'St. Nyerere’s' 18 political miracles

[Maxence Melo]

By J. M. Kavuma-Kaggwa - June 20, 2009

The greatest news of this century from East Africa is that the Catholic Church has started the canonisation process which will culminate in the Pope declaring Julius Kambarage Nyerere, a Catholic Saint.

Who was Julius Kambarage Nyerere? Nyerere was one of the greatest sons of Africa. He was one of Africa's most remarkable statesmen and a great freedom fighter and liberator. That is why the Catholic Church in Tanzania and Uganda want to declare him a Saint of the Catholic Church I personally do not know of any saint who was originally a politician. The saints we know were priests, bishops, nuns, popes or people who were committed to religion throughout their lives and they lived in Catholic monasteries.

I believe, and I am sure many people would believe the same, that Nyerere will be the first politician of our time to become a saint in the Catholic Church.

HONOURED: Former Tanzania President Benjamin Mkapa, Kampala Archbishop Dr Kizito Lwanga, President Yoweri Museveni and Maria Nyerere at Namugongo Martyrs Shrine after prayers in honour of the late Nyerere. FILE PHOTO

It is also known that for one to become a saint, after devoting all his/her life to religion or the services of the church, he/she must perform miracles after death. If people pray to him/her in times of danger, or sickness and they get cured, then he/she is declared a saint by the Pope. The situation of Nyerere is different, as we shall see the miracles he performed when he was still alive.

I took interest in Julius Nyerere in 1956 when I joined the newspaper industry in Katwe, after my studies at Namilyango College.

That was the time when the Kabaka, the late Sir Edward Mutesa II had just returned from exile and both Uganda National Congress and the Democratic Party were busy spreading the gospel for the demand for "INDEPENDENCE NOW" !!. Nyerere also had abandoned teaching and founded Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) with Oscar Kambona, Paul Bomani, Rashid Kawawa, Bibi Tit Mohamed, Chief Fundikira and many others.

In Kenya, the Mau Mau war of independence had reached its peak and Jomo Kenyatta, Kungu Karumba, Paul Ngei, Bildadi Kagia, Fred Kubai and Achieng Oneko were in detention at Lodwar in Nothern Kenya.

To me, Julius Nyerere performed miracles (political miracles in actual fact) when he was still alive. The following are the political miracles which he performed when he was still alive in Tanganyika (now Tanzania) and Africa, which I remember.

1. Julius Nyerere struggled for independence and liberated Tanganyika (now Tanzania) on December 9, 1961.

2. He was the first Catholic President of Tanzania

3. He was President of Tanzania for 26 years.

4. He was the first graduate of Makerere University to become President of an African country.

5. He abolished all kingdoms in Tanzania.

6. He enforced the Swahili language suppressing all tribal languages.

7. From 1963 until the day he died, he refused to dress like an Englishman- a suit and a tie. He preferred the Mao Tse Tung and Chou en Lai suits – the Chinese suits. MaoTse Tung was the leader of the Peoples Republic of China and Chou en Lai was the Prime Minister when Tanganyika achieved independence in 1961.

8. In 1964, after the Zanzibar Revolution led by a Ugandan military man, John Okelo from Lango, Nyerere rushed to Zanzibar and met Sheikh Abed Karume, who was the President of Zanzibar, and they formed the United Republic of Tanzania.

9. He abolished the name of his party TANU and he named the party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) which means the party of revolution although there was no revolution on the mainland. The national flag was also changed but the national anthem "MUNGU IBALIKI AFRICA" (God Bless Africa) was not changed.

10. He told the people of Tanzania never to address his wife – "FIRST LADY", but to address her – "Mama Maria Nyerere".

11. In 1967, he requested the American and Canadian Governments to lend Tanzania money to build the railway from Dar es Salaam to Lusaka in Zambia. America and Canada refused. Nyerere went straight to China and requested Chairman Moi Tse Tung to give Tanzania money to build the railway. The Chinese Government gave him 100 million Dollars "friendly grant" with Chinese Technicians who built what is now called Tanzam Railway.

12. Nyerere made Dares salaam the base for all liberation movements in Africa, to liberate Mozambique, South Africa, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia.

13. Again, in 1967, he went to Arusha, Northern Tanzania (an area of the capitalist and coffee growers (Bachaga people) and declared Tanzania a socialist country. He forced people to abandon capitalism and private ownership and he forced them into communal villages which he named "Vigigi". He told the people to call him "Mwalimu" which means teacher and both himself and the people, were happy with that name.

Songs such as "Mwalimu has said it can be done – so play your part" were the order of the day on Radio Tanzania.

14. Socialism, or "Ujamaa", brought terrible abject poverty in Tanzania because people were not producing. In the later years nearly to the end of his rule. Nyerere apologised to the people of Tanzania for introducing "that bad economic system of socialism". It was poverty everywhere in Tanzania. What amused me during the years of socialism, it would be strange and surprising to some people to see a person banking Shs5,000. People would ask you in Kiswahili in the bank "wajua ndugu kuuliza sio vibaya, lakin hera nyingi kama hizo umezipata wapi?" what translates that my brother you know it is not bad to ask but how and where did you get too much money like that?"

Thank God in 1987 Julius Nyerere, who was a staunch Catholic, heeded the advice from the Catholic Church to "give up power and let another Tanzanian take over". The Catholic Church, under the leadership of the late Cardinal Loriano Rugambwa, advised Nyerere with the following statement.

"You have made great achievement for Tanzania and Africa and you have stayed in power for a long time, it will be a tragedy for Tanzania and Africa if a mad man assassinated you because of refusing to leave power".

The Church gave him a formular how to leaver power: "Allow a multiparty system to work in the country and leave the presidency to another person of your own choice but remain as Chairman of the ruling party for about four years". Thank God Nyerere accepted the advice of the Church and the formular worked perfectly well.

A multiparty system is working very well in Tanzania and they hold general elections every after five years and they have not changed their constitution to allow one particular citizen to stay in power without any limit.

16. The last two and more recent miracles Julius Nyerere performed were the military assistance to Ugandan exiles to remove General Idi Amin from power and refusing the Democratic Party to take power after winning the 1980 general elections,

When Idi Amin took power through a military coup de tat in January 1971, Nyerere refused to recognise him and this sadly contributed to the collapse of the East African Community in 1977.

Later on, in 1978/79 Nyerere sent in troops which assisted Ugandans to topple Amin after he had attacked Tanzania by bombing the Kagera Salient in 1978.

Amin was toppled by a combined military force of Uganda exiles and Tanzanian troops on April 11, 1979. On December 10, 1980, Ugandans held a general election, the first one since Independence in 1962, and the Democratic Party won by a majority of 75 seats out of 108 seats. Paul Kawanga Semwogerere who was the leader of DP at that time, went to Paul Muwanga, accompanied by Mzee Evaristo Nyanzi, to make arrangements for Paul Semwogerere to be sworn in as the new President. Paul Muwanga who was the Chairman of the ruling military Commission at that time, told them he would check with President Nyerere in Dar es Salaam and advise them the following day.

Paul Muwanga telephoned Nyerere that very day and said: "Mr President, the Democratic Party has won the elections and Paul Semwogerere has just been here, he wants me to hand over to him. What should I do now?" Nyerere replied and said: "Paul Muwanga, you have got my army there – change all the results". Muwanga changed all the results and gave victory to UPC/Obote. (The Commonwealth Observer Team declared the elections free and fair- Editor)

A big number of Ugandans launched a five year guerrilla war in Luweero which ended on January 26, 1986 and President Museveni and NRA took state political power until today.

That was Julius Kambarage Nyerere of the BAZANAKI tribe in Northern Tanzania, near Lake Victoria, a politician who led Tanganyika (and later named it Tanzania) from December 9, 1961 to December 1987.

Let us wait he will be declared a saint by the Pope at the Vatican and then we shall hold celebrations in Tanzania and at Rubaga and Namugongo in Uganda.

 

[MwanaFalsafa1]

As much as I respect the religion I believe true sainthood is given by God not by men. Kama Wakristo tunavyo amini ni kwamba hakuna ajuae nafsi ya mtu bali Mungu mwenyewe aliye muumba. All in all it would be great publicity and an honor to Tanzania I guess.

 

[MaxShimba]

Impeccable? Please....

 

[Game Theory]

Huyu nyerere aliwaumiza sana waislam Tanzania na ndiye aliyepandikiza mbegu za ubaguzi wa kidini

hilo nalo wasilisahu

 

[Madela Wa- Madilu]

Mimi siyo mkatoliki, wengi wa Watakatifu walio wengi ka utitiri ndani yakanisa katoliki sijui walipata vipi utakatifu wao.
Haki ya kumfanya mtu fulani kuwa Mtakatifu ni yao wakatoliki.
Iwapo Nyerere anafaa kuwa mtakatifu watamfanya awe mtakatifu.
Mimi hainipi shida wala hainisumbui sana ila inanipa shida kidogo kujua nia na madhumuni ya kumfanya mtu kuwa mtakatifu.
Sijui Mfalme Daudi au Suleman nao ni watakatifu??
Samson naye je?

Huu utakatifu unapatikana kama kumchagua kiongozi wa kisiasa??
Je wanaopendekeza fulani kuwa mtakatifu je, Wanapata credit fulani katika jamii ya wanadini au pengine siasa??

Hii ni pilipili shambani cha ajabu sisi wapita njia ndo tunwashwa midomo.

 

[MwanaFalsafa1]

Mimi siyo mkatoliki, wengi wa Watakatifu walio wengi ka utitiri ndani yakanisa katoliki sijui walipata vipi utakatifu wao.
Haki ya kumfanya mtu fulani kuwa Mtakatifu ni yao wakatoliki.
Iwapo Nyerere anafaa kuwa mtakatifu watamfanya awe mtakatifu.
Mimi hainipi shida wala hainisumbui sana ila inanipa shida kidogo kujua nia na madhumuni ya kumfanya mtu kuwa mtakatifu.
Sijui Mfalme Daudi au Suleman nao ni watakatifu??
Samson naye je?

Huu utakatifu unapatikana kama kumchagua kiongozi wa kisiasa??
Je wanaopendekeza fulani kuwa mtakatifu je, Wanapata credit fulani katika jamii ya wanadini au pengine siasa??

Hii ni pilipili shambani cha ajabu sisi wapita njia ndo tunwashwa midomo.

Beatification and Canonization

History

According to some writers the origin of beatification and canonization in the Catholic Church is to be traced back to the ancient pagan apotheosis. In his classic work on the subject (De Servorum Dei Beatificatione et Beatorum Canonizatione) Benedict XIV examines and at the very outset refutes this view. He shows so well the substantial differences between them that no right-thinking person need henceforth confound the two institutions or derive one from the other. It is a matter of history who were elevated to the honour of apotheosis, on what grounds, and by whose authority; no less clear is the meaning that was attached to it. Often the decree was due to the statement of a single person (possibly bribed or enticed by promises, and with a view to fix the fraud more securely in the minds of an already superstitious people) that while the body of the new god was being burned, an eagle, in the case of the emperors, or a peacock (Juno's sacred bird), in the case of their consorts, was seen to carry heavenward the spirit of the departed (Livy, Hist. Rome, I, xvi; Herodian, Hist. Rome, IV, ii, iii). Apotheosis was awarded to most members of the imperial family, of which family it was the exclusive privilege. No regard was had to virtues or remarkable achievements. Recourse was frequently had to this form of deification to escape popular hatred by distracting attention from the cruelty of imperial rulers. It is said that Romulus was deified by the senators who slew him; Poppaea owed her apotheosis to her imperial paramour, Nero, after he had kicked her to death; Geta had the honour from his brother Caracalla, who had got rid of him through jealousy.

Canonization in the Catholic Church is quite another thing. The Catholic Church canonizes or beatifies only those whose lives have been marked by the exercise of heroic virtue, and only after this has been proved by common repute for sanctity and by conclusive arguments. The chief difference, however, lies in the meaning of the term canonization, the Church seeing in the saints nothing more than friends and servants of God whose holy lives have made them worthy of His special love. She does not pretend to make gods (cf. Eusebius Emisenus, Serm. de S. Rom. M.; Augustine, City of God XXII.10; Cyrill. Alexandr., Contra Jul., lib. VI; Cyprian, De Exhortat. martyr.; Conc. Nic., II, act. 3).

The true origin of canonization and beatification must be sought in the Catholic doctrine of the worship (cultus), invocation, and intercession of the saints. As was taught by St. Augustine (Quaest. in Heptateuch., lib. II, n. 94; Reply to Faustus XX.21), Catholics, while giving to God alone adoration strictly so-called, honour the saints because of the Divine supernatural gifts which have earned them eternal life, and through which they reign with God in the heavenly fatherland as His chosen friends and faithful servants. In other words, Catholics honour God in His saints as the loving distributor of supernatural gifts. The worship of latria (latreia), or strict adoration, is given to God alone; the worship of dulia (douleia), or honour and humble reverence, is paid the saints; the worship of hyperdulia (hyperdouleia), a higher form of dulia, belongs, on account of her greater excellence, to the Blessed Virgin Mary. The Church (Augustine, Reply to Faustus XX.21; cf. City of God XXII.10) erects her altars to God alone, though in honour and memory of the saints and martyrs. There is Scriptural warrant for such worship in the passages where we are bidden to venerate angels (Exodus 23:20 sqq.; Joshua 5:13 sqq.; Daniel 8:15 sqq.; 10:4 sqq.; Luke 2:9 sqq.; Acts 12:7 sqq.; Revelation 5:11 sqq.; 7:1 sqq.; Matthew 18:10; etc.), whom holy men are not unlike, as sharers of the friendship of God. And if St. Paul beseeches the brethren (Romans 15:30; 2 Corinthians 1:11; Colossians 4:3; Ephesians 6:18-19) to help him by their prayers for him to God, we must with even greater reason maintain that we can be helped by the prayers of the saints, and ask their intercession with humility. If we may beseech those who still live on earth, why not those who live in heaven?

It is objected that the invocation of saints is opposed to the unique mediatorship of Christ Jesus. There is indeed "one mediator of God and man, the man Christ Jesus". But He is our mediator in His quality of our common Redeemer; He is not our sole intercessor nor advocate, nor our sole mediator by way of supplication. In the eleventh session of the Council of Chalcedon (451) we find the Fathers exclaiming, "Flavianus lives after death! May the Martyr pray for us!" If we accept this doctrine of the worship of the saints, of which there are innumerable evidences in the writings of the Fathers and the liturgies of the Eastern and Western Churches, we shall not wonder at the loving care with which the Church committed to writing the sufferings of the early martyrs, sent these accounts from one gathering of the faithful to another, and promoted the veneration of the martyrs.

Let one instance suffice. In the circular epistle of the Church of Smyrna (Eusebius, Church History IV.23) we find mention of the religious celebration of the day on which St. Polycarp suffered martyrdom (23 February, 155); and the words of the passage exactly express the main purpose which the Church has in the celebration of such anniversaries:

We have at last gathered his bones, which are dearer to us than priceless gems and purer than gold, and laid them to rest where it was befitting they should lie. And if it be possible for us to assemble again, may God grant us to celebrate the birthday of his martyrdom with gladness, thus to recall the memory of those who fought in the glorious combat, and to teach and strengthen by his example, those who shall come after us.

This anniversary celebration and veneration of the martyrs was a service of thanksgiving and congratulation, a token and an evidence of the joy of those who engaged in it (Muratori, de Paradiso, x), and its general diffusion explains why Tertullian, though asserting with the Chiliasts that the departed just would obtain eternal glory only after the general resurrection of the body, admitted an exception for the martyrs (De Resurrectione Carnis, xliii).

It must be obvious, however, that while private moral certainty of their sanctity and possession of heavenly glory may suffice for private veneration of the saints, it cannot suffice for public and common acts of that kind. No member of a social body may, independently of its authority, perform an act proper to that body. It follows naturally that for the public veneration of the saints the ecclesiastical authority of the pastors and rulers of the Church was constantly required.

The Church had at heart, indeed, the honour of the martyrs, but she did not therefore grant liturgical honours indiscriminately to all those who had died for the Faith. St. Optatus of Mileve, writing at the end of the fourth century, tells us (De Schism, Donat., I, xvi, in P.L., XI, 916-917) of a certain noble lady, Lucilla, who was reprehended by Caecilianus, Archdeacon of Carthage, for having kissed before Holy Communion the bones of one who was either not a martyr or whose right to the title was unproved.

The decision as to the martyr having died for his faith in Christ, and the consequent permission of worship, lay originally with the bishop of the place in which he had borne his testimony. The bishop inquired into the motive of his death and, finding he had died a martyr, sent his name with an account of his martyrdom to other churches, especially neighboring ones, so that, in event of approval by their respective bishops, the cultus of the martyr might extend to their churches also, and that the faithful, as we read of St. Ignatius in the "Acts" of his martyrdom (Ruinart, Acta Sincera Martyrum, 19) "might hold communion with the generous martyr of Christ (generoso Christi martyri communicarent). Martyrs whose cause, so to speak, had been discussed, and the fame of whose martyrdom had been confirmed, were known as proved (vindicati) martyrs. As far as the word is concerned it may probably not antedate the fourth century, when it was introduced in the Church at Carthage; but the fact is certainly older. In the earlier ages, therefore, this worship of the saints was entirely local and passed from one church to another with the permission of their bishops.

This is clear from the fact that in none of the ancient Christian cemeteries are there found paintings of martyrs other than those who had suffered in that neighborhood. It explains, also, almost the universal veneration very quickly paid to some martyrs, e.g., St. Lawrence, St. Cyprian of Carthage, Pope St. Sixtus of Rome [Duchesne, Origines du culte chrétien (Paris, 1903), 284].

The worship of confessors -- of those, that is, who died peacefully after a life of heroic virtue -- is not as ancient as that of the martyrs. The word itself takes on a different meaning after the early Christian periods. In the beginning it was given to those who confessed Christ when examined in the presence of enemies of the Faith (Baronius, in his notes to Ro. Mart., 1 January, D), or, as Benedict XIV explains (op. cit., II, c. ii, n. 6), to those who died peacefully after having confessed the Faith before tyrants or other enemies of the Christian religion, and undergone tortures or suffered other punishments of whatever nature. Later on, confessors were those who had lived a holy life and closed it by a holy death in Christian peace. It is in this sense that we now treat of the worship paid to confessors.

It was in the fourth century, as is commonly held, that confessors were first given public ecclesiastical honour, though occasionally praised in ardent terms by earlier Fathers, and although an abundant rewards (multiplex corona) is declared by St. Cyprian to be theirs (De Zelo et Livore, col. 509; cf. Innoc. III, De Myst. Miss., III, x; Benedict XIV, op. cit., I, v, no 3 sqq; Bellarmine, De Missâ, II, xx, no 5). Still Bellarmine thinks it uncertain when confessors began to be objects of cultus, and asserts that it was not before 800, when the feasts of Sts. Martin and Remigius are found in the catalogue of feasts drawn up by the Council of Mainz. This opinion of Innocent III and Benedict XIV is confirmed by the implicit approval of St. Gregory the Great (Dial., I, xiv, and III, xv) and by well attested facts; in the East, for example, Hilarion (Sozomen, III, xiv, and VIII, xix), Ephrem (Greg. Nyss., Orat. in laud. S. Ephrem), and other confessors were publicly honoured in the fourth century; and, in the West, St. Martin of Tours, as is gathered plainly from the oldest Breviaries and the Mozarabic Missal (Bona, Rer. Lit., II, xii, no. 3), and St. Hilary of Poitiers, as can be shown from the very ancient Mass-book known as "Missale Francorum", were objects of a like cultus in the same century (Martigny, Dictionnaire des antiquités chrétiennes, s.v. Confesseurs).

The reason of this veneration lies, doubtless, in the resemblance of the confessors' self-denying and heroically virtuous lives to the sufferings of the martyrs; such lives could truly be called prolonged martyrdoms.

Naturally, therefore, such honour was first paid to ascetics (Duchesne, op. cit., 284) and only afterwards to those who resembled in their lives the very penitential and extraordinary existence of the ascetics. So true is this that the confessors themselves are frequently called martyrs. St. Gregory Nazianzen calls St. Basil a martyr (Orat. de laud., P.L., XXXVI, 602); St. Chrysostom applies the same title to Eustachius of Antioch (Opp. II, 606); St. Paulinus of Nola writes of St. Felix of Nola that he won heavenly honours, sine sanguine martyr ("a bloodless martyr" -- Poem., XIV, Carm. III, v, 4); St. Gregory the Great styles Zeno of Verona a martyr (Dial. III. xix), and Metronius gives to St. Roterius (Acta SS., II, May 11, 306) the same title. Later on, the names of confessors were inserted in the diptychs, and due reverence was paid them. Their tombs were honoured (Martigny, loc. cit.) with the same title (martyria) as those of the martyrs. It remained true, however, at all times that it was unlawful to venerate confessors without permission of the ecclesiastical authority as it had been so to venerate martyrs (Benedict XIV, loc. cit., vi).
We have seen that for several centuries the bishops, in some places only the primates and patriarchs (August., Brevic. Collat. cum Donatistis, III, xiii, no 25 in P.L., XLIII, 628), could grant to martyrs and confessors public ecclesiastical honour; such honour, however, was always decreed only for the local territory over which the grantors held jurisdiction. Still, it was only the Bishop of Rome's acceptance of the cultus that made it universal, since he alone could permit or command in the Universal Church [Gonzalez Tellez, Comm. Perpet. in singulos textus libr. Decr. (III, xlv), in cap. i, De reliquiis et vener. Sanct.]. Abuses, however, crept into this form of discipline, due as well to indiscretions of popular fervour as to the carelessness of some bishops in inquiring into the lives of those whom they permitted to be honoured as saints. Towards the close of the eleventh century the popes found it necessary to restrict episcopal authority on this point, and decreed that the virtues and miracles of persons proposed for public veneration should be examined in councils, more particularly in general councils. Urban II, Calixtus II, and Eugenius III followed this line of action. It happened, even after these decrees, that "some, following the ways of the pagans and deceived by the fraud of the evil one, venerated as a saint a man who had been killed while intoxicated". Alexander III (1159-81) took occasion to prohibit his veneration in these words: "For the future you will not presume to pay him reverence, as, even though miracles were worked through him, it would not allow you to revere him as a saint unless with the authority of the Roman Church" (c. i, tit. cit., X. III, xlv). Theologians do not agree as to the full import of this decretal. Either a new law was made (Bellarmine, De Eccles. Triumph., I, viii), in which case the pope then for the first time reserved the right of beatification, or a pre-existing law was confirmed. As the decretal did not put an end to all controversy, and some bishops did not obey it in as far as it regarded beatification (which right they had certainly possessed hitherto), Urban VII published, in 1634, a Bull which put an end to all discussion by reserving to the Holy See exclusively not only its immemorial right of canonization, but also that of beatification.

Nature of beatification and canonization

Before dealing with the actual procedure in causes of beatification and canonization, it is proper to define these terms precisely and briefly in view of the preceding considerations.

Canonization, generally speaking, is a decree regarding the public ecclesiastical veneration of an individual. Such veneration, however, may be permissive or preceptive, may be universal or local. If the decree contains a precept, and is universal in the sense that it binds the whole Church, it is a decree of canonization; if it only permits such worship, or if it binds under precept, but not with regard to the whole Church, it is a decree of beatification.

In the ancient discipline of the Church, probably even as late as Alexander III, bishops could in their several dioceses allow public veneration to be paid to saints, and such episcopal decrees were not merely permissive, but, in my opinion, preceptive. Such decrees, however, could not prescribe universal honour; the effect of an episcopal act of this kind, was equivalent to our modern beatification. In such cases there was, properly speaking, no canonization, unless with the consent of the pope extending the cultus in question, implicitly or explicitly, and imposing it by way of precept upon the Church at large. In the more recent discipline beatification is a permission to venerate, granted by the Roman Pontiffs with restriction to certain places and to certain liturgical exercises. Thus it is unlawful to pay to the person known as Blessed (i.e. the Beatus, Beatified), public reverence outside of the place for which the permission is granted, or to recite an office in his honour, or to celebrate Mass with prayers referring to him, unless special indult be had; similarly, other methods of honour have been interdicted. Canonization is a precept of the Roman Pontiff commanding public veneration to be paid an individual by the Universal Church.

To sum up, beatification, in the present discipline, differs from canonization in this: that the former implies (1) a locally restricted, not a universal, permission to venerate, which is (2) a mere permission, and no precept; while canonization implies a universal precept.

In exceptional cases one or other element of this distinction may be lacking; thus, Alexander III not only allowed but ordered the public cultus of Bl. William of Malavalle in the Diocese of Grosseto, and his action was confirmed by Innocent III; Leo X acted similarly with regard to Bl. Hosanna for the city and district of Mantua; Clement IX with regard to Bl. Rose of Lima, when he selected her as principal patron of Lima and of Peru; and Clement X, by making her patron of all America, the Philippines, and the Indies.

Clement X also chose Bl. Stanislaus Kostka as patron of Poland, Lithuania, and the allied provinces. Again, in respect to universality, Sixtus IV permitted the cultus of Bl. John Boni for the Universal Church. In all these instances there was only beatification. The cultus of Bl. Rose of Lima, it is true, was general and obligatory for America, but, lacking complete preceptive universality, was not strictly speaking canonization (Benedict XIV, op. sit., I, xxxix).

Canonization, therefore, creates a cultus which is universal and obligatory. But in imposing this obligation the pope may, and does, use one of two methods, each constituting a new species of canonization, i.e. formal canonization and equivalent canonization. Formal canonization occurs when the cultus is prescribed as an explicit and definitive decision, after due judicial process and the ceremonies usual in such cases. Equivalent canonization occurs when the pope, omitting the judicial process and the ceremonies, orders some servant of God to be venerated in the Universal Church; this happens when such a saint has been from a remote period the object of veneration, when his heroic virtues (or martyrdom) and miracles are related by reliable historians, and the fame of his miraculous intercession is uninterrupted. Many examples of such canonization are to be found in Benedict XIV; e.g. Saints Romuald, Norbert, Bruno, Peter Nolasco, Raymond Nonnatus, John of Matha, Felix of Valois, Queen Margaret of Scotland, King Stephen of Hungary, Wenceslaus Duke of Bohemia, and Gregory VII. Such instances afford a good proof of the caution with which the Roman Church proceeds in these equivalent canonizations. St. Romuald was not canonized until 439 years after his death, and the honour came to him sooner than to any of the others mentioned. We may add that this equivalent canonization consists usually in the ordering of an Office and Mass by the pope in honour of the saint, and that mere enrollment in the Roman Martyrology does not by any means imply this honour (Benedict XIV, l, c., xliii, no 14).

Papal infallibility and canonization

Is the pope infallible in issuing a decree of canonization? Most theologians answer in the affirmative. It is the opinion of St. Antoninus, Melchior Cano, Suarez, Bellarmine, Bañez, Vasquez, and, among the canonists, of Gonzales Tellez, Fagnanus, Schmalzgrüber, Barbosa, Reiffenstül, Covarruvias (Variar. resol., I, x, no 13), Albitius (De Inconstantiâ in fide, xi, no 205), Petra (Comm. in Const. Apost., I, in notes to Const. I, Alex., III, no 17 sqq.), Joannes a S. Thomâ (on II-II, Q. I, disp. 9, a. 2), Silvester (Summa, s.v. Canonizatio), Del Bene (De Officio Inquisit. II, dub. 253), and many others. In Quodlib. IX, a. 16, St. Thomas says: "Since the honour we pay the saints is in a certain sense a profession of faith, i.e., a belief in the glory of the Saints [quâ sanctorum gloriam credimus] we must piously believe that in this matter also the judgment of the Church is not liable to error." These words of St. Thomas, as is evident from the authorities just cited, all favouring a positive infallibility, have been interpreted by his school in favour of papal infallibility in the matter of canonization, and this interpretation is supported by several other passages in the same Quodlibet. This infallibility, however according to the holy doctor, is only a point of pious belief.

Theologians generally agree as to the fact of papal infallibility in this matter of canonization, but disagree as to the quality of certitude due to a papal decree in such matter. In the opinion of some it is of faith (Arriaga, De fide, disp. 9, p. 5, no 27); others hold that to refuse assent to such a judgment of the Holy See would be both impious and rash, as Francisco Suárez (De fide, disp. 5 p. 8, no 8); many more (and this is the general view) hold such a pronouncement to be theologically certain, not being of Divine Faith as its purport has not been immediately revealed, nor of ecclesiastical Faith as having thus far not been defined by the Church.

What is the object of this infallible judgment of the pope? Does he define that the person canonized is in heaven or only that he has practiced Christian virtues in an heroic degree? I have never seen this question discussed; my own opinion is that nothing else is defined than that the person canonized is in heaven. The formula used in the act of canonization has nothing more than this:

"In honour of . . . we decree and define that Blessed N. is a Saint, and we inscribe his name in the catalogue of saints, and order that his memory by devoutly and piously celebrated yearly on the . . . day of . . . his feast."

(Ad honorem . . . beatum N. Sanctum esse decernimus et definimus ac sanctorum catalogo adscribimus statuentes ab ecclesiâ universali illius memoriam quolibet anno, die ejus natali . . . piâ devotione recoli debere.)

There is no question of heroic virtue in this formula; on the other hand, sanctity does not necessarily imply the exercise of heroic virtue, since one who had not hitherto practised heroic virtue would, by the one transient heroic act in which he yielded up his life for Christ, have justly deserved to be considered a saint. This view seems all the more certain if we reflect that all the arguments of theologians for papal infallibility in the canonization of saints are based on the fact that on such occasions the popes believe and assert that the decision which they publish is infallible (Pesch, Prael. Dogm., I, 552).

This general agreement of theologians as to papal infallibility in canonization must not be extended to beatification, not withstanding the contrary teaching of the canonical commentary known as "Glossa" [in cap. un. de reliquiis et venerat. SS. (III, 22) in 6; Innocent., Comm. in quinque Decretalium libros, tit. de reliquiis, etc., no 4; Ostiensis in eumd. tit. no 10; Felini, cap. lii, De testibus, etc., X (II, 20); Caietani, tract. De indulgentiis adversus Lutherum ad Julium Mediceum; Augustini de Ancona, seu Triumphi, De potestate eccl., Q. xiv, a. 4). Canonists and theologians generally deny the infallible character of decrees of beatification, whether formal or equivalent, since it is always a permission, not a command; while it leads to canonization, it is not the last step. Moreover, in most cases, the cultus permitted by beatification, is restricted to a determined province, city, or religious body (Benedict XIV, op. cit., I, xlii). Some, however, have thought otherwise (Arriaga, Theol., V, disp. 7, p. 6; Amicus, Theol., IV, disp. 7, p. 4, no 98; Turrianus on II-II, V, disp. 17, no 6; Del Bene, De S. Inquisit. II, dub. 254).

Present procedure in causes of beatification and canonization

We must first distinguish causes of martyrs from those of confessors or virgins, since the method followed is not entirely identical in both cases.

The beatification of confessors

In order to secure beatification (the most important and difficult step in the process of canonization) the regular procedure is as follows:

Choosing of a vice-postulator by the postulator-general of the cause, to promote all the judicial inquiries necessary in places outside of Rome. Such inquiries are instituted by the local episcopal authority.

The preparation of the inquiries (processus) all of which are carried on by the ordinary episcopal authority. They are of three kinds:

(a) Informative inquiries regard the reputation for sanctity and miracles of the servants of God, not only in general, but also in particular instances; there may be several such inquiries if the witnesses to be examined belong to different dioceses.
(b) Processes de non cultu are instituted to prove that the decrees of Urban VIII regarding the prohibition of public worship of servants of God before their beatification have been obeyed; they are generally conducted by the bishop of the place where the relics of the servant of God are preserved.
(c) Other inquiries are known as Processiculi diligentiarum and have for their object the writings attributed to the person whose beatification is in question; they vary in number according to the dioceses where such writings are found, or are thought likely to be found, and may not be judicially executed before an "Instruction" is obtained from the promotor of the Faith by the postulator-general and by him sent to the bishop in question.

The results of all these inquiries are sent to Rome, to the Congregation of Rites, in charge of a messenger (portitor) chosen by the judges, or by some other secure way, in case a rescript of the congregation dispenses from the obligation of sending a messenger.

They are opened, translated if necessary into Italian, a public copy is made, and a cardinal is deputed by the pope as relator or ponens of the cause, for all which steps rescripts of the congregation, confirmed by the pope, must be obtained.

The writings of the servant of God are next revised by theologians appointed by the cardinal relator himself, authorized to so act by a special rescript. Meantime, the advocate and the procurator of the cause, chosen by the postulator-general, have prepared all the documents that concern the introduction of the cause (positio super introductione causae).

These consist of (a) a summary of the informative processes, (b) an information, (c) answers to the observations or difficulties of the promotor of the Faith sent by him to the Postulator.

This collection of documents (positio) is printed and distributed to the cardinals of the Congregation of Rites forty days before the date assigned for their discussion.

If nothing contrary to faith and morals is found in the writings of the servant of God, a decree is published, authorizing further action (quod in causâ procedi possit ad ulteriora), i.e., the discussion of the matter (dubium) of appointment or non-appointment of a commission for the introduction of the cause.

At the time fixed by the Congregation of Rites an ordinary meeting (congregatio) is held in which this appointment is debated by the cardinals of the aforesaid congregation and its officials, but without the vote or participation of the consultors, though this privilege is always granted them by rescript.

If in this meeting the cardinals favour the appointment of the aforesaid commission, a decree to that effect is promulgated, and the pope signs it, but, according to custom, with his baptismal name, not with that of his pontificate. Thenceforward the servant of God is judicially given the title of Venerable.

A petition is then presented asking remissorial letters for the bishops in partibus (outside of Rome), authorizing them to set on foot by Apostolic authority, the inquiry (processus) with regard to the fame of sanctity and miracles in general. This permission is granted by rescript, and such remissorial letters are prepared and sent to the bishops by the postulator-general. In case the eye-witnesses be of advanced age, other remissorial letters are usually granted for the purpose of opening a process known as "inchoative" concerning the particular virtues of miracles of the person in question. This is done in order that the proofs may not be lost (ne pereant probationes), and such inchoative process precedes that upon the miracles and virtues in general.

While the Apostolic process concerning the reputation of sanctity is under way outside of Rome, documents are being prepared by the procurator of the cause for the discussion de non cultu, or absence of cultus, and at the appointed time an ordinary meeting (congregatio) is held in which the matter is investigated; if it be found that the decree of Urban VIII has been complied with, another decree provides that further steps may be taken.

When the inquiry concerning the reputation of sanctity (super famâ) has arrived in Rome, it is opened (as already described in speaking of the ordinary processes, and with the same formalities in regard to rescripts), then translated into Italian, summarized, and declared valid. The documents super famâ in general are prepared by the advocate, and at the proper time, in an ordinary meeting of the cardinals of the Congregation of Rites, the question is discussed: whether there is evidence of a general repute for sanctity and miracles of this servant of God. If the answer is favourable, a decree embodying this result is published.

New remissorial letters are then sent to the bishops in partibus for Apostolical processes with regard to the reputation for sanctity and miracles in particular. These processes must be finished within eighteen months and when they are received in Rome are opened, as above described, and by virtue of an equal number of rescripts, by the cardinal prefect, translated into Italian, and their summary authenticated by the Chancellor of the Congregation of Rites.
The advocate of the cause next prepares the documents (positio) which have reference to the discussion of the validity of all the preceding processes, informative and Apostolic.

This discussion is held in the meeting called congregatio rotalis from the fact that it is only judges of the Rota who vote. If the difficulties of the promotor of the Faith are satisfactorily answered, the decree establishing the validity of the inquiries or processes is published.

Meanwhile all necessary preparation is made for the discussion of the question (dubium): Is there evidence that the venerable servant of God practiced virtues both theological and cardinal, and in an heroic degree? (An constet de virtutibus Ven. servi Dei, tam theologicis quam cardinalibus, in heroico gradu?) In the causes of confessors this step is of primary importance. The point is discussed in three meetings or congregations called respectively, ante-preparatory, preparatory, and general. The first of these meetings is held in the palace of the cardinal relator (reporter) of the cause, and in it only consultors of the Congregation of Sacred Rites, and with their chairman, or prefect, presiding, the third is also held in the Vatican, and at it the pope presides, and both cardinals and consultors vote. For each of these congregations the advocate of the cause prepares and prints official reports (positiones), called respectively report, new report, final report, concerning the virtues, etc., -- positio, positio nova, positio novissima, super virtutibus. In each case, before proceeding to the subsequent meeting, a majority of the consultors must decide that the difficulties of the promotor of the Faith have been satisfactorily solved.

When the Congregation of Rites in the above described general meeting has decided favourably, the pope is asked is asked to sign the solemn decree which asserts that there exists evidence of the heroic virtues of the servant of God. This decree is not published until after the pope, having commended the matter to God in prayer, gives a final consent and confirms by his supreme sentence the decision of the congregation.

The miracles now remain to be proved, of which two of the first class are required in case the practice of virtues in the heroic degree has been proved, in both ordinary and Apostolic inquiries or processes by eyewitnesses -- three, if the eyewitnesses were found only in the ordinary processes; four, if the virtues were proven only by hearsay (de auditu) witnesses. If the miracles have been sufficiently proven in the Apostolic processes (super virtutibus) already declared valid, steps are taken at once to prepare the documents with regard to miracles (super miraculis). If in the Apostolic processes only general mention has been made of the miracles, new Apostolic processes must be opened, and conducted after the manner already described for proving the practice of virtues in an heroic degree.

The discussion of the particular miracles proceeds in exactly the same way and in the same order as that of the virtues. If the decisions be favourable, the general meeting of the congregation is followed by a decree, confirmed by the pope, in which it is announced that there is proof of miracles. It must be noted here that in the positio for the ante-preparatory congregation there are required, and are printed, opinions of two physicians, one of whom has been chosen by the postulator, the other by the Congregation of Rites. Of the three reports (positiones) above mentioned, and which are now also required, the first is prepared in the usual way; the second consists of an exposition of the heroic virtues of the servant of God, an information, and a reply to later observations of the promotor of the Faith; the last consists only of an answer to his final observations.

When the miracles have been proved, another meeting of the Congregation of Rites is held in which it is debated once, and only once, whether or not, given the approbation of the virtues and miracles, it is safe to proceed with the solemnities of beatification. If a majority of the consultors be favourable, a decree to this effect is issued by the pope, and at the time appointed by him the solemn beatification of the servant of God takes place in the Vatican Basilica, on which occasion a pontifical Brief is issued permitting the public cultus and veneration of the beatified person now known as Blessed (Beatus).

The beatification of martyrs

The causes of martyrs are conducted in the same way as those of confessors as far as the informative processes and those de non cultu and ad introductionem causae are concerned. But when once the commission of introduction has been appointed they advance much more rapidly.

No remissorial letters are granted for Apostolic processes concerning the general reputation for martyrdom and miracles; the letters sent call for an immediate investigation into the fact of martyrdom, its motive, and the particular miracles alleged.

There is no longer a discussion of the general reputation for martyrdom or miracles.

The miracles are not discussed, as formerly, in separate meetings, but in the same meetings that deal with the fact and the motive of the martyrdom.

The miracles (signa) required are not those of the first class; those of the second class suffice, nor is their number determined. On some occasions the decision as to miracles has been entirely dispensed with.

The discussion as to martyrdoms and miracles, formerly held in three meetings or congregations, viz. the ante-preparatory, preparatory, and general, is now usually conducted, through a dispensation to be had in each instance from the sovereign pontiff, in a single congregation known as particularis, or special. It consists of six or seven cardinals of the Congregation of Rites and four or five prelates especially deputed by the pope. There is but one positio prepared in the usual way; if there be an affirmative majority a decree is issued concerning the proof of martyrdom, the cause of martyrdom, and miracles. (Constare de Martyrio, causâ Martyrii et signis.)
The final stage is a discussion of the security (super tuto) with which advance to beatification may be made, as in the case of confessors; the solemn beatification then follows.

This procedure is followed in all cases of formal beatification in causes of both confessors and martyrs proposed in the ordinary way (per viam non cultus). Those proposed as coming under the definition of cases excepted (casus excepti) by Urban VIII are treated in another way. In such cases it must be proved that an immemorial public veneration (at least for 100 years before the promulgation, in 1640, of the decrees of Urban VIII) has been paid the servant of God, whether confessor or martyr.

Such cause is proposed under the title of "confirmation of veneration" (de confirmatione cultus); it is dealt with in an ordinary meeting of the Congregation of Rites. When the difficulties of the promotor of the Faith have been satisfied, a pontifical decree confirming the cultus is promulgated. Beatification of this kind is called equivalent or virtual.

The canonization of confessors or martyrs

The canonization of confessors or martyrs may be taken up as soon as two miracles are reported to have been worked at their intercession, after the pontifical permission of public veneration as described above. At this stage it is only required that the two miracles worked after the permission awarding a public cultus be discussed in three meetings of the congregation. The discussion proceeds in the ordinary way; if the miracles be confirmed another meeting (super tuto) is held. The pope then issues a Bull of Canonization in which he not only permits, but commands, the public cultus, or veneration, of the saint.

It is with the utmost possible brevity that I have described the elements of a process of beatification or canonization. It may be easily conjectured that considerable time must elapse before any cause of beatification or canonization can be conducted, from the first steps of the information, inquiry, or process, to the issuing of the decree super tuto.

According to the constitution of this Congregation, more than one important discussion (dubia majora) cannot be proposed at the same time. It must be remembered

that the same cardinals and consultors must vote in all discussions;
that there is but one promotor of the Faith and one sub-promotor, who alone have charge of all observations to be made with regard to the dubia;
that these cardinals and consultors have to treat questions of ritual as well as processes of canonization and beatification.

To execute all this business there is but one weekly meeting (congressus), a kind of minor congregation in which only the cardinal prefect and the major officials vote; in it less important and practical questions are settled regarding rites as well as causes, and answers are given, and rescripts which the pope afterwards verbally approves. The other meetings of the congregation (ordinary, rotal, and "upon virtues and miracles") may be as few as sixteen in the course of the year. Some other cause must therefore be found for the slow progress of causes of beatification or canonization than a lack of good will or activity on the part of the Congregation of Rites.

Source: CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: Beatification and Canonization

 

[Zakumi]

Watanzania kwa kupenda short cuts !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!. Hata yeye kuhutubia baraza la umoja wa mataifa kutaitwa miujiza.

 

[Junius]

A typical politician and stateman to be saint!
its a paradox.

 

[Mazingira]

As much as I respect the religion I believe true sainthood is given by God not by men. Kama Wakristo tunavyo amini ni kwamba hakuna ajuae nafsi ya mtu bali Mungu mwenyewe aliye muumba. All in all it would be great publicity and an honor to Tanzania I guess.

Mkuu hapa lipo tatizo.
Nafikiri hapa tatizo kubwa ni kwa kanisa katoliki kukosa ufahamu mzuri wa Ki-MUNGU. Utakatifu wa mwanadamu unapimwa na MUNGU tu na wala si mwanadamu. Yaani mwanasiasa anakuwa Saint? Tangu lini? Ooooh my goodness. Wamempima kwa kipimo gani? Haya ya kuangalia kwa nje na michango yake ya kisiasa? Si basi angalau wangempa Nobel prize ya kikanisa kwa michango yake mizuri kwa jamii na si katika mambo ya kiroho maana aujuaye moyo wa mwanadamu ni MUNGU tu. Hivi wanayajua maisha halisi ya mwalimu yalivyokuwa? Wanajua alitumia ulinzi gani dhidi ya maadui wa kimwili na katika ulimwengu wa roho? Je na kama wanajua yalikuwa sawasawa na mapenzi ya MUNGU? Nafikiri kanisa katoliki wasiingilie kazi ya MUNGU. Unless they have their own god and not the true GOD.

 

[Abdulhalim]

Hii ni pilipili shambani cha ajabu sisi wapita njia ndo tunwashwa midomo.

Mazee ni vyema umelinena hili mapema.

Kuwashwa na pilipili iliyoko shambani ndio chanzo cha mitafaruku mingi..kaa kitako uone mwelekeo wa thread.

 

[Abdulhalim]

A typical politician and stateman to be saint!
its a paradox.

Kama kitu hukijui ni vyema ukakaa kimya. Wakatoliki hatumchagui mtakatifu mazee..Kuna critera lukuki inabidi zifuatwe ili mtu atangazwe kuwa mtakatifu na kuwa kiongozi wa kisiasa sio mojawapo wa criteria.

Kama hukijui kitu ni vyema ukakaa kitako ujifunze kwa wajuzi badala ya kujifanya ujuaji wakati hakuna unachokijua.

 

[Abdulhalim]

As much as I respect the religion I believe true sainthood is given by God not by men. Kama Wakristo tunavyo amini ni kwamba hakuna ajuae nafsi ya mtu bali Mungu mwenyewe aliye muumba. All in all it would be great publicity and an honor to Tanzania I guess.

Ni suala tu la kutokujua na au kutotaka kujua. Watu wengi tunapenda kukandia madhehebu ya wengine badala ya kujielimisha kwanza ..hapo ndipo tunapokosea.

Wewe kama unaamini hamna watakatifu ni vyema huenda unazo sababu zako zinazokupendezesha macho lakini kwa kuwa unaonekama kuwa interested na hili suala la 'utakatifu' ungefanya la maana zaidi kujua undani wa wale wanaoamini tofauti na wewe ili usije ukawa na mtizamo uliopotoka.

 

[Bluray]

mir⋅a⋅cle
  /ˈmɪrəkəl/ Show Spelled [mir-uh-kuhl] Show IPA
–noun
1.an effect or extraordinary event in the physical world that surpasses all known human or natural powers and is ascribed to a supernatural cause.
2.such an effect or event manifesting or considered as a work of God.
3.a wonder; marvel.
4.a wonderful or surpassing example of some quality: a miracle of modern acoustics.
5. miracle play.

 

[Junius]

Kama kitu hukijui ni vyema ukakaa kimya. Wakatoliki hatumchagui mtakatifu mazee..Kuna critera lukuki inabidi zifuatwe ili mtu atangazwe kuwa mtakatifu na kuwa kiongozi wa kisiasa sio mojawapo wa criteria.

Kama hukijui kitu ni vyema ukakaa kitako ujifunze kwa wajuzi badala ya kujifanya ujuaji wakati hakuna unachokijua.

sijapatapo kujilabu au kujisifu kama najuwa au kujifanyanya kama najuwa,nilichoonyesha hapo ni mshangao wangu tu (tazama exclamation mark(!)), sasa kama mtu kuonyesha mshangao wa jambo ni kujifanya mjuaji, mjinga anaetaka kujua atakuwa nani? na mwerevu asietambua ujinga, utambagua vipi katika wajinga, wasiojuwa wanachokihoji kama ww.
Uwanja unao ww bw. mwerevu, bila ya kushangaa kama mm nisiejuwa kitu,wa kutuambia kuwa hata wanasiasa wanakuwa saints kama wamefanya miujiza ya kisiasa, mradi tu vigezo vyengine wanavyo.

 

[Abdulhalim]

sijapatapo kujilabu au kujisifu kama najuwa au kujifanyanya kama najuwa,nilichoonyesha hapo ni mshangao wangu tu (tazama exclamation mark(!)), sasa kama mtu kuonyesha mshangao wa jambo ni kujifanya mjuaji, mjinga anaetaka kujua atakuwa nani? na mwerevu asietambua ujinga, utambagua vipi katika wajinga, wasiojuwa wanachokihoji kama ww.

Uwanja unao ww bw. mwerevu, bila ya kushangaa kama mm nisiejuwa kitu,wa kutuambia kuwa hata wanasiasa wanakuwa saints kama wamefanya miujiza ya kisiasa, mradi tu vigezo vyengine wanavyo.

Bado unaendeleza ujuaji, hiyo paradox inatoka wapi? Ndo maana nikakwambia saint hood haiangalii medani za kisiasa..Sasa naona unajifanya kuruka kimanga. Ila endelea ukweli nimeshakupasha kama kuumeza utaumeza kama kuutema utautema.

 

[Abdulhalim]

Mkuu hapa lipo tatizo.
Nafikiri hapa tatizo kubwa ni kwa kanisa katoliki kukosa ufahamu mzuri wa Ki-MUNGU.

I am glad kusikia kuwa kanisa Katoliki halina ufahamu mzuri wa Kimungu..goodness me. Ila tusiende mbali nioneshe hilo kanisa lenye ufahamu wa kimungu ili tuende tukajiandikishe uanachama.

Utakatifu wa mwanadamu unapimwa na MUNGU tu na wala si mwanadamu. Yaani mwanasiasa anakuwa Saint? Tangu lini? Ooooh my goodness. Wamempima kwa kipimo gani? Haya ya kuangalia kwa nje na michango yake ya kisiasa? Si basi angalau wangempa Nobel prize ya kikanisa kwa michango yake mizuri kwa jamii na si katika mambo ya kiroho maana aujuaye moyo wa mwanadamu ni MUNGU tu. Hivi wanayajua maisha halisi ya mwalimu yalivyokuwa? Wanajua alitumia ulinzi gani dhidi ya maadui wa kimwili na katika ulimwengu wa roho? Je na kama wanajua yalikuwa sawasawa na mapenzi ya MUNGU? Nafikiri kanisa katoliki wasiingilie kazi ya MUNGU. Unless they have their own god and not the true GOD.

Kabla hujaendelea kuleta vituko zaidi, ungejiridhisha kwanza na hayo unayoyadhania kuhusu kanisa Katoliki kama ni ya kweli au la. Kimsingi get your facts right kwanza kabla ya kubwabwaja na kuchekesha kadamnasi.

Ni ushauri wa bure tu ..sio lazima lakini.

 

[Chapakazi]

Amin was toppled by a combined military force of Uganda exiles and Tanzanian troops on April 11, 1979. On December 10, 1980, Ugandans held a general election, the first one since Independence in 1962, and the Democratic Party won by a majority of 75 seats out of 108 seats. Paul Kawanga Semwogerere who was the leader of DP at that time, went to Paul Muwanga, accompanied by Mzee Evaristo Nyanzi, to make arrangements for Paul Semwogerere to be sworn in as the new President. Paul Muwanga who was the Chairman of the ruling military Commission at that time, told them he would check with President Nyerere in Dar es Salaam and advise them the following day.

Paul Muwanga telephoned Nyerere that very day and said: “Mr President, the Democratic Party has won the elections and Paul Semwogerere has just been here, he wants me to hand over to him. What should I do now?” Nyerere replied and said: “Paul Muwanga, you have got my army there – change all the results”. Muwanga changed all the results and gave victory to UPC/Obote. (The Commonwealth Observer Team declared the elections free and fair- Editor)

Alafu kweli tunabaki tukishangaa CCM wanavyoiba kura...kumbe ilianzia huku. DUH!!!!

 

[Abdulhalim]

Alafu kweli tunabaki tukishangaa CCM wanavyoiba kura...kumbe ilianzia huku. DUH!!!!

teh teh teh..lol

 

[Abdulhalim]

Impeccable? Please....

Yes ..The Catholic Church is impeccable..hata hivyo kama wewe sio muumini haikuhusu sana na itakuchua lifetime kuelewa hii simple concept.

 

[Abdulhalim]

Huyu nyerere aliwaumiza sana waislam Tanzania na ndiye aliyepandikiza mbegu za ubaguzi wa kidini

hilo nalo wasilisahu

Unfortunately enough unayoongea hayahusiani na mada.