Prof Haroub Othman na Shivji ni wachochezi?

waache wenye hekima waseme. Ila wao kwa mioyo yao migumu 'wanasonga mbele'

Mchambuzi said:

Ni kweli yanajirudia Mkandara, na Kitabu cha TANU NA RAIA ni cha mwaka 1962; Ukitazama, hata suala la posho za wabunge na jinsi gani kina Zitto na wengine wanaliona ni mzigo, ni suala mwalimu alishaona kwamba - UCHUMI WETU ambao ni wa watanzania walio vijijini, hauwezi beba mzigo huo; Mwalimu katika ukurasa wa 6 - 8, katika kitabu hicho analifafanua vizuri sana suala zima la mishahara na posho kwa viongozi wa serikali, kwa hoja zile zile ambazo leo hii wanasiasa wetu katika soko huria wanalijadili;

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Mchambuzi;
Hatuna wasiwasi siku hizi tunakaribishwa IMF/WB kwa kahawa badala ya kukopeshwa pesa za kugharimia miradi ya maendeleo tunakopeshwa pesa za kulipia mishahara wabunge wetu; hii ndiyo demokrasi inayopiganiwa na hawa wanaojiita waheshimiwa; hivi ni kweli gharama za maisha Dodoma zimefikia laki 2 kwa siku? Posho hutolewa kulingana gharama za maisha za sehemu husika ikiwa Dodoma maisha ni ghali kiasi hicho je wabunge hawa wanafikiria walimu, manesi madaktari na wafanyakazi wa sekta ya jamii?

Chama
Gongo la Mboto DSM

Mandela once said In his statement from the dock at the opening of the defence case in the trial on 20 April 1964 at Pretoria Supreme Court, Mandela laid out the reasoning in the ANC's choice to use violence as a tactic.[52] His statement described how the ANC had used peaceful means to resist apartheid for years until the Sharpeville Massacre.[53] That event coupled with the referendum establishing the Republic of South Africa and the declaration of a state of emergency along with the banning of the ANC made it clear to Mandela and his compatriots that their only choice was to resist through acts of sabotage and that doing otherwise would have been tantamount to unconditional surrender and he continued to say "During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to the struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die." And that is what is going to happen in our land after all peaceful means fail to deliver what Tzians want.

SHIVJI AMEKOSEA.

Shivji amekwenda mbali kukosoa mswaada badala ya kuangalia swala la zima la mamlaka ya kikatiba ya kuunda tume ya katiba mpya ameipata wapi? katiba ya hivi sasa haitoi mamlaka kwa rais kusimamia zoezi zima la kutunga katiba mpya mamlaka hiyo ameitoa wapi ??

Kilichotakiwa kufanywa na bunge ni kufanya mabadiliko madogo ya katiba yatakoyoandaa utaratibu mzima wa kuwashirikisha wananchi kutunga katiba mpya ya nchi kwa sababu katiba ya nchi ni zaidi ya URais kwani rais inabidi awe chini ya katiba halafu wananchi wakishamaliza kila kitu ikiwemo kura ya maoni basi akabidhiwe katiba mpya kwani yeye ni mtumishi wa wananchi hapaswi kuwa juu ya matajiri zake (wananchi) na kuwaambia namna ya jinsi wanavyotaka nchi yao itawaliwe.

naunga mkono swala zima la shivji la kwenda mahakamani. CDM inabidi waliangalie vizuri pia swala la kwenda mahakamani kwani they have nothing to lose kwahiyo wapigane on both front kwenye ground na pia mahakamani i trust CDM, they can do both.

Mchambuzi said:

Ok. Hivi, kwa mtazamo wako, UVCCM - do they still have a role to play kusaidia rekebisha hali tete iliyopo in the context of what we are discussing about? Ila iwapo una mtazamo kwamba they still have a role to play; kama unaona they cant, who can - kitaasisi? ukitilia maanani kwamba taifa hili sasa ni la vijana - 50% ni watoto under 15, about 70% ni vijana miaka 30 kushuka chini mpaka watoto; almost 80% ya watanzania hawajavuka miaka 40...

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Ili kurekebisha hali tete iliyopo hapa nchini ni jukumu la vijana wote na sio UVccm peke yao kusimama na kutetea interests za nchi yao kwani wao ndio watakuwa losers kama hali hii ya ufujaji maliasili ya nchi utaendelea. Generation ya wakinakikwete is a disappointment kwani haina vision as a result wameshindwa kuongoza nchi. The youth of this country irrespective of their party affiliation have to stand up and be counted in vigorously protecting the national interests. As your statistics indicate the youth are a significant constituency, hence if they can marshall their energies together they are bound to rescue this country from disintergration!

Wenzetu wengi humu huwa wanajenga hoja kwamba Mwalimu alifanya makosa kuleta Azimio La Arusha Mwaka 1967, badala ya kuachia nchi iendelee na mfumo ule ule tuliyorithi kutoka kwa mkoloni yaani ‘Soko Huriu', intertwined in the global capitalist system. Mara kadhaa nimewauliza wahusika wa hoja hiyo maswali haya, bila ya kupewa majibu yoyote mpaka leo:

Moja, Je wenzetu walioingia kwenye soko huria baada ya uhuru (1960s) kwa mfano Kenya, kwanini leo hii mwaka 2011 tupo nao kwenye kundi la nchi maskini kabisa duniani?

Mbili, Je, nchi kama Nigeria, ambayo haikufuata Ujamaa baada ya uhuru, taifa lenye rasilimali kubwa ya mafuta, la saba duniani uzalishaji, kwanini miaka yote hii Human Development Report inatuonyesha tupo nao katika umaskini?

Tatu, nikauliza pia, je, haya yote hayatoshi kutuambia kwamba adui wa nchi zote maskini, sio Ujamaa wala Soko Huria, bali ni mfumo wa kimataifa wa kibepari usio wa haki - the unfair integration ya walio wengi (rural economy – 70% of the population) into the global capitalist system? Na hii ndio ilikuwa vita kuu ya Mwalimu na Azimio La Arusha, vita ambayo wenzetu hawa wanaibeza.

Kuna mchumi mmoja mahiri sana duniani, kwa jina la Reginald Herbold Green, he served as a lecturer katika vyuo mbalimmbali kama University of Sussex, Institute of Development Studies – IDS ni moja ya top institutes in the world katika masuala ya economic development; Green pia aliwahi kuwa Consultant for UN, UNICEF, SIDA, ILO etc. Muhimu zaidi ni kwamba, World Bank ilimuazima kuja kuwa an Economic Advisor hapa Tanzania, miaka ya 1985 – 1993, kipindi ambacho ni key katika mjadala wetu huu i.e cha mageuzi ya kiuchumi kutoka Ujamaa na kuelekea soko huria. Nimepata a very interesting piece of his work titled "Vision of Human – Centred Development: A Study in Moral Economy", ambapo anasema: yafuatayo juu ya Mwalimu na Ujamaa vis-à-vis soko huria na ubepari from an historical point of view:

["Mwalimu's overriding concern in respect of Economics and Political Economy is very similar to one of Adam Smith's main concerns. Smith, who styled himself as a moral philosopher, believed for both practical and normative reasons that no nation could be great and prosperous if the majority of its people were poor and miserable. He contended that it was a primary duty in ‘moral economy' to enable them to escape from what we would not call absolute poverty, and that making this possible is the primary economic duty of the State. On the particular functions of the state, Smith and Nyerere (in very different contexts) certainly did not come to similar conclusions. Even so, Smith's very similar moral distaste for collusive behavior by entrepreneurs of self – enrichment and by economic power clusters turning the state into their tool is almost as robustly and repeatedly states as Nyerere's has been."]
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Adam Smith (1723 – 1790), is a Scottish economist who advocated private enterprise and free trade. He is known as the father of Modern Economics and Capitalism.

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Hata watawala wetu kiuchumi (WorldBank, IMF, WTO) (kwani utawala wetu ni wa kisiasa tu), wanaligundua hilo la Green hapo juu. Lakini wanakuwa wakaidi kwasababu mbili. Moja, wanafanikiwa kuwadhoofisha Viongozi wetu wa Afrika wasiji jengee Umoja wa kweli kama wakubwa hao (G8, n.k), ili kupingana na unyonyaji wa wakubwa hawa; Lakini pili, wakubwa hawa wa nje, wamefanikiwa kutuadaa wengi wetu kwamba ukoloni uliisha siku nyingi, na kwamba njia sasa ni nyeupe kwa yoyote kuelekea kwenye Maendeleo (soko huria), iwapo tu, tutafuata matakwa yao; kwamba tukiwasikiliza, basi na sisi tutakuwa kama Marekani, Uingereza, Japan, South Korea n.k. Na baadhi yetu tukiona maghorofa katika miji yetu yanafanania na yale ya New York, Tokyo.., tukisikia kwamba barabara za juu kwa juu zinakuja; tukiona wingi wa bidhaa Mlimani City, Quality Plaza (usiohitaji foleni kama wakati wa Mwalimu), wingi wake ambao wala haulingani na wingi wa pesa mifukoni mwa walio wengi, basi tunamwona Mwalimu alikuwa mtu wa ajabu sana, kwani ‘alitucheleweshea' safari ya kuelekea the promised land.

Worldbank/IMF, kazi yao ni moja tu – kuendeleza ukoloni "kwa uso wa mahaba". IMF/WorldBank ni watekelezaji wa matakwa ya wakoloni wale wale ambao wao kwa sasa wamejiundia kikundi kinaitwa G8 ili wagawane rasilimali zetu kwa amani, badala ya vita kama zamani; lakini kwa vile wanajua kwamba kuna nchi nyingine zitabahatisha kupenya na kupata unafuu kimaendeleo (kwani Maendeleo katika nchi maskini katika mfumo wa sasa wa kibepari unakujaga kwa bahati mbaya tu). Wakubwa wakawajengea wadogo hawa ambao wanaweza kuja kuwa tishio, hivyo kuweza kudai sauti, na kupelekea kuwavurugia wakubwa mikakati yao ya kupora nchi maskini, wakaunda kitu kinaitwa OECD ili wengine wote waopata afueni, basi waingie humo ili na wao wajione ni sehemu ya wakubwa hawa wa G8.

Wengi wetu tunajisahau kwamba sisi ni sehemu ndogo sana ya ya nchi hii, kwani tunaoishi kwenye modern sector hatuzidi 25% ya Taifa, wenzetu wengi i.e. 70% hali zao ni zile zile za mwaka 1961; mfano, 85% ya Watanzania mpaka leo hawajui umeme ni kitu gani; 80% ya watanzania wanaishi chini ya $2 kwa siku; mamilioni ya vijana hawana ajira, sio kwa sababu wamesoma lakini hakuna kazi, hapana, hilo ni kundi tofauti kabisa; tunazungumzia vijana walioshindwa kuendelea na masomo baada ya darasa la saba; na wale waliofeli kidato cha nne, sio kwasababu ya uwezo wao mdogo kiakili, bali kutokana na mfumo na mazingira mabovu katika sekta ya elimu; Mfano takwimu za Worldbank (2011) zinaonyesha kwamba, kila mwaka vijana wapatao 850,000, wenye umri kati ya miaka 15-24 wanaingia katika soko la ajira Tanzania, huku takribani 40% mikononi mwao wakiwa na sifa za Division Zero (form four).

Sasa tunapozungumza kwamba hili ni timing bomb, why are we reacting now instead of being proactive then? Pia naomba niulize: Lugha ya viongozi wetu wa leo kwamba tatizo la ajira kwa vijana ni timing bomb, nini ni tofauti kubwa na ile ya Mwalimu hapo juu (see the original post)? Mimi nadhani tofauti ni lafudhi tu, lakini lugha ni ile ile. Hivi kweli, ni busara kwa baadhi yetu kuona viongozi wa sasa wapo sahihi na kuwasifia kwa mtazamo huo, lakini mtazamo wa Mwalimu miaka 24 iliyopita (1987), sio sahihi na kumponda?

Nimalizie kwa kusisitiza tu kwamba adui wetu sote ni mmoja, na Mwalimu alitupa silaha ya kupigana na adui huyo kama taifa i.e. Azimio la Arusha. Lakini tukaitupa silaha yetu ya pamoja kama taifa, na kuamua kuifanya ‘pesa' kama ndio silaha yetu mpya, ‘individually'.Wenzetu huko nje, wanatambua ugumu wa vita katika nyakati hizi, ndio maana wakati wa mikutano ya wakubwa hawa (G8 etc), huwa wanaandamana kuwaonyesha tu wakubwa kwamba wanatambua kuwa kiini cha umaskini wao ni sera za kimabavu za WorldBank/IMF, kwa kushirikiana na viongozi wasio na vision kama ya Mwalimu. Enzi zake, Mwalimu alizipinga sera hizi za kiunyonyaji, mpaka anafariki dunia. Lakini sisi tukisikia wakubwa hawa (IMF/WorldBank), wapo mjini, ni kawaida yetu kuacha shughuli zetu za less than $2 a day, na kwenda kujipanga barabarani, kuwapungia, na baadae kwenye vipima joto vya kwenye luninga, kusifia ni jinsi gani Tanzania imeendelea, kiasi cha kuweza kuwavutia wakubwa hawa kuja kufanya mikutano yao katika nchi yetu.

Hakika daima tutamkumbuka Mwalimu Nyerere, na wengi tuna ahidi kuendelea kung'arisha fikra na hekima zake, kila wakati nafasi inaporuhusu, kwani njia pekee ya kujikomboa katika hali hii, ni kwa kufuata hekima zake.

chama said:

Mchambuzi;
Hatuna wasiwasi siku hizi tunakaribishwa IMF/WB kwa kahawa badala ya kukopeshwa pesa za kugharimia miradi ya maendeleo tunakopeshwa pesa za kulipia mishahara wabunge wetu; hii ndiyo demokrasi inayopiganiwa na hawa wanaojiita waheshimiwa; hivi ni kweli gharama za maisha Dodoma zimefikia laki 2 kwa siku? Posho hutolewa kulingana gharama za maisha za sehemu husika ikiwa Dodoma maisha ni ghali kiasi hicho je wabunge hawa wanafikiria walimu, manesi madaktari na wafanyakazi wa sekta ya jamii?

Chama
Gongo la Mboto DSM

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Ni sahihi kabisa; hivi kweli katika hali ngumu namna hii watawala wanadiriki kutamka hadharani kwamba posho zimeongezwa kutokana na kupanda kwa gharama za maisha? hawa watawala wanaishi dunia ipi? are they sensitive kweli na hali za maisha ya walio wengi ambao ndio wapiga kura wao? zaidi ya 80% ambao mlo mmoja kwa siku na familia zao ni bahati? hivi spika katika mazingira hayo alitawaliwa na hofu juu ya wapiga kura wepi, wa cheo chake cha ubunge au cheo chake cha uspika? kwa mtu makini, hata hao wabunge wakikuangusha kutoka katika cheo chako, heshima kwa wananchi itapanda maradufu.

Andersonds said:

is this your true colour? If yes, go on, but the vice versa is hypocracy

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Kama unacho kifungu kwenye katiba kinachompa mamlaka Rais kusimamia zoezi la kutengeneza katiba mpya naomba unitajie na ndio maana ushauri wa CDM kwenda mahakamani ni wa msingi ili mahakakama kuu ambayo kazi yake kuu ni kutafsiri katiba itamke mamlaka haya aliyojwitika jk ameyapata wapi ya kuizika katiba hii ambayo ameapa kuilinda na kutengeneza katiba nyingine mpya ?? angalizo usichanganye mabadiliko ya katiba na katiba mpya.

Mchambuzi said:

Na wapo watu wanajenga hoja kwamba Mwalimu kaacha misingi ya uongozi iliyojaa rushwa etc, wakati ukweli ni kwamba hilo halikuwezekana mpaka pale walipoliua azimio la arusha mwaka 1992; nakumbuka mwalimu kwenye TV alisema "Nasikia wamelifuta azimio la Arusha huko Zanzibar" huku akiwa na uso kama wa tabasamu kidogo na kuendelea, "kwani lilikuwa na ubaya gani kiasi hicho?"

Ukweli ni kwamba, kilichowakera viongozi kwenye azimio lile ni suala la leadership code kwamba - kiongozi haruhusiwi kuwa na mshahara zaidi ya mmoja, nyumba ya kupanga, au kuwa na hisa katika kampuni ambayo ni publicly traded otherwise mengine kwenye azimio la arusha they cared less, kwani efforts za kumnanyua mkulima were long gone na mwalimu, anyways;

Suala la leadership code, hata nchi za wenzetu UK, USA, wana utaratibu unaofanania kidogo na huo, kwamba biashara na siasa zisichanganywe; azimio la znz lingerekebisha tu kidogo kipengele hicho, sio kutoa RUKSA bila kuchuja, kwani hiyo ilipelekea some sort of a 'gold rush' among viongozi; na ufisadi wa sasa ni mgumu kuushughulikia kwani azimio la znz linawakinga kihoja, in one way or another;

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It is very unfortunate that there is policy defence against corruption. Kuna madudu mengi sana tunayafanya hapa nchini kwetu, as if sisi ni watoto. Huwa nasikitika sana kumsikia kiongozi anasema tunapamabana na rushwa wakati anaongoza kwa rushwa na subordinates wake wamejaa rushwa. Kila siku tunaimba tatizo ni rushwa, ufisadi, kukosa maadili, why?? simply because we purposely did away with Arusha Declaration. Why are not changing it? because we want to steal more because Tanzanians are still sleeping.

Ukiangalia hii inayoitwa tume ya maadili ni kama sifuri tu, it is at par with Takukuru. Inashughulikiwa wadogo wadogo, na kuchekea wakubwa. The stupidiest thing you can do in governance.

Siku hizi ni kawaida kabisa kusikia baraza la mawaziri linaongea nje ya vikao, waziri anaongea hili rais anapinga, waziri mkuu anasema hili rais anapinga, bunge linasema hili serikali inasema lile, total mess, waziri anafokea watu kama wajinga. Hakuna tofauti na watoto, as if wamefundishwa kuongoza in that style (the one we recently saw Magufuli on TV).

I love JF...wallahi!

Mchambuzi said:

That's a good question. There are two routes to industrialization katika nchi kama zetu ambazo zilishakosa mapinduzi ya viwanda late 19[SUP]th[/SUP] to 20[SUP]th[/SUP] centrury:

· IMPORT SUBSTITUTION STRATEGY (ISS)
· EXPORT PROMOTION STRATEGY (EPS).

Import Substitution Strategy (ISS) – Hapa, a country produces products to replace imports. This was very common during Ujamaa and also in many parts of South America and Some Asian countries (not Asian Tigers), during the post colonial period. In these countries, they had just won political independence na sasa kazi ilikuwa ni kujaribu ku undergo agricultural transformation that would led to the development of the modern sector – Viwanda. The idea was to get rid of the system left by wakoloni, of to: Produce What You Don't Consume and Consume What You Don't Produce. Mfumo huu ndio ule ambao Walter Rodney anaujadili in his ingenious work: How Europe Under Developed Africa. This man was shot dead later.

Tanzania hatukuwa na choice zaidi ya hiyo ya ISS (we will see punde why), na hatukwenda nayo mbali despite kuweza fikisha industrial contribution to GDP wakati wa Mwalimu to 12%, level ambayo haijawahi fikiwa tena Tanzania hadi leo. It is important kwa wanaomkebehi Mwalimu kujua kwamba ISS was the only industrial strategy option available for us, including all newly independent countries of that time, unless the WEST wanted otherwise (we will see what I mean by that, shortly). Na nchi nyingi sana Asia na South America, zilifeli kama Tanzania na ISS baadae, bila ya kujali kama walikuwa wajamaa au walikuwa wanafuata soko huria.

Export Promotion Strategy – This is the second route to industrialization, and the focus here is to produce for the purpose to export. This was pursued by South Korea, Malaysia and other so called Newly Industrialized Countries – the Asian Tigers. Watu, including wanasiasa wetu, huwa wanajichanganya sana wanapojenga hoja kwamba South Korea walikuwa kama Tanzania in terms of Per Capita Income in the 1960s, lakini wao sasa hivi wapo mbali, na kwamba if we had followed or now follow their strategy, tungekuwa/titaenda mbali; Hoja za namna hii zinashindwa kuelewa kwamba hili suala sio la black and white as they think, kwani Asian Tigers wameendelea kwa sababu ya Cold War, kule ilikuwa ni battle ground. Zilifanywa ziwe Satellite states za WEST wakati wa Cold War and US, Britain, Japan, West Germany, France, etc, did all they could to make sure kwamba the Soviet did not occupy these countries na ukomunist, hivyo kuwapa all the goodies waone Ubepari Unalipa;

In the process, the WEST gave these countries so much aid to finance capitalism kiserikali, whereby bureaucrats ndio walikwa entrepreneurs; The west pia wakawapa ahadi kwamba watawafungulia mipaka ili bidhaa zao zote za viwandani ziende Japan, and the West, hence Export Promotion Strategy; Akili moja waliyokuja nayo hawa tigers ikawa kuendeleza sekta ya elimu haraka na zile fedha, kwani in 1950s, South Korea kwa mfano, less than 20% of the population walikuwa wanajua kusoma na kuandika, na over 70% of the country was rural and agricultural based economy. Wakafanya yale yale ya Mwalimu Nyerere on elimu bure, waka invest in Science and Technology etc, hivyo kuweka misingi mizuri sana kwa fedha zile za bure.

Ni vizuri tukatambua kwamba mafanikio ya hawa wenzetu yalikuwa ni ya kupakatwa moja kwa moja, hayakuja by market forces, bali direct state intervention – state capitalism. Wakati wenzetu wakifaidi haya, sisi na the rest of the third world tukawa tunahenya na Kilimo chetu cha kikoloni, na kujitahidi na ISS strategy, kwani katika vita vya cold war, zaidi ya Zaire, hatukuwa na maana sana to the west. Mobutu angekuwa na kichwa cha Nyerere, ile nchi ingekuwa mbali sana. Otherwise the rest of the continent, kaburu aliachiwa jukumu la ku contain ukomunist, huku the west wakihakikisha we don't industrialize, kwani ukoloni mamboleo, just as ukoloni asili, nia yake ilikuwa kufanya Afrika iwe a permanent rural backyard for Europe and Amerika, by providing Cheap labour to kilimo, Raw Materials (mazao na madini) and Market for the west's industrial goods;

Swali la kujiuliza leo ni je:

Iwapo Tanzania tunataka viwanda, should we pursue again ISS? Au Tujaribu EPS? Au a combination of both?
As we already know, viwanda vya West baadae vilihamia nchi kama China, Vietnam, etc, kwani in the west, labour was costly na pia society ikaanza kuwa conscious na pollution etc; Since China, Vietman etc walikuwa wameshajipanga in S&T, Human Capital, institutions, infrastructure, etc, wakabahatika na mabadiliko ya WEST in terms of industrialization strategy zao; As of today, labour sio cheap tena in China, and increasingly nchi kama Vietnam etc, kutokana na improved quality of life of the population, uwepo wa the right institutions to protect workers' rights through legislations etc; So kwa sasa, the WEST is eyeing Africa and other countries in Asia and Latin America zilizokuwa nyuma kidogo kimaendelea lakini mbele zaidi ya wenzao kimaandalizi (human capital, S&T, miundombinu etc).

Challenge yetu Tanzania miundo mbinu kama reli, umeme wa uhakika, barabara za uhakika, educated labour force, national innovation systems zinazotokana na investments in Science and Technology etc; Na pia, kwa Mtazamo wangu unaoweza kuwa finyu, tukichagua ISS, we will only succeed if we operate in regional blocks e.g. SADC, EAC kwa ajili ya soko la pamoja na pia policy ya kuvilinda viwanda vyetu; Je, tuna jeusi/uwezo huo? On the other hand, if we go for EPS, we may face difficulties to set up export industries because of the competition from the more established and efficient industries Latin America, Asia as we have seen hapo juu; Muhimu zaidi ni kwamba, success under EPS, itahitaji tupate ile window kama waliyopata South Korea, Malaysia etc wakati wa Cold War; Otherwise tutakwama in no time, kwani bado kutakuwa na competition from maskini wenzetu wa Asia & South America ambao as we have seen wapo nyuma kidogo ya nchi kama Vietnam etc, lakini wapo mbele yetu sana in terms of strong institutional frameworks, miundo mbinu, innovation systems, educated labour force etc, hivyo kuwavutia WEST zaidi in terms of EPS.

Tuna safari ndefu sana, muhimu zaidi lakini ni kuwa na kiongozi/Rais Bora, ambae atakuwa sio George Washington wetu (BABA WA TAIFA), kwani tunae Mwalimu tayari kwenye hilo, bali yule ambae historia itamtunuku heshima kama ya Abraham Lincoln, Thomas Jefferson, au Tony Blair wa Tanzania.

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Mchambuzi, ahsante kwa mchango uliosimama wima.

Mada hii inatuonyesha kuwa soko huria kama linavyohubiriwa sio mwarobaini wa matatizo yetu. Wenzetu wengine wanadhani soko huria ni soko holela na kwamba lina nia njema nasi. Hawa ndio wasioisha kumkejeli Nyerere bila kuangalia alifanya nini kama mbadala wa kile alichokuwa hakiamini kuhusu soko huria na holela.

Tatizo letu sio sera wala rasilimali, ni ukosefu wa viongozi wenye maono na ongezeko la mmomonyoko wa maadili. Tofauti na wengine wanavyoliangalia Azimio la Arusha, maana yake kubwa ilikuwa kuweka misingi ya uadilifu na kuhakikisha kuwa kile kidogo kinachopatikana kinagawiwa sawa. Azimio halikumkataza mtu kujitajirisha kwa njia halali isipokuwa kumzuia mtu kutumia mwanya katika uongozi kuwadhulumu wengine kwa manufaa yake. Lililenga kuondoa tofauti za kipato kwa wavuja jasho katika nchi hii bila kuathiri kipato cha mtu anayejitafutia kwa njia zake halali.
Hatukuwahi kusikia malalamiko ya mishahara ya wabunge ambayo tofauti kati ya milioni 12 na laki 2 inatisha.

Alichokifanya Nyerere ni kuweka misingi ya taifa kujitegemea. Mathalani. alifahamu kuwa uwepo wa kiwanda cha mbolea ni kichocheo kizuri cha kilimo. Leo mbolea ingekuwa inapatikana bila kuagiza. Akaanzisha viwanda kama UFI ili zana za kilimo zipatikane hapa. Tulishafikia mahali pa export a vitu kama nguo( Khanga za Mwatex, Urafiki export) n.k. Kajenga viwanda kama cha swala ili tuanze basi na kidogo tunachoweza ili siku moja tutengeneze magari. Akaanzisha kiwanda cha kuunda magari kama sehemu ya kuendeleza sekta ya uchukuzi hasa mazao. TAMKO haikuwa inaunda magari ya anasa bali malori na mabasi.

Kwa upande wa miuondo mbinu, hilo alifanikiwa sana. Ujenzi wa reli na bara bara hata kama hazikuwa na lami lakini ndio msingi wenyewe. Haya yote yalikuwa na maana kuwa warithi wake wayaendeleze ili basi tusiwe taifa la import hadi sanda za marehemu.

Challenge tuliyonayo kwa maoni yangu si mipango au rsailimali, ni ukosefu wa viongozi wenye utashi na uthubutu wa kulisaidia taifa hili na kukosa viongozi wenye maono kama ya Nyerere.

Haiwezekani taifa ambalo halijaweza ku-balance bajeti yake libebe mzigo mzito wa kulipa posho watu 320 kana kwamba ukosefu wa wabunge ni sawa na ukosefu wa Daktari au Engineer. Rais anapokubali kusaini ongezeko la posho kwa siri kama alivyowahi kufanya Kikwete na wakati huo huo akishindwa kuliwajibisha bunge lisiloweza kusimamia serikali iweze ku-balance bajeti inajieleza yenyewe.

Asian Tiger walitumia fursa iliyokuwepo kufanya mapinduzi kwasababu walikuwa na viongozi wenye utashi kama Mahathiri Mohamed.
Tukubaliane kuwa uwepo wa genge la viongozi waliopo hautaleta mabadiliko yoyote hata kama sera zitaandikwa na malaika.

Dhana inayojengwa kuwa vijana wataleta mabadiliko si ya kweli hata kidogo, vinginevyo vijana hao walioko bungeni na serikalini wasingekubali taifa masikini kama hili lilipe mbunge fedha kutoka hazina kwa sababu tu amekaa katika kiti na kiyoyozi. Ni hao vijana wamekaa kimya bila kukemea uovu uliokithiri kama wa Richmond na ndio wanatumika kuhalalisha uovu huo. Kwani ugomvi ndania ya UVCCM ni nini kama si kulinda na kutetea uovu wa mtu au watu wawili watatu?

Na wala hakuna kundi nje ya sisi wananchi linaloweza kuleta mabadiliko. Sisi ndio mabadiliko na tunaweza, tatizo hatujui tuanze lini na tunadhani ipo siku itapigwa kengele ya mabadiliko.

Kwahiyo bila kujali tutakuwa na ISS au EPS au tunatakiwa tujiunge na block gani kiuchumi, kwanza ni muhimu kuhakikisha tunao viongozi watakaosimamia mipango hiyo kikamilifu na kwa uadilifu. Chanzo cha matatizo yetu ni ukosefu wa viongozi na recycling haionyeshi kuisha hivi karibuni. Tunahitaji maamuzi magumu ya muda mfupi ili tuwe na maendeleo ya muda mrefu.

FaizaFoxy said:

Huyu Mzee nae anachanganyikiwa, katiba za Nyerere zilishirikisha mtu?

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Wewe bibi! nyerere alisema tunapaswa kuchukua mazuri yake na kuacha mabaya lakini tatizo tunachukua mabaya na kuacha mazuri!!! Leave Mwl Nyerere alone! Msitafute justification ya ubovu wenu! Shikamoo bibi!

tutasema weeeeee , 2015 hiyo no katiba no tume huru full kuchakachuliwa !
muda ni huu tupinge mapema na kwa vitendo. yaan barabarani!

Naogopa kuchangia na sintoweza kuchangia, naogopa kushikishwa adabu kwa hiyo sheria maana naweza kufungwa miaka mpaka 7. Mliochangia mjiandae kushitakiwa including mtoa maada.

"When the majority don’t have any hope you are building a volcano. It is bound to erupt one day. Unless these people are fools. Many in these countries are fools, to accept being ruled just like that. To be oppressed just like that when they have the force in numbers, they are fools. So Tanzanians would be fools, ******, if they continued to accept to be oppressed by minority in their own country. Why?" Nimeyapenda maneno hayo na ni Mazito na yana maana kubwa

Mwita Matteo said:

"When the majority don't have any hope you are building a volcano. It is bound to erupt one day. Unless these people are fools. Many in these countries are fools, to accept being ruled just like that. To be oppressed just like that when they have the force in numbers, they are fools. So Tanzanians would be fools, ******, if they continued to accept to be oppressed by minority in their own country. Why?" Nimeyapenda maneno hayo na ni Mazito na yana maana kubwa

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Lakini kwa wale wasio wajali wenzetu maskini, zaidi ya milioni 30 nchini (vijijini), kauli zenye ukweli kama hizi ni rahisi sana wao kuziona ni 'uchochezi';

Ng`wanakidiku said:

Naogopa kuchangia na sintoweza kuchangia, naogopa kushikishwa adabu kwa hiyo sheria maana naweza kufungwa miaka mpaka 7. Mliochangia mjiandae kushitakiwa including mtoa maada.

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Na vipi kuhusu hawa wafuatao:

• Mwandishi wa hotuba - Marehemu Baba wa Taifa.
• Mwandishi wa makala iliyobeba hotuba kwenye kitabu husika - Professor Issa Shivji.

"Critical Elements of a New Democratic Consensus in Africa (pp.25-38).

• Editor wa Kitabu husika - Marehemu Professor Haroub Othman;

"Reflections on Leadership in Africa: 40 years of independence.

• Mhariri wa Gazeti la Serikali lililochapisha makala hiyo mwaka 1987;

As long as hatia hiyo (kama itapatikana), itazingatia haki na sheria kwa mujibu wa katiba, mimi binafsi, na nadhani wachangiaji wengine wengi tu humu JamiiForums, hawana haja ya kuwa na uwoga wowote juu ya hilo, kwani kinachojadiliwa ni hotuba ya mwalimu iliyojaa ukweli, miaka 24 baada ya hotuba hiyo kuchapishwa na gazeti la serikali; miaka 12 baada ya Mwalimu kutuacha wapweke;

Vinginevyo, suala la muhimu hapa ni kwa wahusika wote (sisi tulio uraiani, pamoja na viongozi wetu), kuitumia hotuba hii ya Mwalimu kuandaa pre-emptive strategies, and avoid reactive strategies, hiyo volcano anayoisemea mwalimu ikija lipuka, hivyo kupelekea maafa makubwa katika jamii yetu, kitu ambacho, kwa tarehe ya leo, bado inawezekana kabisa kuyakwepa;

Nguruvi3 said:

Azimio halikumkataza mtu kujitajirisha kwa njia halali isipokuwa kumzuia mtu kutumia mwanya katika uongozi kuwadhulumu wengine kwa manufaa yake.

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Ni sahihi, kwani historia inatuelimisha kwamba Mwalimu aliwapa option viongozi wa TANU - biashara au utumishi wa umma, na walipewa mwaka mzima kufanya maamuzi hayo; kama kweli hawakuwa na nia ya kutumia madaraka yao vibaya kwa kujinufaishwa binafsi, kwanini hakuna aliyeamua kuchagua biashara na kuachana na siasa, ili akaitumie fani yake kikamilifu zaidi kijasiriamali? Mpaka leo hii, kutenganisha fani hizi mbili bado ni ngumu sana; wanasiasa wanataka kuwa wafanyabiashara, wafanyabiashara wanataka kuwa wanasiasa; siasa na biashara sio kitu kibaya per se, kilicho kibaya ni ukosefu wa sheria za kudhibiti muingiliano kati ya biashara na siasa; wenzetu huko nje, wengi tu, wana taratibu nzuri sana ambazo tukizifuata, zitawapa nafasi na haki wafanyabiashara wetu kushiriki katika siasa bila matatizo;

Mchambuzi,
Shukran na wana jamiii nawashukuru sana kwa uchambuzi wenu mzuri sana ambao umejikita ziadi ktk kuhamasisha vijana wa leo wapate kutambua tumetoka wapi, kukajikwaa wapi na tumeangukia wapi. Hawa vijana wengine wanapenda sana kutazama tulipoangukia na kusema kisiki kilikuwa Ujamaa na Kujitegemea...Lakini ukiwabana vizuri hushindwa kutofautisha kwamba Ujamaa na Kujitegemea ulitutahadharisha juu safari yetu kwamba kuna visiki mbele na ili tupate kwenda kwa usalama inabidi tuwe pamoja, twende taratibu japokuwa wengine wanakimbia, sisi tulikuwa wadoofu wa afya sii sawa na wao lakini tutafika tukiwa makini..

Binafsi nitasema na nitarudia kusema kwamba Ujamaa na Kujitegemea lilikuwa swala la Logic tu huhitaji kuwa na Phd kufahamu kwamba tulihitaji Ujamaa.. Ni sawa na kusema sisi tulikuwa na gunia moja la Mpungu, kuku na Jogoo mmoja kama urithi wa familia ya watu 5. Nyerere akasema:- Jamani heee hili gunia moja halitutoshi hivyo njia bora zaidi kwetu hili guniamoja la mpunga tulifanye mbegu, na hawa kuku wetu tusiwale ila tuwafuge wazaane hadi itapofikia uwezo wa kufuga, kuuza na kula tutafanya hivyo... Lakini hawa vijana wanaodai vinginevyo wao wanatazama Kenya ambao tayari walikuwa na magunia 100 ya mpunga wakila na kusaza, wakiuza kwetu na majirani, walikuwa wafugaji kabla yetu na wakasema aaah sasa tutakula nini? wakajibiwa - Ugali wa yanga na maharage!... mtumeeee sasa hii itakuwaje..

Sasa kwa mwenye elimu ya juu angenambia pengine Kiafya Ugali na maharage haufai kuliko wali na kuku lakini watu wamechambua Ujamaa kwa kutazama ama kupima matamanio yao na sii ukweli kwamba kama tungekula lile gunia moja tusingeweza hata kufika hapa tulipo leo. Tungeendelea kuagiza vyakula toka Kenya na hakika Kenya leo ingekuwa Dubai ya Afrika. Na sijui kama wanakumbuka kwa nini mwalimu aligombana na Kenyatta hadi ikadfikia tulitaka kupigana vita?... sisi tukiwaita wao Manyang'au...Kenyatta hakufurahia kabisa hatua ya mwalimu kuanzisha Azimio la Arusha kwa sababu market kubwa ya viwanda vya Muingereza Kenya ilikuwa Tanzania ambao hatukuwa viwanda.

Na historia ya Uhuru wa nchi zote za Mashariki hadi Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar yote yalipangwa na viongozi wetu kwa kusaidiwa na Uingereza na Marekani wakihakikisha hawa kina Nyerere watalinda investment zao nchini Kenya, kwani mashamba na viwnada vyote Kenya vilikuwa vya Muingereza/Marekani hao NATO ya baada ya vita kuu. Nyerere na Kenyatta ndio walikuwa hero wao wakitegemewa sana wakati kundi jingine la Kina Abraham Babu wakiitwa Wa Communist wakikutana kivyao upande wa pili dhidi ya kundi hili..

Nyerere alikuja wageuka Waingereza na ndio maana husemwa vibaya siku zote wakichukulia mfano wa machafuko ya wanajeshi wetu mwaka 1964 na kadhalika lakini Nyerere kilichombadilisha Nyerere ni Pan Africanism alipojiunga na wenzake dhidi ya wakoloni..Na Ujamaa pekee ndio ulikuwa njia pekee ya kutulinda sisi wakati tunajiondoa ktk kuyategemea mataifa makubwa yaliwekeza interest zao Afrika ili waendelee kutunyonya...

Mwisho nitarudia kusema 2+2 = 4, huwezi kusema kwa nini isiwe 10 mbona Kenya walipata 7, ni kwa sababu wenzetu Kenya walikuwa na 3+4...Hivyo mnapofikiria jamani fikirieni sisi tulikuwa na 2 na uwezekano wa kuwekeza ulikuwa ni hizo hizo 2 ziweze kuzaa 2 nyingine tupate 4 ikiwa hizo 2 kuziguswi..Hivyo masharti ya kutozigusa yalikuwa lazima tofauti na wenzetu Kenya..
Na hata hivyo Azimio la Zanzibar limetuonyesha wazi kwamba tulisahau miiko ile tukala hadi mbegu na ndio maana leo Tanzania tunaagiza sio tu vyakula bali hata mbegu za mahindi, mpunga na kadhalika wakati sisi maskini hayo mengine tutayaweza wapi tukiacha kula?..

Mchambuzi,

Nimefuatilia hii topic pages zote saba na ningependa kukupongeza kwa kuleta mada hii yenye mvuto. Ila mimi nashindwa kuelewa kitu kimoja, wewe Mchambuzi unapata wapi credibility ya kuquestion viongozi wa sasa wakati wewe mwenyewe ni part ya status quo? Nyie vijana mnaojiunga na CCM kila siku, ndio watu mnaolisaliti AZIMIO LA ARUSHA. Nyie ndio watu mnaoipa CCM credibility kwa vijana, na kwa kusema ukweli, tofauti yenu na viongozi mafisadi ni majina tuu.

Kitendo chako cha kuendelea kuvaa gamba " vazi" speaks volume about yourself and your character. Huwezi kulalamika kuvunjwa kwa Azimio la Arusha ukiwa mwanachama wa CCM, huwezi kupinga ufisadi ukiwa ndani ya chama ambacho ufisadi is part and parcel of its culture. Mimi naamini ya kuwa kama Nyerere angekuwa hai leo, angewalaumu sana vijana kama wewe ambao wameamua kukaaa kimya leo, kusudi tuu wapate nafasi za ubunge in the future.