Gamba La Nyoka:
Pia ifahamike kwamba, ni watu wengi sana wangeathirika na masharti haya na wala si viongozi kama viongozi tu!. unapomdefine KIONGOZI KAMA MTU NA MKEWE AU MTU NA MMEWE, Maana yake unamfunga hata yule asiye kiongozi na masharti haya na matokeo yake kukwaza juhudi za familia kupambana na umasikini. halafu ifahamike, inaposemwa kwamba kiongzozi ni mtu yeyote aliyekuwa defined kama "kiongozi kwa katiaba ya Tanu", hapa unataja viongozi wa nyumba kumi kumi, viongozi wa mashina, matawi, wakuu wa idara za serikali, yaani unazungumzia maelfu kama si malaki ya watu, SASA KWELI HAWA WOTE UNAWAZUIA KUWA NA NYUMBA YA KUPANGISHA halafu uje useme unapambana na umasikini kweli?
Just to put the records straight,
Leadership code iliwahusu watumishi wenye mshahara wa T.sh 600 kwa mwezi, kwenda juu, sio chini ya hapo. Ikumbukwe pia kwamba wakati ule, Waziri alikuwa anapata kama
T.sh 3,000 kwa mwezi, na katibu Mkuu wa Wizara kama
T.sh 4,000 kwa mwezi. Wakuu wa Mikoa walikuwa wanalipwa karibia sawa na Mawaziri, Ma Naibu Mawaziri walikuwa wanalipwa chini kidogo ya Ma Waziri na Wakuu wa Mikoa; Wakuu wa Wilaya walikuwa wanalipwa kiwango sawa na Ma Naibu Ma Waziri;
Otherwise, for the majority:
Serikali huru Mwaka 1961, ilikuta watumishi wengi ngazi ya chini wanalipwa Tsh 45.50 kwa mwezi, hivyo serikali ikapandisha mishahara yao hadi T.sh 71.50 kwa mwezi. Watumishi wa ngazi juu ya hawa, wengi wao serikali baada ya uhuru ilikuta wanalipwa T.sh 107 kwa mwezi, hivyo serikali huru ikapandisha kiwango hiki hadi T.sh 132 kwa mwezi.
Masharti haya yalikuwa yanadumaza Demokrasia.
Masharti haya yalikuwa yanakwaza Juhudi za Vita vya Kupambana na Umasikini.
Haya Masharti yanakinzana na Haki za Binadamu.
Naomba niyachanganye haya kwa pamoja kama ifuatavyo :
Kuhusu kudumaza Demokrasia viongozi kutopwa haki ya kuchagua fani zaidi ya
mkulima na
mfanyakazi, Unaongelea in what context spefically, then (1967) or now (1992 Present)? Pengine hapo ndipo tunachanganyana. Nachozungumzia mimi ni why it was justified in 1967. Kama tupo pamoja in context, basi inawezekana una takwimu na maelezo ambayo siyafahamu i.e. kuhusu entrepreneurial opportunities, size of the market etc zilizoachwa na mkoloni mwaka 1961, ambazo viongozi wa TANU wangeweza kuzi exploit. Otherwise, mimi kwa uelewa wangu, majority of Tanganyikans were in the rural sector/vijijini (kilimo).
Ndio maana Mwalimu wakati ule alitamka kwamba:
*******
For while other people can aim at reaching the moon, and while in future we might aim at reaching the moon, our present plans must be directed at reaching the villages.
******
Ni watanganyika wachache sana ndio walikuwa employed outside the rural sector kama vile in the few processing plants left by mkoloni, marketing boards, polisi, magereza, benki, posta, utawala etc. Entrepreneurs, kama walikuwepo, basi walikuwa ni foreigners running the Multinational Companies, and some few Asians (wahindi) ambao colonial system put them above watu weusi. Indians were middle men in trading activities etc; mtu mweusi alikuwa laborer, period.
All in all, Tanganyika kuja kuwa nchi ya wakulima na wafanyakazi baada ya uhuru, was a necessary evil.
Miaka mitatu kabla ya uhuru (1958), Mwalimu wrote the following on the issue of private ownership of land:
******
If we allow land to be sold like a robe, within a short period there would only be a few Africans possessing land in Tanganyika and all the others would be tenants. At that time, the most fertile African lands had been appropriated by foreigners. In 1959, European and Asian settlers, who formed barely
1.3% of the total population, owned
1,270,000 hectares and the Africans
1,800,000. And, since the most fertile lands went to the Europeans, the Africans were driven back to the areas least suited to crops as in the settler colonies.
*******
Kwa maana nyingine, 1.3% ya watu walikuwa wanamiliki almost half of the most fertile land in Tanganyika; uwezo wa Mwalimu kutatua tatizo hili bila umwagaji wa damu kwa kweli ni wa kipekee;
Kuhusu Demokrasia in the context of free market, we have to be very careful in that analysis. Kwani, ni ukweli ulio wazi kwamba, given the current situation in Tanzania ambapo kuna intense concentration and monopolization of wealth, power and knowledge in the hands of a few urban elites na wawekezaji (MNCs), there cant be a free market or
democracy, for that matter in Tanzania.
Why so?
Kwa sababu Free Market assumes/requires more or less equal actors, not a few giants and many midgets kama ilivyo hali kwa sasa Tanzania. I would like to repeat myself again kwamba
the market doesnt count heads, the market counts dollars. It favors the few rich and powerful and not the miserable many, just because of their numbers, and its the miserable many that Mwalimu seems to be calling into action.
It is in the same context that one scholar argue:
The power of corporations and the dictates of World Bank/IMF/WTO to the peoples and states of the world make nonsense of any notion of democratic states, particularly Africa. The first condition of the states to be democratic, in the sense of being responsive and accountable to their peoples, is that they are independent and sovereign. As we have seen, under globalization this condition is severely undermined. Their economic policies, their legislative processes and their political stances are all determined by the International Financial Institutions who are under the hegemony of big states and giant corporations.
*****
Suala la Haki za Binadamu
Awali niliweka maoni ya Shivji ambayo yanatupatia mwanga mzuri sana juu ya suala hili kwamba katika mazingira ya kimaskini kama yetu,
social justice and
equity are more important than
natural justice and
equality; Shivji anaelezea pia jinsi gani the notions of
Usawa na
Haki chini ya Azimio La Arusha,
was much closer to the notions of justice and equity, than equality of right.
Naomba nimalizie kwa quote ifuatayo ya Mwalimu juu ya Haki Za Binadamu halafu tusaidiane kubaini je, Haki Za Binadamu (kwa ujumla wake) zilikuwa enjoyed na Mtanzania zaidi katika kipindi cha
1967 1985 (Mwalimu na Ujamaa) au 1985 2011 (Soko Huria Mwinyi, Mkapa, Kikwete)?
[Life is the most basic Human right. If justice means anything at all, it must protect life. That should be a constant underlying purpose of all social, economic and political activities of the government at all levels
To have food, clothing, shelter, and other basic necessities of life; to live without fear; to have an
opportunity to work for ones living; freedom of association, of speech and of worship. All these things together are among the basic principles of living as a whole person in Freedom and Justice. In other words, all are almost universally accepted as basic Human Rights]
JKN, in Issa G.Shivji.