MY STORY: My advice made Museveni succeed Lule as NRM chief
News
MONDAY, 17 AUGUST 2009 10:27
WRITTEN BY SSEMUJJU IBRAHIM NGANDA4 COMMENTS
Lule escapes from house arrest in Tanzania
How Justice Kanyeihamba tried to block Binaisa presidency
In this third part of his story, Supreme Court judge, JUSTICE GEORGE KANYEIHAMBA, 70, who retires in November, tells SSEMUJJU IBRAHIM NGANDA how he pleaded with Chief Justice Wako Wambuzi not to swear in Godrefy Lukongwa Binaisa after Prof. Yusuf Lule was illegally toppled.
I told President Lule not to resign after the Consultative Council passed a vote of no confidence in him. If you remember, for about 48 hours we had two presidents.
Immediately Nyerere was informed that the resolution had been passed, he went to the world press and said that he was reliably informed that President Lule had been removed constitutionally and democratically by the UNLF and as a democrat, he had to accept the democratic decision of the Ugandans and accept the new man, [Godfrey Lukongwa] Binaisa as president.
By the way, operatives had summoned the Chief Justice, Wako Wambuzi, to swear in Binaisa. Again, I had told him not to swear in the new man until it has been resolved whether it is Lule who stays or Binaisa becomes the President.
But they took him [Wambuzi] almost at gun-point to Parliament Building and swore in Binaisa as the new President.
[After that], Lule was practically bundled out of State House and taken to Tanzania where, according to the late Senabulya (his personal assistant), Nyerere went to him with a document saying; "sign here to abdicate as President of Uganda because we now have a new president."
Lule refused to sign and for the few days he stayed there, Nyerere or his emissaries would go to him and say; "have you changed your mind? Sign here." He still refused.
And Nyerere was telling the world that Lule had gone to Tanzania voluntarily for discussions on the formation of the new government, which was not true.
Prof. Lule used the same tactic of going to the international media to announce his departure from Tanzania.
He sent his aide to buy one-way tickets from British Airways. He instructed him to tell the press that now that the negotiations with Nyerere were finished, the former President of Uganda was returning to his family in the UK.
He told the aide to announce his desire to leave Tanzania worldwide and this is exactly what happened.
Nyerere was furious, as pictures taken of him accompanying Lule to the airport showed. He was almost crying because Lule had beaten him at his own game.
Senabulya bought the ticket; called Nyerere and told him that they were now going to the airport. Since it had been announced to the world by the BBC that Lule had gone there voluntarily, he couldn't do anything about it without betraying the fact that he actually had held him under house arrest. That is how he left.
Lule in exile
Immediately Lule was removed, the Baganda said they would riot. They would boycott everything until Lule was reinstated.
I was staying at the Nile Mansion and two friends of mine led by the late John Bikangaga decided that Kanyeihamba should not remain in the country because he may be arrested.
The government had also announced that all former ministers should stay where they were. That they should not travel about for their safety. People realised that we were in danger. So my friends from Kigezi decided that they must smuggle me out of the country so that I don't face jail.
I didn't have any penny; I had never earned contrary to what people say. Some people got $40,000 but for me I never received a penny. So these friends collected money and decided that I should escape by road. I will disclose a few of them in my book. The late Karugaba and Mrs. Alice Karugaba, were very brave.
Mrs Karugaba is the one who owns and runs Nina Interiors Limited. They decided to take me in their car across the border, so that I get a bus from Malaba-a very brave act.
I disguised myself as a houseboy. I had refused Alice to [be part of the mission] but she insisted they must take me with her husband. I feared the jeopardy; suppose we were arrested, the children would be left with nobody.
When we got to Jinja Bridge, there were soldiers manning a roadblock and one of them recognised me; I was seated in the back seat. He said; "aren't you the Attorney General Kanyeihamba?"
I said; "yes." I thought the game was up, they would arrest me or order the car back. He looked at me and said; "we don't like what has happened either, what has happened has put our country back." He looked at me again, he saluted, and he said I wish you good luck where you are going. (Interview stops as Kanyeihamba breaks down).
Every time I remember that incident, I cry. Sorry. There are many people with a heart and they don't get recognised. The Kenyan immigration officer who let us go was one of them. He said that; "what the government is doing is wrong, so I am not going to go along with them." I remember I even took his name.
He looked at me and said, "We don't like what has happened, Mr. Attorney General, we wish you luck."
It is because of mainly those two incidents that I have persisted that this country should be governed well; that we should not be fed on lies or deception; that things should be transparent.
So, I left for Kenya. My friend, the late Augustine Karugaba, just didn't return to Kampala but he accompanied me in a taxi all the way to Nairobi until I got to my hosts; where I was going to stay and he came back.
I also fought
This kind of friendship is not remembered by many Ugandans. It seems we have glorified the gun. Those who support the leader and those who have helped in a small way are ignored.
And then of course I proceeded to the UK. I stayed there and then joined the National Resistance Movement.
In 1981, when Museveni went to the bush, Ruhakana Rugunda sent me that news and said that I should publicise it worldwide.
More or less that is when I became an activist in the Movement. I was the first one to receive that news of going to the bush [in London] and publicised it. I sent a news item to The Guardian of London which was published and then I started regrouping with all others.
We started supporting Museveni in the UK. Our job was to carry out the diplomatic drive, to publicise it. In that respect I saw the then British Prime Minister, I [also] saw people like Margaret Thatcher, she was leader of opposition [then], and I talked to them.
Funny enough, they were not interested. First, they said their High Commissioner and all the evidence they have is that Obote and his systems are very much in charge, they can't be removed. That they were popular with the army and with Police and they had the machinery like the Movement has now and nobody could touch them.
Secondly, that the supposed leader of our group was a communist agitator and had no following in the country. Therefore, we were really wasting their time. That is what both the Prime Minister and the leader of opposition told me. I saw them personally.
As I told you, we continued with our campaign. We had a magazine; we extended our network to the whole of Europe and everywhere.
Then sadly, our Chairman, Yusuf Lule, died and the question arose: Who should replace him as chairman? Remember his small group and that of Museveni had merged and he had become our chairman.
When he died, we summoned the leaders, including Eriya Kategaya, to discuss the succession. Many conservatives, especially the Baganda, wanted a Muganda to succeed him. They said the only way we could maintain support in the country and the whole of Buganda was for Lule to be replaced by a Muganda.
So we met in London with Kategaya, the late Ben Matoogo, other activists like Joseph Tomusange (now ambassador to South Africa). For me, I gave them legal advice. I don't appear in their papers because I have discovered a weakness in Uganda.
Unless you are the one who did the work or projected some issue, people ignore you.
What amazed me, for example, is that when you read Museveni's book, Sowing the Mustard Seed, I don't even appear in the footnotes (laughter).
But if they interview him, he will tell you that I drafted our (anti- Amin) constitution in 1978 when we went to Lusaka. I was there with him; that was the first time I met him politically, although I had met him at Makerere in a debating society and I was impressed by his projection of what we should be in Uganda.
I will tell you another incident that happened when I tried to reconcile him with Kayiira in Nairobi. All those are ignored by many of the writers. Even Kategaya's book that he wrote after he was sacked from Cabinet for opposing the third term, although I was with him in London, he doesn't mention that I was there and that I was their legal advisor.
To cut the story short, anyway, they accepted my advice that because Yoweri Museveni was deputy to Lule, once the chairman dies, he automatically assumes that role; he takes over that responsibility.
And if the Movement wants another person then they can call another meeting to elect him but for the time being, Museveni was the legitimate successor to Lule. My view was accepted by the meeting. That is why Museveni succeeded Lule as the Chairman of that group.
Before his death, Lule had asked me to come up with views on how, should the Movement take over power, the country should be governed?
The suggestion that we should have a Constituent Assembly (CA), we should have elections, we write a new Constitution, those were my ideas. But when you read any of these books, they don't mention me.
Unless you have carried a gun or you were in the military High Command; but if your performance seems to weaken their position, they don't discuss it. But you can ask all those who were in those meetings whether I was there.
Ask Kategaya, was I in that meeting which selected Museveni to succeed our Chairman? Did I express a view? Actually Kategaya normally doesn't say many words in a meeting of that kind. I was very vocal in that meeting.
Museveni Vs Kayiira
When they were in the bush, evidence came that there was a difference of opinion between Museveni and the late Andrew Kayiira. Both were my friends.
So Lule gave me a business ticket to come to Nairobi to go and see whether I could reconcile them. We went to Nairobi; we were summoned to an undisclosed destination which I am not going to disclose. We spent most of the day there discussing.
In the end I posed a question to both of them (Museveni and Kayiira) and I said; "you have one opponent." By the way, for me I call them political opponents, although some say that they should be called political enemies.
Prof. Kanyerezi could tell you one or two things because he was at that meeting. Bisase never forgave me because we excluded him; a very high profile politician during Lule's time. Remember at one time he was the Minister of Health. He was in Nairobi at that time and blames me for having excluded him, but I didn't.
We must have been five or six people but the prominent ones; Kayiira, Yoweri Museveni, Lule, Kanyerezi, there was another person from the Nairobi NRM External Wing.
After a lot of discussion, for me I posed this question to both Kayiira and Museveni; "Would you rather that you served under Museveni and we have Obote removed or would you rather that Obote continues serving rather than having Kayiira or Museveni as a leader?" Both agreed that they had a common cause and they should move on.
I said in that case, "you remove the political opponent who is misgoverning the country and then the people of Uganda will decide after the position is clear who of you they prefer to govern Uganda." They agreed and embraced each other there and then. We finished the meeting on a cordial note.
Of course when they came to Uganda, they fought again. I think they had another disagreement.
What were their differences? As you know it is wrong to defame … Museveni had a bigger following in the country, but Kayiira was very arrogant and in my opinion, he didn't think through some of the things he did.
He saw himself as a rival rather than a support force to Museveni. Museveni didn't like the way Kayiira was rushing things; he did things which Museveni considered very dangerous to the war.
For example, there was one time he nearly burnt the Nile Mansion on the belief that if all the ministers were burnt there, the government would fall. Museveni said that was very unscientific because the government is not run by people in State House, it is run by so many other departments, the Army, Police etc.
I think it was ideology, Kayiira was a staunch conservative in the mode of DP, he didn't agree with DP, he founded his own UFM if you remember, and he had a lot of support from the Conservatives in America.
Whereas Museveni was a radical and much more, shall we say, he was a great thinker? Those were the differences; it was tactic and art of governance.
Although he appointed him a minister, Kayiira again disagreed and eventually died under circumstances that we have never resolved. Whether he was killed by his own group or by the NRM or whatever, this is a matter that remains unresolved.
President Binaisa
Like I have said, when Lule was removed, I went back to London. But when I was still in Nairobi, Binaisa sent an emissary. I think they realised later that may be I would have been useful in the government and they should have kept me. The emissary said I should come back.
You recall in history, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs remained unoccupied for sometime. So they said come back and be minister of Foreign Affairs. I said for me the Lule government was removed unconstitutionally and therefore, I cannot be part of that government which removed him unconstitutionally; I would not condone unconstitutionalism. So, I declined.
Eventually I proceeded to London and resumed my teaching.
By that time I had become a very, very active Movement person.
We would not only take the diplomatic initiative to publicise Museveni and what he was doing, but also we exposed the misdeeds of the incumbent regime.
I was also involved in collecting materials, equipment and money. Remember I was Chairman of Uganda Human Rights group in London which was supposed to be non-sectarian but it also clandestinely supported the fighters.
I played those two roles very, very effectively. Nobody can tell you I let down the group or I let down the Movement. Really I was a member of the External Wing of which my friend Mathew Rukikaire was Chairman in Nairobi. We collaborated a lot. As I have told you, when they came to London we would meet and so on and so forth.
I played that logistical role-the intellectual part of the Movement by thinking. As I have told you, I originated the idea of having a Constituent Assembly to make a new Constitution, then the rest when the Movement came to power; I became the Minister of Commerce, Minister Justice and Attorney General for the second time.
Many times when President Museveni, chairman of our group came to London, they would summon us to discuss. When Kenya threatened them in Nairobi, I found them sanctuary in Scandinavia. If you remember Amama Mbabazi and Ruhakana Rugunda stayed for a long time in Sweden.
I am the one who found them that sanctuary with my connection in that country. When they were coming back I met them at the airport. I am the one who booked for them their tickets to come back. Eventually Mrs. Museveni joined them and so forth. We were collecting logistics to assist the families of those who were fighting.
Next Monday Kanyeihamba narrates how Museveni appointed him Minister of Commerce, and his return from exile.
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News
MONDAY, 17 AUGUST 2009 10:27
WRITTEN BY SSEMUJJU IBRAHIM NGANDA4 COMMENTS
Lule escapes from house arrest in Tanzania
How Justice Kanyeihamba tried to block Binaisa presidency
In this third part of his story, Supreme Court judge, JUSTICE GEORGE KANYEIHAMBA, 70, who retires in November, tells SSEMUJJU IBRAHIM NGANDA how he pleaded with Chief Justice Wako Wambuzi not to swear in Godrefy Lukongwa Binaisa after Prof. Yusuf Lule was illegally toppled.
I told President Lule not to resign after the Consultative Council passed a vote of no confidence in him. If you remember, for about 48 hours we had two presidents.
Immediately Nyerere was informed that the resolution had been passed, he went to the world press and said that he was reliably informed that President Lule had been removed constitutionally and democratically by the UNLF and as a democrat, he had to accept the democratic decision of the Ugandans and accept the new man, [Godfrey Lukongwa] Binaisa as president.
By the way, operatives had summoned the Chief Justice, Wako Wambuzi, to swear in Binaisa. Again, I had told him not to swear in the new man until it has been resolved whether it is Lule who stays or Binaisa becomes the President.
But they took him [Wambuzi] almost at gun-point to Parliament Building and swore in Binaisa as the new President.
[After that], Lule was practically bundled out of State House and taken to Tanzania where, according to the late Senabulya (his personal assistant), Nyerere went to him with a document saying; "sign here to abdicate as President of Uganda because we now have a new president."
Lule refused to sign and for the few days he stayed there, Nyerere or his emissaries would go to him and say; "have you changed your mind? Sign here." He still refused.
And Nyerere was telling the world that Lule had gone to Tanzania voluntarily for discussions on the formation of the new government, which was not true.
Prof. Lule used the same tactic of going to the international media to announce his departure from Tanzania.
He sent his aide to buy one-way tickets from British Airways. He instructed him to tell the press that now that the negotiations with Nyerere were finished, the former President of Uganda was returning to his family in the UK.
He told the aide to announce his desire to leave Tanzania worldwide and this is exactly what happened.
Nyerere was furious, as pictures taken of him accompanying Lule to the airport showed. He was almost crying because Lule had beaten him at his own game.
Senabulya bought the ticket; called Nyerere and told him that they were now going to the airport. Since it had been announced to the world by the BBC that Lule had gone there voluntarily, he couldn't do anything about it without betraying the fact that he actually had held him under house arrest. That is how he left.
Lule in exile
Immediately Lule was removed, the Baganda said they would riot. They would boycott everything until Lule was reinstated.
I was staying at the Nile Mansion and two friends of mine led by the late John Bikangaga decided that Kanyeihamba should not remain in the country because he may be arrested.
The government had also announced that all former ministers should stay where they were. That they should not travel about for their safety. People realised that we were in danger. So my friends from Kigezi decided that they must smuggle me out of the country so that I don't face jail.
I didn't have any penny; I had never earned contrary to what people say. Some people got $40,000 but for me I never received a penny. So these friends collected money and decided that I should escape by road. I will disclose a few of them in my book. The late Karugaba and Mrs. Alice Karugaba, were very brave.
Mrs Karugaba is the one who owns and runs Nina Interiors Limited. They decided to take me in their car across the border, so that I get a bus from Malaba-a very brave act.
I disguised myself as a houseboy. I had refused Alice to [be part of the mission] but she insisted they must take me with her husband. I feared the jeopardy; suppose we were arrested, the children would be left with nobody.
When we got to Jinja Bridge, there were soldiers manning a roadblock and one of them recognised me; I was seated in the back seat. He said; "aren't you the Attorney General Kanyeihamba?"
I said; "yes." I thought the game was up, they would arrest me or order the car back. He looked at me and said; "we don't like what has happened either, what has happened has put our country back." He looked at me again, he saluted, and he said I wish you good luck where you are going. (Interview stops as Kanyeihamba breaks down).
Every time I remember that incident, I cry. Sorry. There are many people with a heart and they don't get recognised. The Kenyan immigration officer who let us go was one of them. He said that; "what the government is doing is wrong, so I am not going to go along with them." I remember I even took his name.
He looked at me and said, "We don't like what has happened, Mr. Attorney General, we wish you luck."
It is because of mainly those two incidents that I have persisted that this country should be governed well; that we should not be fed on lies or deception; that things should be transparent.
So, I left for Kenya. My friend, the late Augustine Karugaba, just didn't return to Kampala but he accompanied me in a taxi all the way to Nairobi until I got to my hosts; where I was going to stay and he came back.
I also fought
This kind of friendship is not remembered by many Ugandans. It seems we have glorified the gun. Those who support the leader and those who have helped in a small way are ignored.
And then of course I proceeded to the UK. I stayed there and then joined the National Resistance Movement.
In 1981, when Museveni went to the bush, Ruhakana Rugunda sent me that news and said that I should publicise it worldwide.
More or less that is when I became an activist in the Movement. I was the first one to receive that news of going to the bush [in London] and publicised it. I sent a news item to The Guardian of London which was published and then I started regrouping with all others.
We started supporting Museveni in the UK. Our job was to carry out the diplomatic drive, to publicise it. In that respect I saw the then British Prime Minister, I [also] saw people like Margaret Thatcher, she was leader of opposition [then], and I talked to them.
Funny enough, they were not interested. First, they said their High Commissioner and all the evidence they have is that Obote and his systems are very much in charge, they can't be removed. That they were popular with the army and with Police and they had the machinery like the Movement has now and nobody could touch them.
Secondly, that the supposed leader of our group was a communist agitator and had no following in the country. Therefore, we were really wasting their time. That is what both the Prime Minister and the leader of opposition told me. I saw them personally.
As I told you, we continued with our campaign. We had a magazine; we extended our network to the whole of Europe and everywhere.
Then sadly, our Chairman, Yusuf Lule, died and the question arose: Who should replace him as chairman? Remember his small group and that of Museveni had merged and he had become our chairman.
When he died, we summoned the leaders, including Eriya Kategaya, to discuss the succession. Many conservatives, especially the Baganda, wanted a Muganda to succeed him. They said the only way we could maintain support in the country and the whole of Buganda was for Lule to be replaced by a Muganda.
So we met in London with Kategaya, the late Ben Matoogo, other activists like Joseph Tomusange (now ambassador to South Africa). For me, I gave them legal advice. I don't appear in their papers because I have discovered a weakness in Uganda.
Unless you are the one who did the work or projected some issue, people ignore you.
What amazed me, for example, is that when you read Museveni's book, Sowing the Mustard Seed, I don't even appear in the footnotes (laughter).
But if they interview him, he will tell you that I drafted our (anti- Amin) constitution in 1978 when we went to Lusaka. I was there with him; that was the first time I met him politically, although I had met him at Makerere in a debating society and I was impressed by his projection of what we should be in Uganda.
I will tell you another incident that happened when I tried to reconcile him with Kayiira in Nairobi. All those are ignored by many of the writers. Even Kategaya's book that he wrote after he was sacked from Cabinet for opposing the third term, although I was with him in London, he doesn't mention that I was there and that I was their legal advisor.
To cut the story short, anyway, they accepted my advice that because Yoweri Museveni was deputy to Lule, once the chairman dies, he automatically assumes that role; he takes over that responsibility.
And if the Movement wants another person then they can call another meeting to elect him but for the time being, Museveni was the legitimate successor to Lule. My view was accepted by the meeting. That is why Museveni succeeded Lule as the Chairman of that group.
Before his death, Lule had asked me to come up with views on how, should the Movement take over power, the country should be governed?
The suggestion that we should have a Constituent Assembly (CA), we should have elections, we write a new Constitution, those were my ideas. But when you read any of these books, they don't mention me.
Unless you have carried a gun or you were in the military High Command; but if your performance seems to weaken their position, they don't discuss it. But you can ask all those who were in those meetings whether I was there.
Ask Kategaya, was I in that meeting which selected Museveni to succeed our Chairman? Did I express a view? Actually Kategaya normally doesn't say many words in a meeting of that kind. I was very vocal in that meeting.
Museveni Vs Kayiira
When they were in the bush, evidence came that there was a difference of opinion between Museveni and the late Andrew Kayiira. Both were my friends.
So Lule gave me a business ticket to come to Nairobi to go and see whether I could reconcile them. We went to Nairobi; we were summoned to an undisclosed destination which I am not going to disclose. We spent most of the day there discussing.
In the end I posed a question to both of them (Museveni and Kayiira) and I said; "you have one opponent." By the way, for me I call them political opponents, although some say that they should be called political enemies.
Prof. Kanyerezi could tell you one or two things because he was at that meeting. Bisase never forgave me because we excluded him; a very high profile politician during Lule's time. Remember at one time he was the Minister of Health. He was in Nairobi at that time and blames me for having excluded him, but I didn't.
We must have been five or six people but the prominent ones; Kayiira, Yoweri Museveni, Lule, Kanyerezi, there was another person from the Nairobi NRM External Wing.
After a lot of discussion, for me I posed this question to both Kayiira and Museveni; "Would you rather that you served under Museveni and we have Obote removed or would you rather that Obote continues serving rather than having Kayiira or Museveni as a leader?" Both agreed that they had a common cause and they should move on.
I said in that case, "you remove the political opponent who is misgoverning the country and then the people of Uganda will decide after the position is clear who of you they prefer to govern Uganda." They agreed and embraced each other there and then. We finished the meeting on a cordial note.
Of course when they came to Uganda, they fought again. I think they had another disagreement.
What were their differences? As you know it is wrong to defame … Museveni had a bigger following in the country, but Kayiira was very arrogant and in my opinion, he didn't think through some of the things he did.
He saw himself as a rival rather than a support force to Museveni. Museveni didn't like the way Kayiira was rushing things; he did things which Museveni considered very dangerous to the war.
For example, there was one time he nearly burnt the Nile Mansion on the belief that if all the ministers were burnt there, the government would fall. Museveni said that was very unscientific because the government is not run by people in State House, it is run by so many other departments, the Army, Police etc.
I think it was ideology, Kayiira was a staunch conservative in the mode of DP, he didn't agree with DP, he founded his own UFM if you remember, and he had a lot of support from the Conservatives in America.
Whereas Museveni was a radical and much more, shall we say, he was a great thinker? Those were the differences; it was tactic and art of governance.
Although he appointed him a minister, Kayiira again disagreed and eventually died under circumstances that we have never resolved. Whether he was killed by his own group or by the NRM or whatever, this is a matter that remains unresolved.
President Binaisa
Like I have said, when Lule was removed, I went back to London. But when I was still in Nairobi, Binaisa sent an emissary. I think they realised later that may be I would have been useful in the government and they should have kept me. The emissary said I should come back.
You recall in history, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs remained unoccupied for sometime. So they said come back and be minister of Foreign Affairs. I said for me the Lule government was removed unconstitutionally and therefore, I cannot be part of that government which removed him unconstitutionally; I would not condone unconstitutionalism. So, I declined.
Eventually I proceeded to London and resumed my teaching.
By that time I had become a very, very active Movement person.
We would not only take the diplomatic initiative to publicise Museveni and what he was doing, but also we exposed the misdeeds of the incumbent regime.
I was also involved in collecting materials, equipment and money. Remember I was Chairman of Uganda Human Rights group in London which was supposed to be non-sectarian but it also clandestinely supported the fighters.
I played those two roles very, very effectively. Nobody can tell you I let down the group or I let down the Movement. Really I was a member of the External Wing of which my friend Mathew Rukikaire was Chairman in Nairobi. We collaborated a lot. As I have told you, when they came to London we would meet and so on and so forth.
I played that logistical role-the intellectual part of the Movement by thinking. As I have told you, I originated the idea of having a Constituent Assembly to make a new Constitution, then the rest when the Movement came to power; I became the Minister of Commerce, Minister Justice and Attorney General for the second time.
Many times when President Museveni, chairman of our group came to London, they would summon us to discuss. When Kenya threatened them in Nairobi, I found them sanctuary in Scandinavia. If you remember Amama Mbabazi and Ruhakana Rugunda stayed for a long time in Sweden.
I am the one who found them that sanctuary with my connection in that country. When they were coming back I met them at the airport. I am the one who booked for them their tickets to come back. Eventually Mrs. Museveni joined them and so forth. We were collecting logistics to assist the families of those who were fighting.
Next Monday Kanyeihamba narrates how Museveni appointed him Minister of Commerce, and his return from exile.
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