Tindo
JF-Expert Member
- Sep 28, 2011
- 63,730
- 111,542
Utajua hujui.
Mmmh
Yani nmesoma hadi nikabaki nashangaaTukagugu
Wala usijali. Hamna kitu cha maana hapo.Dah sie wa kayumba hoi
Kwahiyo Rais ni Mungu hastahili kukosolewa na tumwabudu? Kipi kibaya nilichoandika? Kama huna hoja kuhusu maswali kaa kimya.Acha kauli zako hizi. Huyo unayemzungumzia kirahisi ni Rais, Mkuu wa nchi na Amiri Jeshi Mkuu. Huu Uhuru wa maoni unautumia vibaya.
Hakuna pahala Sukuma gang watajificha na kuachwa salama.Tutawasaka kokote.Kadri gari inavyopita kwenye korogesheni, ndivyo mzigo unavyojipanga vizuri.
After his resignation,Nduga has been denied the power of his tangue,a win to Samia..View attachment 2071029
Former Speaker of the rubber-stamp Parliament, Job Ndugai, barely commands public respect, but his attacks of President Samia shows late Magufuli’s loyalists are baying for her blood.
Dar es Salaam
Jan 5th 2022
The bare knuckle public speech, on Tuesday, 03 January 2022 by President Samia Suluhu Hassan, confirmed that there is a deep sited war within the ruling party, CCM, pitying the new President and a faction that held sway during the late President John Magufuli’s reign.
President Samia’s stinging attack on her critics in cabinet and within CCM power echelons was not entirely surprising. It only brought to the fore ongoing silent power struggles in government following the sudden death of Magufuli, in March 2021.
Abandoning her usual calmness, an angry Samia left no doubt that she was removing her gloves for a bare-knuckled management of the country’s body politics, especially of the ruling party, as she accused a faction of her comrades of undermining her since she assumed power.
Samia alluded to a clique comprising cabinet members and top regional CCM officials of waging a war against her with their eyes firmly fixed on the 2025 succession elections. “They said I was a transitional president and laid in wait but are now worried I have outperformed their own rating,” she said, adding she would shuffle her administration to weed out those who did not support her agenda or were busy scheming for power grab.
President Samia spoke at a meeting of government and CCM officials called to review the utilisation of the World Bank’s TZS 1.3 trillion post-Covid-19 recovery loan facility to Tanzania.
Apparently, it is a jibe at the government over the same loan by Parliament Speaker Job Ndugai that opened the Pandora box, culminating on the hard hitting speech by Samia that left little imagination as to the fallout within CCM as she moves to consolidate her grip on power as uncertainty beckons for formerly powerful individuals who thrived and schemed their own survival on the late Magufuli presidency. Speaker Job Ndugai is said to be one of them and Samia left it be known that she has a bone to pick with the Speaker.
Declaring that the government will continue borrowing funds to develop key projects, Samia hit at Ndugai for using the loans excuse to criticise her leadership. She declared the loans issue was only a façade and challenged her critics to face her at the appropriate time.
And while Ndugai may have stepped on a raw nerve with his recent criticism of heavy government borrowing instead of deepening local taxation to save the country from ‘loan sharks’, it is his remarks about 2025 elections that exposed what Samia now says is an agenda of a CCM faction, including Ndugai to position themselves for a power stab in 2025. Ndugai suggested the public decide at the ballot whether they would elect to continue with “loan-loving (leaders)” or pick new others.
Ndugai’s follow-up apology over his remarks and Samia’s reaction only appeared to escalate the political spat which will unravel in the days to come as Parliament resumes later in January for the first sitting of the New Year.
What is not in doubt is that Ndugai is now facing a political fight that could confine him in the trenches away from the glitter and influence of the office of the Speaker.
Ndugai’s ruffle of political feathers with the attack on the incumbent was seen as unprecedented, with netizens labelling him the ‘face’ of Magufuli ‘orphans’ who have refused the reality of a Samia presidency, even post-2025, the year of the next General Election.
During Magufuli’s reign, Ndugai became one of his ardent cheerleaders, opening Parliament to unfettered interference by the executive. He used his position to hound out MPs, specifically the opposition camp, seen as critical of Magufuli style of leadership. Following a failed assassination attempt on his life during a parliament session in September 2017, firebrand Chadema MP Tundu Lissu would soon be stripped of all his parliamentary privileges and benefits, including medical cover as he fought for his life in hospital abroad. His party has squarely blamed Lissu’s tribulations on Ndugai’s bidding for the executive. The MP has publicly and severally linked Magufuli with the order to have him killed.
On June 10, 2020, Ndugai while speaking in parliament expressed support for the idea of extending Magufuli’s reign beyond the constitutional two-term limits “whether he liked it or not” despite Magufuli’s assurance he would not stay in office beyond the legal requirement.
Political vultures
Following Magufuli’s death, Ndugai was said to be among a clique of officials who lobbied to be considered for a top role in the succession. He is claimed to have offered himself for the vice president slot under Samia after reported efforts by Magufuli loyalists to subvert the constitution and stop Samia from assuming office. Source privy to the matter say a shocked Samia wondered whether Ndugai felt he deserved the position. According to Tanzania’s law, the Speaker of Parliament is the third in the raw to assume the office of President should the president and the vice president be unavailable for various reasons.
Other than Ndugai, the group of top other officials who attempted to derail Samia’s ascendancy to power were scores of cabinet ministers and former Chief Secretary Bashiru Ally. Prime Minister Kassim Majaliwa was also rumoured to have been not keen on a Samia presidency and is likely on the microscope. It is instructive to note that Samia early on dropped Dr Bashiru as Chief Secretary and sacked from cabinet at least three ministers linked to the said scheming. Former CCM Ideology and Publicity Secretary Humphrey Polepole was also removed from the post and nominated to parliament. Polepole has lately also taken a swipe at the leadership via his online ‘Leadership School’ channel that, however, would soon be clipped by the Tanzania Communication Regulatory Authority which suspended it for working without an appropriate licence.
Ndugai’s open disdain in fact started in June 2021, when he criticised reference of gender in regards to President Samia’s political star. The Speaker expressed concern that the Head of State over played her gender as a political tool. In his address at the women’s meeting, Ndugai suggested the president also meet men in what was seen as a jibe at the women agenda in Samia’s presidency.
Ndugai said it was a sign of weakness for female leaders who consistently use their gender when holding elective offices as seeking “to liken themselves with men.” Samia has severally rallied women behind her agenda and has suggested she would seek re-election on their backing to claim a clear victory on the ballot in 2025.
The Speaker’s political proclamations have thus reinforced the view that he indeed belonged to the ‘orphaned’ Magufuli faction. Ndugai mourned Magufuli as a “political hero of Africa.”
The opposition leaning netizens have capitalized on the squabbling to portray a huge fallout between Samia and her party, with some going as far as claiming that CCM was looking to weaken the President by engineering an internal revolt.
But to look at CCM objectively, both Samia and Ndugai are considered lightweight politicians lacking solid political bases. On the other hand, the faceoff isn’t as significant as it would be were Samia to fallout with the most influential CCM cadre, former president Jakaya Kikwete or tiptoeing Vice President Phillip Mpango.
Weakest Speaker
Analysts also point to the fact that fallouts within CCM isn’t new in the party’s long history. For instance when President Ali Hassan Mwinyi became president in 1985, politicians allied to his predecessor Julius Nyerere, such as twice Prime Minister Joseph Warioba and Nyerere’s long-serving personal assistant Joseph Butiku bitterly criticized him for quickly overturning socialism policies to introduce a free-market economy.
President Jakaya Kikwete also faced stiff opposition from a faction associated with former powerful premier Edward Lowassa as he angled for CCM’s ticket for the 2015 General Election, years after he stepped down over alleged corruption in the power sector. Lowassa resigned claiming witch-hunt by people he said were after the premiership. In blocking the popular Lowassa, Kikwete was seeking to shield himself from possible revenge should his former ally win nomination and ultimately the presidency. The CCM wars have over the years evolved from ideological standpoints to merely power acquisition and consolidation.
For Ndugai, sceptics doubt he would bring any considerable value to any of the factions when compared with some of the past Speakers such as post-independence Speaker Adam Sapi Mkwawa, who joined parliament during the colonial era and commanded respect due to mostly founding president Nyerere’s respect as his senior and a smooth working relationship. Ndugai also fades in comparison with Samuel Sitta who had both political power and commanded respect within CCM (He led Kikwete’s presidential campaigns) and generally in a thriving multiparty parliament.
Unlike both Mkwawa and Sitta, Ndugai has exposed himself and demonstrated lack of tact in openly challenging the executive. Sitta for example let MPs bid for him when faced with a situation requiring a confrontation with the executive.
Pushback
Polepole recent criticisms of Samia’s leadership earned him a ban of his Youtube channel from the regulatory he once cheered as it clamped down on Magufuli critics when he served as CCM publicity secretary. CCM secretariat has also summoned him for questioning, with only a likely rebuke instead of a dismissal from the party as Samia may be keen to avoid comparison with Magufuli harsh way of dealing with his critics. Samia has also left the party’s old dogs deal with the rubble rousers. One of them, Abdallah Bulembo, was worked as Magufuli’s ceremonial campaign manager in 2015 dismissed Polepole as an “outsider” and told him to keep off Samia’s government agenda.
What isn’t clear is whether Ndugai and Polepole are lone wolves yet, or are an advance party of more wolves to come. Whipping of tribal sentiments and access to tones of money reportedly stashed away during Magufuli era is said to be likely political muscle for the anti-Samia faction should push come to shove. The Ndugai and Polepole faction who mainly rose fast under Magufuli remain suspect among cadres who consider themselves CCM insiders whose status quo is now apparently rallying behind Samia.
The distraught Ndugai faction was expected to re-build a new CCM after Magufuli deliberately weakened the party to consolidate his power. Ideally, the ongoing tiff would traditionally happen behind closed doors but CCM politics became a free for all street fight under Magufuli. With a dysfunctional hierachy, this will remain a norm.
A new political party currently seeking registration is linked to this faction. Whether it gets permanent registration or not remains to be seen as previous attempts by dissatisfied CCM cadres to form a new political party have never matured. Mr Sitta and his brood unsuccessfully attempted to form one in 2010. Another option would be to support the opposition parties but the treatment of Lowassa even after he garnered massive following under Chadema before re-defecting back to CCM where he has since taken a low profile, offers bitter lessons.
Their only viable option might be one; to fight internally within CCM until their last drop of blood as Polepole recently suggested. He coined the term “Mpera Mpera” to describe a dispute that would ensue should there be any attempts to oust those perceived as rebels from CCM.
Updated: January 6th 2022
Source: Kicks of a dying horse
Hiyo tafsiri ya country's body politics ndio siasa za vyombo vya Dola? 😀😀Kwa msaada wa google translate
==
Huku akiachana na utulivu wake wa kawaida, Samia aliyekuwa na hasira hakuacha shaka kwamba alikuwa akivua glovu zake kwa ajili ya usimamizi wa siasa za vyombo vya dola nchini, hasa za chama tawala, huku akishutumu kundi la wenzake kwa kumdhoofisha tangu aingie madarakani. .
Vipi Ally Hassan Mwinyi?Kikatiba inawezekanaje Mzanzibari aruhusiwe kufanya kampeni ya kugombea Urais wa Muungano? Huyu Mama angekuwa wa mpito tu kwa kweli hadi 2025 sababu ni Mzanzibari.
waTanzania hatujui kingereza Wala kiswahili..elimu mbovu.sio kwa kiingereza hicho?? Kwani si nimesoma hadi chuo Mimi?? Au nimezeeka?? Shikamoo kabendera oh
Is that what he meant ?..., or we have different degrees of understanding ? I paraphrase what the man said in context...And while Ndugai may have stepped on a raw nerve with his recent criticism of heavy government borrowing instead of deepening local taxation to save the country from ‘loan sharks’, it is his remarks about 2025 elections that exposed what Samia now says is an agenda of a CCM faction, including Ndugai to position themselves for a power stab in 2025. Ndugai suggested the public decide at the ballot whether they would elect to continue with “loan-loving (leaders)” or pick new others.
Source: Kicks of a dying horse