore “overwhelming responsibility” for failing to do more to stop the killings.
On the sidelines of last week’s summit, Kagame told news channel France24 he welcomed the report as a “convergence of the facts” and said the two countries now had a chance to build a strong relationship. Kagame and Macron also held bilateral talks during the summit.
Deprioritizing democracy? What that relationship will look like is an open question. As Le Monde columnist Philippe Bernard wrote, France can take responsibility for its role in the genocide, but that should not mean ignoring the authoritarian nature of the current regime.
France, however, has historically overlooked this characteristic in its allies, particularly when they are strategically important to its interests in Africa. After all, Macron personally attended the funeral of Chadian dictator Idriss Déby and has shown support for the military transitional government run by Déby’s son, even as observers and civil society groups decried the lost opportunity to introduce a democratic government.
The Week Ahead
May 27: The Southern African Development Community holds a summit to discuss the insurgency in Mozambique.
May 27 to 28: French President Emmanuel Macron travels to Kigali, where he will meet Rwandan President Paul Kagame.
May 28 to 29: Macron visits South Africa, where he will meet President Cyril Ramaphosa.
What We’re Watching
Another coup in Mali. Army officers detained the heads of Mali’s already tottering transitional government on Monday in the country’s third coup in less than a decade.
Mali’s President Bah Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane were taken to a military camp outside the capital, Bamako, on Monday by soldiers who were unhappy with the cabinet reshuffle. Hours earlier, the reshuffle saw the replacement of former defense and security ministers who supported the junta in September 2020.
The Economic Community of West African States called for the two transitional leaders’ immediate release.
Stumbling block in Somalia. Former Ghanaian President John Dramani Mahama has stepped down as the African Union’s special envoy to Somalia before he could even visit Mogadishu. Mahama cited the lack of support for his position from Somalia’s federal government.
On May 8, the African Union announced Mahama would serve as its high representative to Somalia to help broker a settlement over the electoral crisis. Reports quickly surfaced that Somalia rejected Mahama over his “extensive links” to Kenya. The two East African nations have a fraught diplomatic relationship, and only recently restored relations after Somalia criticized Kenya for hosting leaders of the self-declared independent state of Somaliland.
Demonstrators display placards and banners outside the venue where a handing-over ceremony takes place for human remains that were brought to Germany during its colonial rule of Namibia in Berlin on Aug. 29, 2018.JOHN MACDOUGALL/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES
Namibia and Germany strike tentative reparations deal. After years of negotiations, Germany and Namibia are closer to announcing an agreement for redress of the Nama and Herero genocide committed by German colonial troops from 1904 to 1908.
Namibia’s special envoy to Germany, Zedekia Ngavirue, said Germany refused to pay compensation to the individual families affected by the genocide. Instead, reparations would focus on “reconciliation and reconstruction,” Ngavirue told the Namibian. The details of the plan are expected to be presented in the Namibian parliament later this week.
Africa’s critically ill COVID-19 patients are more vulnerable. Africa may have fewer COVID-19 deaths than other regions, but according to a study published in the Lancet, those admitted to critical care facilities were 40 percent more likely to die.
Researchers at the University of Cape Town studied the hospital admission data of more than 3,000 patients from 10 different countries, specifically Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Libya, Malawi, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, and South Africa between May and December 2020.
The results pointed to a lack of resources as one of the key factors, including access to oxygen and ventilators. The data also suggests the prevalence of HIV/AIDS was a contributing factor to COVID-19 mortality rates—a warning issued in Africa early on in the pandemic.
Chart of the Week
Only a fraction of Africans are vaccinated against COVID-19. Of the 1.68 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses administered around the world to 176 countries, Africa has only administered 24.2 million doses. The World Health Organization said only about 2 percent of Africans have been vaccinated since the start of the pandemic.
This Week in Culture
A Rembrandt fake that fooled dealers for decades. For more than 40 years, a small oil painting has been part of the University of Pretoria’s art collection. Attributed to the Dutch master Rembrandt van Rijn, “Portrait of an Old Man” depicts a grey bearded man in profile wearing a heavy cloak and fur hat.
To the naked eye, the painting bears all the characteristics of the Dutch Golden Age—an atmospheric portrait that plays with light and an apparent invoice from an auction in the Dutch master’s handwriting. Donated by a Dutch businessman in 1976 to the University of Pretoria, the painting had been owned by 14 different buyers and described as “surely authentic” in a volume of Dutch paintings of the 17th century.
Scientists at the University of Pretoria Museums’ Tangible Heritage Conservation unit wanted to establish the exact provenance of the painting, but the closer they looked, the more unsettling evidence they found. The puzzle compelled the university to build its own authentication expertise in South Africa, which unearthed a paint chemical invented after Rembrandt’s death.
The university may have lost what it thought was a valuable masterpiece, but it has developed authentication technology that means art and artifacts no longer need to be shipped to Europe for authentication.
African Voices
Misuse and missed opportunities in Malawi. One of the world’s poorest nations is hemorrhaging billions of dollars to corruption, Lilongwe-based journalist Madalitso Wills Kateta writes in Foreign Policy. The personal gains of Malawi’s political inner circle have been prioritized over the desperate need for development in rural Malawi, he argues.
Mauritius is losing its luster. Once hailed as a model of good governance in Africa, accusations of money laundering and an increasingly unaccountable ruling party have dimmed Mauritius’s aims to be the Singapore of Africa. Media and democracy scholar Roukaya Kasenally tracks the decline of the island nation to the 2019 election in African Arguments.
Lynsey Chutel is the writer of Foreign Policy’s weekly Africa Brief. She is a journalist based in Johannesburg. Twitter: @lynseychutel
TAGS: AFRICA, FOREIGN & PUBLIC DIPLOMACY, FRANCE, RWANDA, SOUTH AFRICA, SUDAN
Macron Goes to Africa
The French president is seeking to project influence, build new alliances, repair old rifts, and defuse the immigration issue at home.
Amini unachoamini,pengine hujui hata mkuu wa majeshi wa Rwanda na mkuu wa police wa huko walikua hapa Tz wiki 2 zilizopita wakikutana na Mabeyo na Sirro kujadili yasiyojulikana na pengine hujui rais wa Msumbiji mwezi uliopita alikua Kigali akiongea na Kagame namna ya kusaidiwa kupambana na magaidi huko Msumbiji.
Anyway,tufanye macron amekuja kufanya huo mradi unaosema.
Geza Ulole
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- Oct 31, 2009
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- #115
Hamna nchi ya SADC inaweza ikaruhusu wanajeshi wa Rwanda SADC influence ya Kagame inaishia Somalia! Know geopolitics kwanza kabla ya kuongea usichokijua Macron anaenda South Africa baada ya brief stop in Kigali! Rwanda inatumika kurudisha wakimbizi wa Kiafrica anaorudishwa Africa kutoka Ulaya! Hata Mozambique haiwezi kuruhusu wanajeshi wa Rwanda ndani ya nchi yake!
wa kupuliza
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 15, 2012
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Kumbe brief stop hua ni siku 2,nilikua sijui hilo.
Geza Ulole
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 31, 2009
- 65,136
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- #117
Hii maneno si level yako mzee! soma makala niliyokutumia! Wanajeshi wa Rwanda labda DRC ila Mozambique sidhani! France imefungua ubalozi wake Kigali baada ya mahusiano ya kibalozi kati France na Rwanda kkutokuwapo kwa muda mrefu!
wa kupuliza
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 15, 2012
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Vizuri sana,endelea kutodhania.
I don't think if people understand what FID really is.
the budget for the project has already been revised it is $4.1 bil. now the companies are required to commit fund. Ug is already in a position to commit $135 mil for its 15%. Tz will also be required to raise the same. Total is currently seeking to raise almost $2.1 bil, they have their AGM tomorrow. FID = decision was made just after sgning SHA, TTA, HGA. Remember its debt equity project.