Mapokezi ya Nyerere huko Uingereza

Mapokezi ya Nyerere huko Uingereza

Shwari said:
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Amir H. Jamal na Nyerere. Huyo mwingine sijui ni nani lakini siyo Derek Bryceson kama Adarsh Nayar, mpiga picha wa Daily News miaka ya sabini na baadaye, alivyowahi kueleza ukurasa wa Facebook miaka michache iliyopita. Namkumbuka sana Bryceson. Nilimwona mara nyingi Dar alipokuwa waziri na mbunge. I know Adarsh. He also knew Bryceson.
 
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Derek Bryceson
 
Kumbe Somalia walijaribu kusuluhisha mgogoro kati ya Uganda na Tanzania..

 
Kaunda's philosophy of humanism was deeply rooted in his Christian faith whose principles have universal relevance; Nkrumah's in Marxism-Leninism, an ideology alien to Africa; Nyerere's in traditional Africa reflecting African realities which was also an innovative attempt to provide The Third Way as an alternative to the East-West paradigm for development.

The most successful in articulating his vision was Nyerere. In his lecture, Professor Stephen Chan described Nyerere's writings as “more cogent and logical than Nkrumah's and others.” As he also pointed out, Nkrumah's writings were also contradictory.

Nkrumah's writings were contradictory because they were not his. His ghostwriters also sometimes contradicted themselves and each other. He also contradicted himself, sometimes on the same day, as happened at the OAU summit in Cairo, Egypt, in July 1964 when he clashed with Nyerere and failed to answer him after Nyerere brought up some fundamental contradictions in Nkrumah's speeches, including the one he made on that day.

The most ambitious attempt to provide an alternative to the Eastern or Western development model was Nyerere's which the West feared would serve as a model for other African countries to follow, if it were to succeed, threatening Western interests on the continent; while Nkrumah's adherence to Marxism-Leninism as a philosophy that postulates a universal path to socialism – and finally communism – was not considered to be a major threat because of the unwillingness by Africans to embrace communism and an ideology that did not reflect African realities; hence Nyerere's genuine attempt to provide an alternative rooted in the African traditional way of life but radicalised into a modern ideology transcending ethnic divisions and other obstacles in the African context.​

Nyerere understood all that. He did not see any African country becoming communist.

I remember watching him on American television in 1976 when he was being interviewed on ABC “Issues and Answers.”

The interviewer talked about communist countries in Africa being a concern for the West, implying they would be used as a springboard by the countries of the Eastern Bloc to spread their influence across the continent and beyond, threaten Western interests and even destabilise the international system.

Nyerere looked at the interviewer straight face and said: “Name one African country that is communist.”

The interviewer went on to the next question.

That was at a time when Ethiopia under Mengistu Haile Mariam was supposed to have adopted Marxism-Leninism, as did Benin under Mathieu Kérékou and Congo-Brazzaville under Marien Ngouabi which was supposed to have been a Marxist-Leninist state since 1969. And Mozambique had just won independence, the year before, in 1975, espousing Marxism-Leninism best expounded by FRELIMO's most prominent ideologue and the country's vice president, Marcelino dos Santos, who remained an ardent Marxist-Leninist even after the collapse of communism which he saw as no more than a transitional phase - just an interruption - and the triumph of the proletarian revolution a historical inevitability. As Karl Marx said, "Revolutions are locomotives of history."

Babu articulated the same position, contending that “socialist ideals which inspired the UMMA PARTY (and which) were on the ascendancy world-wide (when) the majority of the people saw their future as part of a world-wide socialist internationalism...are in temporary retreat due to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc.” – (A.M. Babu, “Wanted: A Third Force in Zanzibar Politics,” 1996, p. 15. See also Salma Babu and Amrit Wilson, eds., The Future That Works: Selected Writings of A.M. Babu, Trenton, New Jersey, USA: Africa World Press, 2002, pp. 63 – 67).

Babu also unequivocally stated that he and his Umma party were not responsible for the Zanzibar revolution, as some people including his supporters have claimed. They did not start it. They did not participate in it and were not even involved in planning the revolution that ended Arab minority rule. But they stepped in soon after the uprising took place in an attempt to restore peace and achieve socialist transformation of society after the government – which did not represent the majority of Zanzibaris – was overthrown. As he stated in “Wanted: A Third Force in Zanzibar Politics”:

“The UMMA PARTY, which was the actual target of the repressive laws, was accordingly banned before it could even consolidate itself. Its publications were proscribed, and a court case was being prepared to charge me, as Chairman of the Party, for 'treason.' Independence was proclaimed in December 1963, but the repressive government was overthrown on January 12, 1964, hardly a month after it had been installed.

Although the UMMA PARTY did not directly engineer the revolution of 1964, as it was widely alleged, some of the party cadre did take an active part in trying to stabilise the country after the chaos and confusion that followed the revolution. They were struggling to transform what was essentially a lumpen uprising into a social revolution.” – (“Wanted: A Third Force in Zanzibar Politics,” ibid., pp. 9 – 10).

Had Babu and his fellow members of the Umma party succeeded in doing so, Zanzibar would probably have embarked on a path towards radical transformation of society in an attempt to establish a socialist state along Marxist-Leninist lines. And it probably would have been the first one on the continent to do so but not as a client state of the Soviet Union or the People's Republic of China.

The West led by the United States did, of course, see Sino-Soviet – especially Soviet – penetration of Africa as a distinct possibility and even as a high probability although not necessarily as a “historical inevitability” to put it in Marxist parlance. Western leaders and intelligence agencies, at the very least, claimed or implied there were communist-oriented - not just communist-friendly - countries in Africa. Besides the ones I have mentioned above, there was also Ghana under Nkrumah, Mali under Modibo Keita and Guinea under Sékou Touré as “Marxist-Leninist” states in the euphoric sixties – euphoric for us as the dawn of a new era after the end of colonial rule.

Yet the interviewer on ABC “Issues and Answers” – the programme was always hosted by two – did not mention any of those countries being communist or becoming communist when Nyerere asked him to name one that was.

One would have thought he would have mentioned at least one of them. Still, he did not claim any of them was becoming communist or had already become communist.

As a lucid and an original thinker, Nyerere was one of the greatest leaders the world has ever produced. When he was told his socialist policies failed, he responded:

“They keep saying you've failed. But what is wrong with urging people to pull together? Did Christianity fail because the world is not all Christian?” – (Julius K. Nyerere, in Michael T. Kaufman, “Julius Nyerere of Tanzania Dies; Preached African Socialism to the World,” The New York Times, 15 October 1999, p. B1; quoted by Godfrey Mwakikagile, Nyerere and Africa: End of an Era, op. cit., p. 14).​
 
“If you want to know the truth, one did not particularly notice Nyerere.” – (Abdallah Said Fundikira on Nyerere and their student days together at Makerere University College, Africa News Online, 8 November 1999).

"Hardly a soul at Edinburgh guessed he would turn into Africa's number one brain box in years to come." - Trevor Grundy on Nyerere.
 
JokaKuu said:
Nyani Ngabu,

..ninavyoelewa mimi ni kwamba Mwalimu alikuwa anapata msaada mkubwa wa kiuchumi toka magharibi kuliko nchi nyingi ktk afrika.

..lakini Mwalimu huyo huyo alikuwa ni mkosoaji mkubwa na mpinzani nambari moja wa sera za mambo ya nje za nchi za magharibu na zaidi alikuwa mjamaa.

..sasa hawa viongozi wa leo wanafikiri kwamba ili tupate misaada au tupate wawekezaji toka magharibi ni lazima, lazima, tujikombe-kombe kwao na kuwapa rasilimali zetu kwa mikataba inayotuumiza.

..hayo ndiyo ambayo mimi yamenifikirisha sana nilipoangalia video hii.

cc Kimweri, Nyenyere, ZeMarcopolo, Kapwela, Nguruvi3, Kiranga, MOTOCHINI
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Fikirishi.....
Tuendelee kujikomba na kujipendekeza tu hatuna namna.
 
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