reserch inajibiwa na research, ila msimshambulie pascal, tujibu hoja zake ndio mjadala utakuwa mzuri.una hakika gani Kama ni uongo,wanasema no research no right to speak ukiwa Kama mwandishi(ingawa sasa siyo) ungeweza kuchimbia ukaja na uhalisia bt snc sasa hv umekuwa maana halisi ya jina lako(njaa) unasaka uteuzi unaona Kama mauongo,wao walianza kuhusu habari ya msumbiji serikali ilijfanya kufunika yalipokuwa hadharani je?punguza njaa Paschal Kama teuzi ipo itakuja tu na si kwa speed hii au unataka nafasi ya dr.Abbas kabisa?
Kungekuwa na PhD ya unafiki ungestaili kabisa kutunikiwa.Wanabodi,
Kila mara nasisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwishowe uongo huo hugeuka ukweli. Na uongo ambao ni uongo mtupu, ukisemwa kuwa kitu fulani kitatokea, tusipo kanusha uongo huo, halafu hicho kitu kikaja kutokea kweli, then, kufuatia kuanuni ya matokeo, ule uongo utahesabika ndio ukweli, kwa sababu umetokea kweli. Hii ni kufuatia baadhi ya kauli, zinauwezo wa kuumba.
Mfano kuna huu uongo wa jarida hili kuhusu hili jambo la kuihusu Tanzania, ambao ulisemwa mwaka 2019. na kudaiwa kuwa litatokea Tanzania kwenye uchaguzi wa mwaka 2020. Hatukukanusha, tukanyama na kuwapuuza kwa hoja za uzushi huo ni upepo tuu na utapita.
The Economist: Rais Magufuli ametangaza kufuta Upinzani ifikapo 2020 na kuirudisha Tanzania kuwa Nchi ya chama Kimoja
Wanabodi, nimeishawahi kusema sana humu, na sasa narudia tena, kuwa "Kauli Huumba". Kauli ya uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa na kurudiwa rudiwa, bila kukanushwa, sio kuwa uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ni ukweli, bali uongo huo unaweza kabisa kugeuka kuwa kweli, kwa sababu kauli nyingine zina...www.jamiiforums.com
Lakini kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu wa 2020, hilo jambo, hawa The Economist walilolizusha, likatokea kweli!, matokeo yake, sasa itaonekana kuwa kilichotokea kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu, ni kweli kilipangwa kabla, na The Economist walikisema, wakati kiukweli, kile The Economist walichokisema, ilikuwa ni uongo na uzushi, lakini kwa vile, hatukukanusha uongo huo na uzushi huo, kisha ukaja kutokea kiukweli kabisa, dunia italiamini jarida la Economist kuwa walisema kweli, hata kama matokeo ya uchaguzi mkuu huu, ni Watanzania wenyewe, kwa ridhaa yao, wamewakataa wapinzani, na kuichagua CCM kwa mapenzi yao, katika uchaguzi huru na wa haki, licha ya dosari ndogo ndogo, no one will belive its peoples will! ya Watanzania!, watauamini uongo ule kuwa kilichotokea kilipangwa, kikasemwa kimepangwa, kikatekelezwa na ndicho kilichotokea!.
Kwenye toleo la la wiki hii, Jarida la The Economist limeendeleza mauongo yao kuihusu Tanzania, waidanganya dunia kuwa Tanzania, inaendelea kufanya mahojiano kwa kutumia njia haramu za mateso makubwa ya Torture, na njia hizo zinatumika kuwatesa wakimbizi wa Burundi, ili kuwalazimisha kurejea nchini kwao. Japo mimi sio mtu wa ndani ya vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama, kuthibitisha au kukanusha tuhuma hizi, lakini. kwa vile ni mwandishi wa habari, niliyehudumu kwenye sekta ya habari kwa takriban miongo mitatu, hivyo ninakuwa na uwezo uitwa "insight", wa kubaini kitu cha uongo kwa kisikia au kukisoma. Hiyo insight ni uwezo unaotokana na long experiance ya uzoefu wa muda mrefu kwenye jambo fulani, hivyo mtu akisema jambo fulani la uongo, huhitaji a rocket science kumbaini anasema uongo, au ukisoma andiko la uongo, huchukui hata dakika mbili kubaini bandiko hilo ni la uongo!. Swali la kujiuliza ni hawa Jarida la The Economist, wanapata faida gani kutunga uongo wa mambo mabaya kuihusu Tanzania?, lakini pia, kwa kwanini sisi Tanzania, tunazushiwa uongo na tunanyamazia tuu uongo huu, bila kuukanusha?, au kwenye mamlaka zetu, kutokana na mauonga haya kuvurumishwa kwa ngeli, kwenye majarida na vyombo vya habari vya kimataifa, hivyo hatuna watu wenye ngeli na uwezo wa kukanusha maungo hayo kwa ngeli hizo hizo?. Sisi uwezo wetu ni kukanusha tuu maungo kwenye hivi vipeperushi vyetu vya kufungia maandazi na samaki?.
Naomba nikupeleke kwenye makala yenyenyewe nzima nzima kisha nikuchambulie, upi ni mchele, na zipi ni pumba!.
No haven
Tanzania’s police are torturing refugees from Burundi
People fleeing repression at home also face it in refugee camps
Middle East & Africa Dec 3rd 2020 edition
Dec 3rd 2020
GOMA
Even after Tanzanian policemen had hung him from the ceiling and beaten him with sticks, Crispin (not his real name) would not confess to being a rebel leader with plans to overthrow the government of neighbouring Burundi. It was only when they injected a liquid into his testicles that he caved in and said he was plotting a coup.
He was not. Some years ago Crispin was photographed at an anti-government protest in Burundi. Thugs from the ruling party’s youth wing, the Imbonerakure (“those who see far”), painted a red cross on his door and turned up one night to threaten him. So in 2016 he fled to a refugee camp in western Tanzania. But men from the Imbonerakure also stalk the camps with lists of dissidents provided by Burundian intelligence. They target them, allegedly with help from Tanzanian police. Desperate families often pay the Imbonerakure to have their relatives freed. The spoils are shared with local cops. Most of those picked up are accused of hoarding weapons or plotting against Burundi’s government.
In December last year men from the Imbonerakure turned up at Crispin’s shelter flanked by Tanzanian policemen. They bundled him into a police car and took him to a cell where he spent three months. He was released only because his wife paid 1m Tanzanian shillings ($430) to the Imbonerakure. “They said if she paid I would not be killed or returned to Burundi” to face imprisonment, he says.
Others were not able to buy their way out. Human Rights Watch (hrw), a New York-based watchdog, interviewed 18 refugees who had been arrested in camps by Tanzanian policemen in the past year. Several had been tortured. Eight of them were forcibly returned to Burundi, where they have been locked up without charge. Another rights group, cbdh/vicar, based in Rwanda, says that about 170 Burundian refugees have disappeared from Tanzania since 2015. “There seems to be collusion between the Tanzanian and Burundian authorities,” says Mausi Segun of hrw. “Several of those tortured were told that Tanzanian officials had information on them from Burundi.”
About 300,000 Burundians have fled their country since 2015 after violence broke out when the then president, Pierre Nkurunziza, said he would stand for an unconstitutional third term. Hundreds were killed. Activists, journalists and anyone who might have been spotted at a protest rushed to neighbouring countries. Around half of them went to Tanzania.
A new president, Evariste Ndayishimiye, was elected in June in a rigged poll. His government is just as scary. Gervais Ndirakobuca, the new security minister, is nicknamed “Ndakugarika”, meaning “I will kill you” in Kirundi, the local language. He earned his reputation as a rebel commander during the civil war and has worked hard to maintain it since. As police commissioner under the former president, who has since died, he was responsible for some of the bloodiecrackdowns on protesters. Because of this the eu and America have imposed sanctions on him.
With such people in the government, few refugees seem likely to believe its assurance that the country is safe and that they should return. Officials in Tanzania and Burundi drew up a secret agreement that was leaked last year. It said all refugees should “return to their country of origin whether voluntarily or not”. Some 50,000 have gone back in the past two years. Many cite insecurity in the camps, in particular arbitrary arrests, as their reason for returning. Moreover, camp authorities have threatened Burundians, saying that if they do not sign up to go home they will lose their refugee status and risk arrest. Some of those returning say that they were threatened or detained when they crossed the border. Many have fled again, but this time into safer Uganda.
Crispin has no choice but to stay in Tanzania. He has been warned by the Imbonerakure that if he tries to leave for another neighbouring country, he will be stopped at the border and sent back to Burundi. “It is terrifying to live in a country where you can be arrested at any time. I am constantly frightened,” he said. “But there is nowhere for me to go.” ■
This article appeared in the Middle East & Africa section of the print edition under the headline "No haven"
Stay Tuned, Uchambuzi wangu unafuata.
Paskali
Pascal Mayalla, si mmetangaza Vita? Piganeni si mnajinasibu mitaani kuwa mko kwenye vita vya uchumi na hamjawahi kupigwa?
Mungu awabariki sana rafiki zetu wazungu.Wanabodi,
Kila mara nasisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwishowe uongo huo hugeuka ukweli. Na uongo ambao ni uongo mtupu, ukisemwa kuwa kitu fulani kitatokea, tusipo kanusha uongo huo, halafu hicho kitu kikaja kutokea kweli, then, kufuatia kuanuni ya matokeo, ule uongo utahesabika ndio ukweli, kwa sababu umetokea kweli. Hii ni kufuatia baadhi ya kauli, zinauwezo wa kuumba.
Mfano kuna huu uongo wa jarida hili kuhusu hili jambo la kuihusu Tanzania, ambao ulisemwa mwaka 2019. na kudaiwa kuwa litatokea Tanzania kwenye uchaguzi wa mwaka 2020. Hatukukanusha, tukanyama na kuwapuuza kwa hoja za uzushi huo ni upepo tuu na utapita.
The Economist: Rais Magufuli ametangaza kufuta Upinzani ifikapo 2020 na kuirudisha Tanzania kuwa Nchi ya chama Kimoja
Wanabodi, nimeishawahi kusema sana humu, na sasa narudia tena, kuwa "Kauli Huumba". Kauli ya uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa na kurudiwa rudiwa, bila kukanushwa, sio kuwa uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ni ukweli, bali uongo huo unaweza kabisa kugeuka kuwa kweli, kwa sababu kauli nyingine zina...www.jamiiforums.com
Lakini kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu wa 2020, hilo jambo, hawa The Economist walilolizusha, likatokea kweli!, matokeo yake, sasa itaonekana kuwa kilichotokea kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu, ni kweli kilipangwa kabla, na The Economist walikisema, wakati kiukweli, kile The Economist walichokisema, ilikuwa ni uongo na uzushi, lakini kwa vile, hatukukanusha uongo huo na uzushi huo, kisha ukaja kutokea kiukweli kabisa, dunia italiamini jarida la Economist kuwa walisema kweli, hata kama matokeo ya uchaguzi mkuu huu, ni Watanzania wenyewe, kwa ridhaa yao, wamewakataa wapinzani, na kuichagua CCM kwa mapenzi yao, katika uchaguzi huru na wa haki, licha ya dosari ndogo ndogo, no one will belive its peoples will! ya Watanzania!, watauamini uongo ule kuwa kilichotokea kilipangwa, kikasemwa kimepangwa, kikatekelezwa na ndicho kilichotokea!.
Kwenye toleo la la wiki hii, Jarida la The Economist limeendeleza mauongo yao kuihusu Tanzania, waidanganya dunia kuwa Tanzania, inaendelea kufanya mahojiano kwa kutumia njia haramu za mateso makubwa ya Torture, na njia hizo zinatumika kuwatesa wakimbizi wa Burundi, ili kuwalazimisha kurejea nchini kwao. Japo mimi sio mtu wa ndani ya vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama, kuthibitisha au kukanusha tuhuma hizi, lakini. kwa vile ni mwandishi wa habari, niliyehudumu kwenye sekta ya habari kwa takriban miongo mitatu, hivyo ninakuwa na uwezo uitwa "insight", wa kubaini kitu cha uongo kwa kisikia au kukisoma. Hiyo insight ni uwezo unaotokana na long experiance ya uzoefu wa muda mrefu kwenye jambo fulani, hivyo mtu akisema jambo fulani la uongo, huhitaji a rocket science kumbaini anasema uongo, au ukisoma andiko la uongo, huchukui hata dakika mbili kubaini bandiko hilo ni la uongo!. Swali la kujiuliza ni hawa Jarida la The Economist, wanapata faida gani kutunga uongo wa mambo mabaya kuihusu Tanzania?, lakini pia, kwa kwanini sisi Tanzania, tunazushiwa uongo na tunanyamazia tuu uongo huu, bila kuukanusha?, au kwenye mamlaka zetu, kutokana na mauonga haya kuvurumishwa kwa ngeli, kwenye majarida na vyombo vya habari vya kimataifa, hivyo hatuna watu wenye ngeli na uwezo wa kukanusha maungo hayo kwa ngeli hizo hizo?. Sisi uwezo wetu ni kukanusha tuu maungo kwenye hivi vipeperushi vyetu vya kufungia maandazi na samaki?.
Naomba nikupeleke kwenye makala yenyenyewe nzima nzima kisha nikuchambulie, upi ni mchele, na zipi ni pumba!.
No haven
Tanzania’s police are torturing refugees from Burundi
People fleeing repression at home also face it in refugee camps
Middle East & Africa Dec 3rd 2020 edition
Dec 3rd 2020
GOMA
Even after Tanzanian policemen had hung him from the ceiling and beaten him with sticks, Crispin (not his real name) would not confess to being a rebel leader with plans to overthrow the government of neighbouring Burundi. It was only when they injected a liquid into his testicles that he caved in and said he was plotting a coup.
He was not. Some years ago Crispin was photographed at an anti-government protest in Burundi. Thugs from the ruling party’s youth wing, the Imbonerakure (“those who see far”), painted a red cross on his door and turned up one night to threaten him. So in 2016 he fled to a refugee camp in western Tanzania. But men from the Imbonerakure also stalk the camps with lists of dissidents provided by Burundian intelligence. They target them, allegedly with help from Tanzanian police. Desperate families often pay the Imbonerakure to have their relatives freed. The spoils are shared with local cops. Most of those picked up are accused of hoarding weapons or plotting against Burundi’s government.
In December last year men from the Imbonerakure turned up at Crispin’s shelter flanked by Tanzanian policemen. They bundled him into a police car and took him to a cell where he spent three months. He was released only because his wife paid 1m Tanzanian shillings ($430) to the Imbonerakure. “They said if she paid I would not be killed or returned to Burundi” to face imprisonment, he says.
Others were not able to buy their way out. Human Rights Watch (hrw), a New York-based watchdog, interviewed 18 refugees who had been arrested in camps by Tanzanian policemen in the past year. Several had been tortured. Eight of them were forcibly returned to Burundi, where they have been locked up without charge. Another rights group, cbdh/vicar, based in Rwanda, says that about 170 Burundian refugees have disappeared from Tanzania since 2015. “There seems to be collusion between the Tanzanian and Burundian authorities,” says Mausi Segun of hrw. “Several of those tortured were told that Tanzanian officials had information on them from Burundi.”
About 300,000 Burundians have fled their country since 2015 after violence broke out when the then president, Pierre Nkurunziza, said he would stand for an unconstitutional third term. Hundreds were killed. Activists, journalists and anyone who might have been spotted at a protest rushed to neighbouring countries. Around half of them went to Tanzania.
A new president, Evariste Ndayishimiye, was elected in June in a rigged poll. His government is just as scary. Gervais Ndirakobuca, the new security minister, is nicknamed “Ndakugarika”, meaning “I will kill you” in Kirundi, the local language. He earned his reputation as a rebel commander during the civil war and has worked hard to maintain it since. As police commissioner under the former president, who has since died, he was responsible for some of the bloodiecrackdowns on protesters. Because of this the eu and America have imposed sanctions on him.
With such people in the government, few refugees seem likely to believe its assurance that the country is safe and that they should return. Officials in Tanzania and Burundi drew up a secret agreement that was leaked last year. It said all refugees should “return to their country of origin whether voluntarily or not”. Some 50,000 have gone back in the past two years. Many cite insecurity in the camps, in particular arbitrary arrests, as their reason for returning. Moreover, camp authorities have threatened Burundians, saying that if they do not sign up to go home they will lose their refugee status and risk arrest. Some of those returning say that they were threatened or detained when they crossed the border. Many have fled again, but this time into safer Uganda.
Crispin has no choice but to stay in Tanzania. He has been warned by the Imbonerakure that if he tries to leave for another neighbouring country, he will be stopped at the border and sent back to Burundi. “It is terrifying to live in a country where you can be arrested at any time. I am constantly frightened,” he said. “But there is nowhere for me to go.” ■
This article appeared in the Middle East & Africa section of the print edition under the headline "No haven"
Stay Tuned, Uchambuzi wangu unafuata.
Paskali
Kiongozi bora ungekaa kimya wazungu hawakurupuki hata siku moja. Kama kuna mahali tulibug bora tujisahihishe..Mzee pambana KAMANDA uteuzi lazma upate!!Wanabodi,
Kila mara nasisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwishowe uongo huo hugeuka ukweli. Na uongo ambao ni uongo mtupu, ukisemwa kuwa kitu fulani kitatokea, tusipo kanusha uongo huo, halafu hicho kitu kikaja kutokea kweli, then, kufuatia kuanuni ya matokeo, ule uongo utahesabika ndio ukweli, kwa sababu umetokea kweli. Hii ni kufuatia baadhi ya kauli, zinauwezo wa kuumba.
Mfano kuna huu uongo wa jarida hili kuhusu hili jambo la kuihusu Tanzania, ambao ulisemwa mwaka 2019. na kudaiwa kuwa litatokea Tanzania kwenye uchaguzi wa mwaka 2020. Hatukukanusha, tukanyama na kuwapuuza kwa hoja za uzushi huo ni upepo tuu na utapita.
The Economist: Rais Magufuli ametangaza kufuta Upinzani ifikapo 2020 na kuirudisha Tanzania kuwa Nchi ya chama Kimoja
Wanabodi, nimeishawahi kusema sana humu, na sasa narudia tena, kuwa "Kauli Huumba". Kauli ya uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa na kurudiwa rudiwa, bila kukanushwa, sio kuwa uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ni ukweli, bali uongo huo unaweza kabisa kugeuka kuwa kweli, kwa sababu kauli nyingine zina...www.jamiiforums.com
Lakini kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu wa 2020, hilo jambo, hawa The Economist walilolizusha, likatokea kweli!, matokeo yake, sasa itaonekana kuwa kilichotokea kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu, ni kweli kilipangwa kabla, na The Economist walikisema, wakati kiukweli, kile The Economist walichokisema, ilikuwa ni uongo na uzushi, lakini kwa vile, hatukukanusha uongo huo na uzushi huo, kisha ukaja kutokea kiukweli kabisa, dunia italiamini jarida la Economist kuwa walisema kweli, hata kama matokeo ya uchaguzi mkuu huu, ni Watanzania wenyewe, kwa ridhaa yao, wamewakataa wapinzani, na kuichagua CCM kwa mapenzi yao, katika uchaguzi huru na wa haki, licha ya dosari ndogo ndogo, no one will belive its peoples will! ya Watanzania!, watauamini uongo ule kuwa kilichotokea kilipangwa, kikasemwa kimepangwa, kikatekelezwa na ndicho kilichotokea!.
Kwenye toleo la la wiki hii, Jarida la The Economist limeendeleza mauongo yao kuihusu Tanzania, waidanganya dunia kuwa Tanzania, inaendelea kufanya mahojiano kwa kutumia njia haramu za mateso makubwa ya Torture, na njia hizo zinatumika kuwatesa wakimbizi wa Burundi, ili kuwalazimisha kurejea nchini kwao. Japo mimi sio mtu wa ndani ya vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama, kuthibitisha au kukanusha tuhuma hizi, lakini. kwa vile ni mwandishi wa habari, niliyehudumu kwenye sekta ya habari kwa takriban miongo mitatu, hivyo ninakuwa na uwezo uitwa "insight", wa kubaini kitu cha uongo kwa kisikia au kukisoma. Hiyo insight ni uwezo unaotokana na long experiance ya uzoefu wa muda mrefu kwenye jambo fulani, hivyo mtu akisema jambo fulani la uongo, huhitaji a rocket science kumbaini anasema uongo, au ukisoma andiko la uongo, huchukui hata dakika mbili kubaini bandiko hilo ni la uongo!. Swali la kujiuliza ni hawa Jarida la The Economist, wanapata faida gani kutunga uongo wa mambo mabaya kuihusu Tanzania?, lakini pia, kwa kwanini sisi Tanzania, tunazushiwa uongo na tunanyamazia tuu uongo huu, bila kuukanusha?, au kwenye mamlaka zetu, kutokana na mauonga haya kuvurumishwa kwa ngeli, kwenye majarida na vyombo vya habari vya kimataifa, hivyo hatuna watu wenye ngeli na uwezo wa kukanusha maungo hayo kwa ngeli hizo hizo?. Sisi uwezo wetu ni kukanusha tuu maungo kwenye hivi vipeperushi vyetu vya kufungia maandazi na samaki?.
Naomba nikupeleke kwenye makala yenyenyewe nzima nzima kisha nikuchambulie, upi ni mchele, na zipi ni pumba!.
No haven
Tanzania’s police are torturing refugees from Burundi
People fleeing repression at home also face it in refugee camps
Middle East & Africa Dec 3rd 2020 edition
Dec 3rd 2020
GOMA
Even after Tanzanian policemen had hung him from the ceiling and beaten him with sticks, Crispin (not his real name) would not confess to being a rebel leader with plans to overthrow the government of neighbouring Burundi. It was only when they injected a liquid into his testicles that he caved in and said he was plotting a coup.
He was not. Some years ago Crispin was photographed at an anti-government protest in Burundi. Thugs from the ruling party’s youth wing, the Imbonerakure (“those who see far”), painted a red cross on his door and turned up one night to threaten him. So in 2016 he fled to a refugee camp in western Tanzania. But men from the Imbonerakure also stalk the camps with lists of dissidents provided by Burundian intelligence. They target them, allegedly with help from Tanzanian police. Desperate families often pay the Imbonerakure to have their relatives freed. The spoils are shared with local cops. Most of those picked up are accused of hoarding weapons or plotting against Burundi’s government.
In December last year men from the Imbonerakure turned up at Crispin’s shelter flanked by Tanzanian policemen. They bundled him into a police car and took him to a cell where he spent three months. He was released only because his wife paid 1m Tanzanian shillings ($430) to the Imbonerakure. “They said if she paid I would not be killed or returned to Burundi” to face imprisonment, he says.
Others were not able to buy their way out. Human Rights Watch (hrw), a New York-based watchdog, interviewed 18 refugees who had been arrested in camps by Tanzanian policemen in the past year. Several had been tortured. Eight of them were forcibly returned to Burundi, where they have been locked up without charge. Another rights group, cbdh/vicar, based in Rwanda, says that about 170 Burundian refugees have disappeared from Tanzania since 2015. “There seems to be collusion between the Tanzanian and Burundian authorities,” says Mausi Segun of hrw. “Several of those tortured were told that Tanzanian officials had information on them from Burundi.”
About 300,000 Burundians have fled their country since 2015 after violence broke out when the then president, Pierre Nkurunziza, said he would stand for an unconstitutional third term. Hundreds were killed. Activists, journalists and anyone who might have been spotted at a protest rushed to neighbouring countries. Around half of them went to Tanzania.
A new president, Evariste Ndayishimiye, was elected in June in a rigged poll. His government is just as scary. Gervais Ndirakobuca, the new security minister, is nicknamed “Ndakugarika”, meaning “I will kill you” in Kirundi, the local language. He earned his reputation as a rebel commander during the civil war and has worked hard to maintain it since. As police commissioner under the former president, who has since died, he was responsible for some of the bloodiecrackdowns on protesters. Because of this the eu and America have imposed sanctions on him.
With such people in the government, few refugees seem likely to believe its assurance that the country is safe and that they should return. Officials in Tanzania and Burundi drew up a secret agreement that was leaked last year. It said all refugees should “return to their country of origin whether voluntarily or not”. Some 50,000 have gone back in the past two years. Many cite insecurity in the camps, in particular arbitrary arrests, as their reason for returning. Moreover, camp authorities have threatened Burundians, saying that if they do not sign up to go home they will lose their refugee status and risk arrest. Some of those returning say that they were threatened or detained when they crossed the border. Many have fled again, but this time into safer Uganda.
Crispin has no choice but to stay in Tanzania. He has been warned by the Imbonerakure that if he tries to leave for another neighbouring country, he will be stopped at the border and sent back to Burundi. “It is terrifying to live in a country where you can be arrested at any time. I am constantly frightened,” he said. “But there is nowhere for me to go.” ■
This article appeared in the Middle East & Africa section of the print edition under the headline "No haven"
Stay Tuned, Uchambuzi wangu unafuata.
Paskali
Kiongozi bora ungekaa kimya wazungu hawakurupuki hata siku moja. Kama kuna mahali tulibug bora tujisahihishe..Mzee pambana KAMANDA uteuzi lazma upate!!
Sent from my SM-G920F using JamiiForums mobile app
Wanabodi,
Kila mara nasisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwishowe uongo huo hugeuka ukweli. Na uongo ambao ni uongo mtupu, ukisemwa kuwa kitu fulani kitatokea, tusipo kanusha uongo huo, halafu hicho kitu kikaja kutokea kweli, then, kufuatia kuanuni ya matokeo, ule uongo utahesabika ndio ukweli, kwa sababu umetokea kweli. Hii ni kufuatia baadhi ya kauli, zinauwezo wa kuumba.
Mfano kuna huu uongo wa jarida hili kuhusu hili jambo la kuihusu Tanzania, ambao ulisemwa mwaka 2019. na kudaiwa kuwa litatokea Tanzania kwenye uchaguzi wa mwaka 2020. Hatukukanusha, tukanyama na kuwapuuza kwa hoja za uzushi huo ni upepo tuu na utapita.
The Economist: Rais Magufuli ametangaza kufuta Upinzani ifikapo 2020 na kuirudisha Tanzania kuwa Nchi ya chama Kimoja
Wanabodi, nimeishawahi kusema sana humu, na sasa narudia tena, kuwa "Kauli Huumba". Kauli ya uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa na kurudiwa rudiwa, bila kukanushwa, sio kuwa uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ni ukweli, bali uongo huo unaweza kabisa kugeuka kuwa kweli, kwa sababu kauli nyingine zina...www.jamiiforums.com
Lakini kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu wa 2020, hilo jambo, hawa The Economist walilolizusha, likatokea kweli!, matokeo yake, sasa itaonekana kuwa kilichotokea kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu, ni kweli kilipangwa kabla, na The Economist walikisema, wakati kiukweli, kile The Economist walichokisema, ilikuwa ni uongo na uzushi, lakini kwa vile, hatukukanusha uongo huo na uzushi huo, kisha ukaja kutokea kiukweli kabisa, dunia italiamini jarida la Economist kuwa walisema kweli, hata kama matokeo ya uchaguzi mkuu huu, ni Watanzania wenyewe, kwa ridhaa yao, wamewakataa wapinzani, na kuichagua CCM kwa mapenzi yao, katika uchaguzi huru na wa haki, licha ya dosari ndogo ndogo, no one will belive its peoples will! ya Watanzania!, watauamini uongo ule kuwa kilichotokea kilipangwa, kikasemwa kimepangwa, kikatekelezwa na ndicho kilichotokea!.
Kwenye toleo la la wiki hii, Jarida la The Economist limeendeleza mauongo yao kuihusu Tanzania, waidanganya dunia kuwa Tanzania, inaendelea kufanya mahojiano kwa kutumia njia haramu za mateso makubwa ya Torture, na njia hizo zinatumika kuwatesa wakimbizi wa Burundi, ili kuwalazimisha kurejea nchini kwao. Japo mimi sio mtu wa ndani ya vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama, kuthibitisha au kukanusha tuhuma hizi, lakini. kwa vile ni mwandishi wa habari, niliyehudumu kwenye sekta ya habari kwa takriban miongo mitatu, hivyo ninakuwa na uwezo uitwa "insight", wa kubaini kitu cha uongo kwa kisikia au kukisoma. Hiyo insight ni uwezo unaotokana na long experiance ya uzoefu wa muda mrefu kwenye jambo fulani, hivyo mtu akisema jambo fulani la uongo, huhitaji a rocket science kumbaini anasema uongo, au ukisoma andiko la uongo, huchukui hata dakika mbili kubaini bandiko hilo ni la uongo!. Swali la kujiuliza ni hawa Jarida la The Economist, wanapata faida gani kutunga uongo wa mambo mabaya kuihusu Tanzania?, lakini pia, kwa kwanini sisi Tanzania, tunazushiwa uongo na tunanyamazia tuu uongo huu, bila kuukanusha?, au kwenye mamlaka zetu, kutokana na mauonga haya kuvurumishwa kwa ngeli, kwenye majarida na vyombo vya habari vya kimataifa, hivyo hatuna watu wenye ngeli na uwezo wa kukanusha maungo hayo kwa ngeli hizo hizo?. Sisi uwezo wetu ni kukanusha tuu maungo kwenye hivi vipeperushi vyetu vya kufungia maandazi na samaki?.
Naomba nikupeleke kwenye makala yenyenyewe nzima nzima kisha nikuchambulie, upi ni mchele, na zipi ni pumba!.
No haven
Tanzania’s police are torturing refugees from Burundi
People fleeing repression at home also face it in refugee camps
Middle East & Africa Dec 3rd 2020 edition
Dec 3rd 2020
GOMA
Even after Tanzanian policemen had hung him from the ceiling and beaten him with sticks, Crispin (not his real name) would not confess to being a rebel leader with plans to overthrow the government of neighbouring Burundi. It was only when they injected a liquid into his testicles that he caved in and said he was plotting a coup.
He was not. Some years ago Crispin was photographed at an anti-government protest in Burundi. Thugs from the ruling party’s youth wing, the Imbonerakure (“those who see far”), painted a red cross on his door and turned up one night to threaten him. So in 2016 he fled to a refugee camp in western Tanzania. But men from the Imbonerakure also stalk the camps with lists of dissidents provided by Burundian intelligence. They target them, allegedly with help from Tanzanian police. Desperate families often pay the Imbonerakure to have their relatives freed. The spoils are shared with local cops. Most of those picked up are accused of hoarding weapons or plotting against Burundi’s government.
In December last year men from the Imbonerakure turned up at Crispin’s shelter flanked by Tanzanian policemen. They bundled him into a police car and took him to a cell where he spent three months. He was released only because his wife paid 1m Tanzanian shillings ($430) to the Imbonerakure. “They said if she paid I would not be killed or returned to Burundi” to face imprisonment, he says.
Others were not able to buy their way out. Human Rights Watch (hrw), a New York-based watchdog, interviewed 18 refugees who had been arrested in camps by Tanzanian policemen in the past year. Several had been tortured. Eight of them were forcibly returned to Burundi, where they have been locked up without charge. Another rights group, cbdh/vicar, based in Rwanda, says that about 170 Burundian refugees have disappeared from Tanzania since 2015. “There seems to be collusion between the Tanzanian and Burundian authorities,” says Mausi Segun of hrw. “Several of those tortured were told that Tanzanian officials had information on them from Burundi.”
About 300,000 Burundians have fled their country since 2015 after violence broke out when the then president, Pierre Nkurunziza, said he would stand for an unconstitutional third term. Hundreds were killed. Activists, journalists and anyone who might have been spotted at a protest rushed to neighbouring countries. Around half of them went to Tanzania.
A new president, Evariste Ndayishimiye, was elected in June in a rigged poll. His government is just as scary. Gervais Ndirakobuca, the new security minister, is nicknamed “Ndakugarika”, meaning “I will kill you” in Kirundi, the local language. He earned his reputation as a rebel commander during the civil war and has worked hard to maintain it since. As police commissioner under the former president, who has since died, he was responsible for some of the bloodiecrackdowns on protesters. Because of this the eu and America have imposed sanctions on him.
With such people in the government, few refugees seem likely to believe its assurance that the country is safe and that they should return. Officials in Tanzania and Burundi drew up a secret agreement that was leaked last year. It said all refugees should “return to their country of origin whether voluntarily or not”. Some 50,000 have gone back in the past two years. Many cite insecurity in the camps, in particular arbitrary arrests, as their reason for returning. Moreover, camp authorities have threatened Burundians, saying that if they do not sign up to go home they will lose their refugee status and risk arrest. Some of those returning say that they were threatened or detained when they crossed the border. Many have fled again, but this time into safer Uganda.
Crispin has no choice but to stay in Tanzania. He has been warned by the Imbonerakure that if he tries to leave for another neighbouring country, he will be stopped at the border and sent back to Burundi. “It is terrifying to live in a country where you can be arrested at any time. I am constantly frightened,” he said. “But there is nowhere for me to go.” ■
This article appeared in the Middle East & Africa section of the print edition under the headline "No haven"
Stay Tuned, Uchambuzi wangu unafuata.
Paskali
Pascal hata Kiswahili hujui? Mauongo ndiyo nini? Kwa lugha tu isiyo sanifu, andiko lako linatia kinyaa hata kusoma.Wanabodi,
Kila mara nasisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwishowe uongo huo hugeuka ukweli. Na uongo ambao ni uongo mtupu, ukisemwa kuwa kitu fulani kitatokea, tusipo kanusha uongo huo, halafu hicho kitu kikaja kutokea kweli, then, kufuatia kuanuni ya matokeo, ule uongo utahesabika ndio ukweli, kwa sababu umetokea kweli. Hii ni kufuatia baadhi ya kauli, zinauwezo wa kuumba.
Mfano kuna huu uongo wa jarida hili kuhusu hili jambo la kuihusu Tanzania, ambao ulisemwa mwaka 2019. na kudaiwa kuwa litatokea Tanzania kwenye uchaguzi wa mwaka 2020. Hatukukanusha, tukanyama na kuwapuuza kwa hoja za uzushi huo ni upepo tuu na utapita.
The Economist: Rais Magufuli ametangaza kufuta Upinzani ifikapo 2020 na kuirudisha Tanzania kuwa Nchi ya chama Kimoja
Wanabodi, nimeishawahi kusema sana humu, na sasa narudia tena, kuwa "Kauli Huumba". Kauli ya uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa na kurudiwa rudiwa, bila kukanushwa, sio kuwa uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ni ukweli, bali uongo huo unaweza kabisa kugeuka kuwa kweli, kwa sababu kauli nyingine zina...www.jamiiforums.com
Lakini kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu wa 2020, hilo jambo, hawa The Economist walilolizusha, likatokea kweli!, matokeo yake, sasa itaonekana kuwa kilichotokea kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu, ni kweli kilipangwa kabla, na The Economist walikisema, wakati kiukweli, kile The Economist walichokisema, ilikuwa ni uongo na uzushi, lakini kwa vile, hatukukanusha uongo huo na uzushi huo, kisha ukaja kutokea kiukweli kabisa, dunia italiamini jarida la Economist kuwa walisema kweli, hata kama matokeo ya uchaguzi mkuu huu, ni Watanzania wenyewe, kwa ridhaa yao, wamewakataa wapinzani, na kuichagua CCM kwa mapenzi yao, katika uchaguzi huru na wa haki, licha ya dosari ndogo ndogo, no one will belive its peoples will! ya Watanzania!, watauamini uongo ule kuwa kilichotokea kilipangwa, kikasemwa kimepangwa, kikatekelezwa na ndicho kilichotokea!.
Kwenye toleo la la wiki hii, Jarida la The Economist limeendeleza mauongo yao kuihusu Tanzania, waidanganya dunia kuwa Tanzania, inaendelea kufanya mahojiano kwa kutumia njia haramu za mateso makubwa ya Torture, na njia hizo zinatumika kuwatesa wakimbizi wa Burundi, ili kuwalazimisha kurejea nchini kwao. Japo mimi sio mtu wa ndani ya vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama, kuthibitisha au kukanusha tuhuma hizi, lakini. kwa vile ni mwandishi wa habari, niliyehudumu kwenye sekta ya habari kwa takriban miongo mitatu, hivyo ninakuwa na uwezo uitwa "insight", wa kubaini kitu cha uongo kwa kisikia au kukisoma. Hiyo insight ni uwezo unaotokana na long experiance ya uzoefu wa muda mrefu kwenye jambo fulani, hivyo mtu akisema jambo fulani la uongo, huhitaji a rocket science kumbaini anasema uongo, au ukisoma andiko la uongo, huchukui hata dakika mbili kubaini bandiko hilo ni la uongo!. Swali la kujiuliza ni hawa Jarida la The Economist, wanapata faida gani kutunga uongo wa mambo mabaya kuihusu Tanzania?, lakini pia, kwa kwanini sisi Tanzania, tunazushiwa uongo na tunanyamazia tuu uongo huu, bila kuukanusha?, au kwenye mamlaka zetu, kutokana na mauonga haya kuvurumishwa kwa ngeli, kwenye majarida na vyombo vya habari vya kimataifa, hivyo hatuna watu wenye ngeli na uwezo wa kukanusha maungo hayo kwa ngeli hizo hizo?. Sisi uwezo wetu ni kukanusha tuu maungo kwenye hivi vipeperushi vyetu vya kufungia maandazi na samaki?.
Naomba nikupeleke kwenye makala yenyenyewe nzima nzima kisha nikuchambulie, upi ni mchele, na zipi ni pumba!.
No haven
Tanzania’s police are torturing refugees from Burundi
People fleeing repression at home also face it in refugee camps
Middle East & Africa Dec 3rd 2020 edition
Dec 3rd 2020
GOMA
Even after Tanzanian policemen had hung him from the ceiling and beaten him with sticks, Crispin (not his real name) would not confess to being a rebel leader with plans to overthrow the government of neighbouring Burundi. It was only when they injected a liquid into his testicles that he caved in and said he was plotting a coup.
He was not. Some years ago Crispin was photographed at an anti-government protest in Burundi. Thugs from the ruling party’s youth wing, the Imbonerakure (“those who see far”), painted a red cross on his door and turned up one night to threaten him. So in 2016 he fled to a refugee camp in western Tanzania. But men from the Imbonerakure also stalk the camps with lists of dissidents provided by Burundian intelligence. They target them, allegedly with help from Tanzanian police. Desperate families often pay the Imbonerakure to have their relatives freed. The spoils are shared with local cops. Most of those picked up are accused of hoarding weapons or plotting against Burundi’s government.
In December last year men from the Imbonerakure turned up at Crispin’s shelter flanked by Tanzanian policemen. They bundled him into a police car and took him to a cell where he spent three months. He was released only because his wife paid 1m Tanzanian shillings ($430) to the Imbonerakure. “They said if she paid I would not be killed or returned to Burundi” to face imprisonment, he says.
Others were not able to buy their way out. Human Rights Watch (hrw), a New York-based watchdog, interviewed 18 refugees who had been arrested in camps by Tanzanian policemen in the past year. Several had been tortured. Eight of them were forcibly returned to Burundi, where they have been locked up without charge. Another rights group, cbdh/vicar, based in Rwanda, says that about 170 Burundian refugees have disappeared from Tanzania since 2015. “There seems to be collusion between the Tanzanian and Burundian authorities,” says Mausi Segun of hrw. “Several of those tortured were told that Tanzanian officials had information on them from Burundi.”
About 300,000 Burundians have fled their country since 2015 after violence broke out when the then president, Pierre Nkurunziza, said he would stand for an unconstitutional third term. Hundreds were killed. Activists, journalists and anyone who might have been spotted at a protest rushed to neighbouring countries. Around half of them went to Tanzania.
A new president, Evariste Ndayishimiye, was elected in June in a rigged poll. His government is just as scary. Gervais Ndirakobuca, the new security minister, is nicknamed “Ndakugarika”, meaning “I will kill you” in Kirundi, the local language. He earned his reputation as a rebel commander during the civil war and has worked hard to maintain it since. As police commissioner under the former president, who has since died, he was responsible for some of the bloodiecrackdowns on protesters. Because of this the eu and America have imposed sanctions on him.
With such people in the government, few refugees seem likely to believe its assurance that the country is safe and that they should return. Officials in Tanzania and Burundi drew up a secret agreement that was leaked last year. It said all refugees should “return to their country of origin whether voluntarily or not”. Some 50,000 have gone back in the past two years. Many cite insecurity in the camps, in particular arbitrary arrests, as their reason for returning. Moreover, camp authorities have threatened Burundians, saying that if they do not sign up to go home they will lose their refugee status and risk arrest. Some of those returning say that they were threatened or detained when they crossed the border. Many have fled again, but this time into safer Uganda.
Crispin has no choice but to stay in Tanzania. He has been warned by the Imbonerakure that if he tries to leave for another neighbouring country, he will be stopped at the border and sent back to Burundi. “It is terrifying to live in a country where you can be arrested at any time. I am constantly frightened,” he said. “But there is nowhere for me to go.” ■
This article appeared in the Middle East & Africa section of the print edition under the headline "No haven"
Stay Tuned, Uchambuzi wangu unafuata.
Paskali
ID mpya ya MR NjaaaaaWabongo wa Akili ndogo sana.
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P.
Lea wajukuu achana na huu ukuda wa kupiga mapambio fekiWanabodi,
Kila mara nasisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwishowe uongo huo hugeuka ukweli. Na uongo ambao ni uongo mtupu, ukisemwa kuwa kitu fulani kitatokea, tusipo kanusha uongo huo, halafu hicho kitu kikaja kutokea kweli, then, kufuatia kuanuni ya matokeo, ule uongo utahesabika ndio ukweli, kwa sababu umetokea kweli. Hii ni kufuatia baadhi ya kauli, zinauwezo wa kuumba.
Mfano kuna huu uongo wa jarida hili kuhusu hili jambo la kuihusu Tanzania, ambao ulisemwa mwaka 2019. na kudaiwa kuwa litatokea Tanzania kwenye uchaguzi wa mwaka 2020. Hatukukanusha, tukanyama na kuwapuuza kwa hoja za uzushi huo ni upepo tuu na utapita.
The Economist: Rais Magufuli ametangaza kufuta Upinzani ifikapo 2020 na kuirudisha Tanzania kuwa Nchi ya chama Kimoja
Wanabodi, nimeishawahi kusema sana humu, na sasa narudia tena, kuwa "Kauli Huumba". Kauli ya uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa na kurudiwa rudiwa, bila kukanushwa, sio kuwa uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ni ukweli, bali uongo huo unaweza kabisa kugeuka kuwa kweli, kwa sababu kauli nyingine zina...www.jamiiforums.com
Lakini kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu wa 2020, hilo jambo, hawa The Economist walilolizusha, likatokea kweli!, matokeo yake, sasa itaonekana kuwa kilichotokea kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu, ni kweli kilipangwa kabla, na The Economist walikisema, wakati kiukweli, kile The Economist walichokisema, ilikuwa ni uongo na uzushi, lakini kwa vile, hatukukanusha uongo huo na uzushi huo, kisha ukaja kutokea kiukweli kabisa, dunia italiamini jarida la Economist kuwa walisema kweli, hata kama matokeo ya uchaguzi mkuu huu, ni Watanzania wenyewe, kwa ridhaa yao, wamewakataa wapinzani, na kuichagua CCM kwa mapenzi yao, katika uchaguzi huru na wa haki, licha ya dosari ndogo ndogo, no one will belive its peoples will! ya Watanzania!, watauamini uongo ule kuwa kilichotokea kilipangwa, kikasemwa kimepangwa, kikatekelezwa na ndicho kilichotokea!.
Kwenye toleo la la wiki hii, Jarida la The Economist limeendeleza mauongo yao kuihusu Tanzania, waidanganya dunia kuwa Tanzania, inaendelea kufanya mahojiano kwa kutumia njia haramu za mateso makubwa ya Torture, na njia hizo zinatumika kuwatesa wakimbizi wa Burundi, ili kuwalazimisha kurejea nchini kwao. Japo mimi sio mtu wa ndani ya vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama, kuthibitisha au kukanusha tuhuma hizi, lakini. kwa vile ni mwandishi wa habari, niliyehudumu kwenye sekta ya habari kwa takriban miongo mitatu, hivyo ninakuwa na uwezo uitwa "insight", wa kubaini kitu cha uongo kwa kisikia au kukisoma. Hiyo insight ni uwezo unaotokana na long experiance ya uzoefu wa muda mrefu kwenye jambo fulani, hivyo mtu akisema jambo fulani la uongo, huhitaji a rocket science kumbaini anasema uongo, au ukisoma andiko la uongo, huchukui hata dakika mbili kubaini bandiko hilo ni la uongo!. Swali la kujiuliza ni hawa Jarida la The Economist, wanapata faida gani kutunga uongo wa mambo mabaya kuihusu Tanzania?, lakini pia, kwa kwanini sisi Tanzania, tunazushiwa uongo na tunanyamazia tuu uongo huu, bila kuukanusha?, au kwenye mamlaka zetu, kutokana na mauonga haya kuvurumishwa kwa ngeli, kwenye majarida na vyombo vya habari vya kimataifa, hivyo hatuna watu wenye ngeli na uwezo wa kukanusha maungo hayo kwa ngeli hizo hizo?. Sisi uwezo wetu ni kukanusha tuu maungo kwenye hivi vipeperushi vyetu vya kufungia maandazi na samaki?.
Naomba nikupeleke kwenye makala yenyenyewe nzima nzima kisha nikuchambulie, upi ni mchele, na zipi ni pumba!.
No haven
Tanzania’s police are torturing refugees from Burundi
People fleeing repression at home also face it in refugee camps
Middle East & Africa Dec 3rd 2020 editioView attachment 1642228
Dec 3rd 2020
GOMA
Even after Tanzanian policemen had hung him from the ceiling and beaten him with sticks, Crispin (not his real name) would not confess to being a rebel leader with plans to overthrow the government of neighbouring Burundi. It was only when they injected a liquid into his testicles that he caved in and said he was plotting a coup.
He was not. Some years ago Crispin was photographed at an anti-government protest in Burundi. Thugs from the ruling party’s youth wing, the Imbonerakure (“those who see far”), painted a red cross on his door and turned up one night to threaten him. So in 2016 he fled to a refugee camp in western Tanzania. But men from the Imbonerakure also stalk the camps with lists of dissidents provided by Burundian intelligence. They target them, allegedly with help from Tanzanian police. Desperate families often pay the Imbonerakure to have their relatives freed. The spoils are shared with local cops. Most of those picked up are accused of hoarding weapons or plotting against Burundi’s government.
In December last year men from the Imbonerakure turned up at Crispin’s shelter flanked by Tanzanian policemen. They bundled him into a police car and took him to a cell where he spent three months. He was released only because his wife paid 1m Tanzanian shillings ($430) to the Imbonerakure. “They said if she paid I would not be killed or returned to Burundi” to face imprisonment, he says.
Others were not able to buy their way out. Human Rights Watch (hrw), a New York-based watchdog, interviewed 18 refugees who had been arrested in camps by Tanzanian policemen in the past year. Several had been tortured. Eight of them were forcibly returned to Burundi, where they have been locked up without charge. Another rights group, cbdh/vicar, based in Rwanda, says that about 170 Burundian refugees have disappeared from Tanzania since 2015. “There seems to be collusion between the Tanzanian and Burundian authorities,” says Mausi Segun of hrw. “Several of those tortured were told that Tanzanian officials had information on them from Burundi.”
About 300,000 Burundians have fled their country since 2015 after violence broke out when the then president, Pierre Nkurunziza, said he would stand for an unconstitutional third term. Hundreds were killed. Activists, journalists and anyone who might have been spotted at a protest rushed to neighbouring countries. Around half of them went to Tanzania.
A new president, Evariste Ndayishimiye, was elected in June in a rigged poll. His government is just as scary. Gervais Ndirakobuca, the new security minister, is nicknamed “Ndakugarika”, meaning “I will kill you” in Kirundi, the local language. He earned his reputation as a rebel commander during the civil war and has worked hard to maintain it since. As police commissioner under the former president, who has since died, he was responsible for some of the bloodiecrackdowns on protesters. Because of this the eu and America have imposed sanctions on him.
With such people in the government, few refugees seem likely to believe its assurance that the country is safe and that they should return. Officials in Tanzania and Burundi drew up a secret agreement that was leaked last year. It said all refugees should “return to their country of origin whether voluntarily or not”. Some 50,000 have gone back in the past two years. Many cite insecurity in the camps, in particular arbitrary arrests, as their reason for returning. Moreover, camp authorities have threatened Burundians, saying that if they do not sign up to go home they will lose their refugee status and risk arrest. Some of those returning say that they were threatened or detained when they crossed the border. Many have fled again, but this time into safer Uganda.
Crispin has no choice but to stay in Tanzania. He has been warned by the Imbonerakure that if he tries to leave for another neighbouring country, he will be stopped at the border and sent back to Burundi. “It is terrifying to live in a country where you can be arrested at any time. I am constantly frightened,” he said. “But there is nowhere for me to go.” ■
This article appeared in the Middle East & Africa section of the print edition under the headline "No haven"
Uchambuzi wangu wa taarifa hii ni kama ufuatavyo
- Msingi wa uchambuzi wangu ni kutumia kitu kinaitwa logical progression kwa kufuata formula ya tenga la samaki, samaki mmoja akioza, wote wameoza!. Ukivua samaki asubuhi, ukawaweka kwenye tenga, ukavua wengine mchana, ukawaweka kwenye tenga lilelile, kisha ukavua wengine jioni, nao ukawaweka tenga hilo hilo, ulipofika sokoni, ile unatoa samaki mmoja, ukamuona ameanza kuoza, usijifariji kuwa huyo samaki aliyeoza ni kati ya wale samaki waliovuliwa asubuhi, hivyo akaanza kuwapekua na kuwatafuta wale waliovuliwa jioni kwa kudhani, watakuwa bado ni fresh!, huo ni kujisumbua bure, kwenye tenga la samaki, samaki mmoja akioza, wote wameoza!.
- Kanuni hiyo ndio nimeitumia kwenye hii story, hata kama ni kweli, kuna baadhi ya mambo mabaya haya yametokea, kama kwenye kuripoti, meripoti mambo ya ukweli, asilimia 99%, na ili kuikoleza story yako, ukaweka jambo moja tuu la uongo, ule uongo mmoja, unabatilisha kweli zote 99, na kuonekana yote ni uongo mtupu, kama yule samaki mmoja, anavyoozesha, samaki wote kwenye tenga la samaki.
- Uongo wa Kwanza: Kanuni kuu ya uandishi wa habari, duniani kote, "tell nothing but the truth", yaani kusema kweli daima, na kuandika ukweli mtupu. Katika kuripoti habari yoyote, ili pia habari hiyo iweze kuaminika, ni kuripoti with pictures, visuals, or actualities ili msomaji aone, kuona ni kuamini, hivyo kwenye reporting, ukifanikiwa kupiga picha, video, au kufanya mahojiano, halafu ukaweka picha, video na interviews, msomaji au mtazamaji, akiona hizo picha au video, ataamini zaidi, kuliko maandishi pekee. Ili kujenga picha mbaya ya Tanzania kwa wasomaji wao, na kuuhadaa ulimwengu kuhusu Tanzania, habari hiyo imeandamana na picha ya kutishia amani ya vurugu na kuchomwa matairi barabarani,View attachment 1642222japo picha hiyo ni picha ya tukio la kweli, lakini sio Tanzania!, wameiweka bila kuandika maelezo yoyote ya hiyo picha ili wasomaji waone ni Tanzania!. Hivyo uongo huu mmoja tuu, wa kutumia picha ya uongo, kutoka nchi zenye vurugu, na kuiripoti as if ni Tanzania, inatosha kubatilisha story yote nzima nzima, hata kama yote yaliyosemwa ni kweli yalitokea!, kuutumia uongo kuhalalisha kitu cha kweli, kunachachua ukweli wote na kuonekana wote ni uongo!.
- Uandishi unaongozwa na misingi, taratibu na kanuni, uki publish picha yoyote kwenye gazeti lolote, lazima kwanza utoe kitu kinaitwa Photo credit, ya ni nani aliyepiga hiyo, imepigwa lini, imepigwa wapi na kutoa maelezo ni kwenye tukio gani!. Sasa kwa vile story ni negative kuhusu Tanzania, wakatafuta picha mbaya kutoka huko walikotafuta, wakaipachika kwa kutoa tuu photo credits kuwa ni picha ya Reuters, lakini bila maelezo yoyote, kusema hapo ni wapi, lini au ni tukio gani, ili msomaji akisoma tuu, aone ni Tanzania!, kitu ambacho sio kweli, hiyo picha sio Tanzania!. Unaweza kuni challenge, kwa hoja kuwa maadam mimi sio ripota wa hiyo story, nimejuaje hapo sio Tanzania?, hapo sasa ndipo matumizi ya ile logical progression yanapokuja. Watanzania ni watu pisi sana!, ukiangalia huo wingi wa hayo mawe barabarani, na ukumbwa wa mawe yenyewe, na wingi wa matairi yaliyochomwa, huo ni uthibitisho, hiyo picha ni ya kutoka nchi za watu wenye vurugu. Watanzania hatuko hivyo!. Wametumia picha ya vurugu, kuchafua tuu image ya taifa letu!. Watalii ni very sensetive people, unapozungumzia Tanzania na kuweka picha kama hiyo, bila kusema hapo ni wapi na ni lini, amini usiamini, hata kama ulipanga uje Tanzania, ukishaona tuu kitu kama hicho, unaghairi, huji!.
Paskali
Achana nao, tuko vita ya kiuchumi.Wanabodi,
Kila mara nasisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwishowe uongo huo hugeuka ukweli. Na uongo ambao ni uongo mtupu, ukisemwa kuwa kitu fulani kitatokea, tusipo kanusha uongo huo, halafu hicho kitu kikaja kutokea kweli, then, kufuatia kuanuni ya matokeo, ule uongo utahesabika ndio ukweli, kwa sababu umetokea kweli. Hii ni kufuatia baadhi ya kauli, zinauwezo wa kuumba.
Mfano kuna huu uongo wa jarida hili kuhusu hili jambo la kuihusu Tanzania, ambao ulisemwa mwaka 2019. na kudaiwa kuwa litatokea Tanzania kwenye uchaguzi wa mwaka 2020. Hatukukanusha, tukanyama na kuwapuuza kwa hoja za uzushi huo ni upepo tuu na utapita.
The Economist: Rais Magufuli ametangaza kufuta Upinzani ifikapo 2020 na kuirudisha Tanzania kuwa Nchi ya chama Kimoja
Wanabodi, nimeishawahi kusema sana humu, na sasa narudia tena, kuwa "Kauli Huumba". Kauli ya uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa na kurudiwa rudiwa, bila kukanushwa, sio kuwa uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ni ukweli, bali uongo huo unaweza kabisa kugeuka kuwa kweli, kwa sababu kauli nyingine zina...www.jamiiforums.com
Lakini kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu wa 2020, hilo jambo, hawa The Economist walilolizusha, likatokea kweli!, matokeo yake, sasa itaonekana kuwa kilichotokea kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu, ni kweli kilipangwa kabla, na The Economist walikisema, wakati kiukweli, kile The Economist walichokisema, ilikuwa ni uongo na uzushi, lakini kwa vile, hatukukanusha uongo huo na uzushi huo, kisha ukaja kutokea kiukweli kabisa, dunia italiamini jarida la Economist kuwa walisema kweli, hata kama matokeo ya uchaguzi mkuu huu, ni Watanzania wenyewe, kwa ridhaa yao, wamewakataa wapinzani, na kuichagua CCM kwa mapenzi yao, katika uchaguzi huru na wa haki, licha ya dosari ndogo ndogo, no one will belive its peoples will! ya Watanzania!, watauamini uongo ule kuwa kilichotokea kilipangwa, kikasemwa kimepangwa, kikatekelezwa na ndicho kilichotokea!.
Kwenye toleo la la wiki hii, Jarida la The Economist limeendeleza mauongo yao kuihusu Tanzania, waidanganya dunia kuwa Tanzania, inaendelea kufanya mahojiano kwa kutumia njia haramu za mateso makubwa ya Torture, na njia hizo zinatumika kuwatesa wakimbizi wa Burundi, ili kuwalazimisha kurejea nchini kwao. Japo mimi sio mtu wa ndani ya vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama, kuthibitisha au kukanusha tuhuma hizi, lakini. kwa vile ni mwandishi wa habari, niliyehudumu kwenye sekta ya habari kwa takriban miongo mitatu, hivyo ninakuwa na uwezo uitwa "insight", wa kubaini kitu cha uongo kwa kisikia au kukisoma. Hiyo insight ni uwezo unaotokana na long experiance ya uzoefu wa muda mrefu kwenye jambo fulani, hivyo mtu akisema jambo fulani la uongo, huhitaji a rocket science kumbaini anasema uongo, au ukisoma andiko la uongo, huchukui hata dakika mbili kubaini bandiko hilo ni la uongo!. Swali la kujiuliza ni hawa Jarida la The Economist, wanapata faida gani kutunga uongo wa mambo mabaya kuihusu Tanzania?, lakini pia, kwa kwanini sisi Tanzania, tunazushiwa uongo na tunanyamazia tuu uongo huu, bila kuukanusha?, au kwenye mamlaka zetu, kutokana na mauonga haya kuvurumishwa kwa ngeli, kwenye majarida na vyombo vya habari vya kimataifa, hivyo hatuna watu wenye ngeli na uwezo wa kukanusha maungo hayo kwa ngeli hizo hizo?. Sisi uwezo wetu ni kukanusha tuu maungo kwenye hivi vipeperushi vyetu vya kufungia maandazi na samaki?.
Naomba nikupeleke kwenye makala yenyenyewe nzima nzima kisha nikuchambulie, upi ni mchele, na zipi ni pumba!.
No haven
Tanzania’s police are torturing refugees from Burundi
People fleeing repression at home also face it in refugee camps
Middle East & Africa Dec 3rd 2020 editioView attachment 1642228
Dec 3rd 2020
GOMA
Even after Tanzanian policemen had hung him from the ceiling and beaten him with sticks, Crispin (not his real name) would not confess to being a rebel leader with plans to overthrow the government of neighbouring Burundi. It was only when they injected a liquid into his testicles that he caved in and said he was plotting a coup.
He was not. Some years ago Crispin was photographed at an anti-government protest in Burundi. Thugs from the ruling party’s youth wing, the Imbonerakure (“those who see far”), painted a red cross on his door and turned up one night to threaten him. So in 2016 he fled to a refugee camp in western Tanzania. But men from the Imbonerakure also stalk the camps with lists of dissidents provided by Burundian intelligence. They target them, allegedly with help from Tanzanian police. Desperate families often pay the Imbonerakure to have their relatives freed. The spoils are shared with local cops. Most of those picked up are accused of hoarding weapons or plotting against Burundi’s government.
In December last year men from the Imbonerakure turned up at Crispin’s shelter flanked by Tanzanian policemen. They bundled him into a police car and took him to a cell where he spent three months. He was released only because his wife paid 1m Tanzanian shillings ($430) to the Imbonerakure. “They said if she paid I would not be killed or returned to Burundi” to face imprisonment, he says.
Others were not able to buy their way out. Human Rights Watch (hrw), a New York-based watchdog, interviewed 18 refugees who had been arrested in camps by Tanzanian policemen in the past year. Several had been tortured. Eight of them were forcibly returned to Burundi, where they have been locked up without charge. Another rights group, cbdh/vicar, based in Rwanda, says that about 170 Burundian refugees have disappeared from Tanzania since 2015. “There seems to be collusion between the Tanzanian and Burundian authorities,” says Mausi Segun of hrw. “Several of those tortured were told that Tanzanian officials had information on them from Burundi.”
About 300,000 Burundians have fled their country since 2015 after violence broke out when the then president, Pierre Nkurunziza, said he would stand for an unconstitutional third term. Hundreds were killed. Activists, journalists and anyone who might have been spotted at a protest rushed to neighbouring countries. Around half of them went to Tanzania.
A new president, Evariste Ndayishimiye, was elected in June in a rigged poll. His government is just as scary. Gervais Ndirakobuca, the new security minister, is nicknamed “Ndakugarika”, meaning “I will kill you” in Kirundi, the local language. He earned his reputation as a rebel commander during the civil war and has worked hard to maintain it since. As police commissioner under the former president, who has since died, he was responsible for some of the bloodiecrackdowns on protesters. Because of this the eu and America have imposed sanctions on him.
With such people in the government, few refugees seem likely to believe its assurance that the country is safe and that they should return. Officials in Tanzania and Burundi drew up a secret agreement that was leaked last year. It said all refugees should “return to their country of origin whether voluntarily or not”. Some 50,000 have gone back in the past two years. Many cite insecurity in the camps, in particular arbitrary arrests, as their reason for returning. Moreover, camp authorities have threatened Burundians, saying that if they do not sign up to go home they will lose their refugee status and risk arrest. Some of those returning say that they were threatened or detained when they crossed the border. Many have fled again, but this time into safer Uganda.
Crispin has no choice but to stay in Tanzania. He has been warned by the Imbonerakure that if he tries to leave for another neighbouring country, he will be stopped at the border and sent back to Burundi. “It is terrifying to live in a country where you can be arrested at any time. I am constantly frightened,” he said. “But there is nowhere for me to go.” ■
This article appeared in the Middle East & Africa section of the print edition under the headline "No haven"
Uchambuzi wangu wa taarifa hii ni kama ufuatavyo
- Msingi wa uchambuzi wangu ni kutumia kitu kinaitwa logical progression kwa kufuata formula ya tenga la samaki, samaki mmoja akioza, wote wameoza!. Ukivua samaki asubuhi, ukawaweka kwenye tenga, ukavua wengine mchana, ukawaweka kwenye tenga lilelile, kisha ukavua wengine jioni, nao ukawaweka tenga hilo hilo, ulipofika sokoni, ile unatoa samaki mmoja, ukamuona ameanza kuoza, usijifariji kuwa huyo samaki aliyeoza ni kati ya wale samaki waliovuliwa asubuhi, hivyo akaanza kuwapekua na kuwatafuta wale waliovuliwa jioni kwa kudhani, watakuwa bado ni fresh!, huo ni kujisumbua bure, kwenye tenga la samaki, samaki mmoja akioza, wote wameoza!.
- Kanuni hiyo ndio nimeitumia kwenye hii story, hata kama ni kweli, kuna baadhi ya mambo mabaya haya yametokea, kama kwenye kuripoti, meripoti mambo ya ukweli, asilimia 99%, na ili kuikoleza story yako, ukaweka jambo moja tuu la uongo, ule uongo mmoja, unabatilisha kweli zote 99, na kuonekana yote ni uongo mtupu, kama yule samaki mmoja, anavyoozesha, samaki wote kwenye tenga la samaki.
- Uongo wa Kwanza: Kanuni kuu ya uandishi wa habari, duniani kote, "tell nothing but the truth", yaani kusema kweli daima, na kuandika ukweli mtupu. Katika kuripoti habari yoyote, ili pia habari hiyo iweze kuaminika, ni kuripoti with pictures, visuals, or actualities ili msomaji aone, kuona ni kuamini, hivyo kwenye reporting, ukifanikiwa kupiga picha, video, au kufanya mahojiano, halafu ukaweka picha, video na interviews, msomaji au mtazamaji, akiona hizo picha au video, ataamini zaidi, kuliko maandishi pekee. Ili kujenga picha mbaya ya Tanzania kwa wasomaji wao, na kuuhadaa ulimwengu kuhusu Tanzania, habari hiyo imeandamana na picha ya kutishia amani ya vurugu na kuchomwa matairi barabarani,View attachment 1642222japo picha hiyo ni picha ya tukio la kweli, lakini sio Tanzania!, wameiweka bila kuandika maelezo yoyote ya hiyo picha ili wasomaji waone ni Tanzania!. Hivyo uongo huu mmoja tuu, wa kutumia picha ya uongo, kutoka nchi zenye vurugu, na kuiripoti as if ni Tanzania, inatosha kubatilisha story yote nzima nzima, hata kama yote yaliyosemwa ni kweli yalitokea!, kuutumia uongo kuhalalisha kitu cha kweli, kunachachua ukweli wote na kuonekana wote ni uongo!.
- Uandishi unaongozwa na misingi, taratibu na kanuni, uki publish picha yoyote kwenye gazeti lolote, lazima kwanza utoe kitu kinaitwa Photo credit, ya ni nani aliyepiga hiyo, imepigwa lini, imepigwa wapi na kutoa maelezo ni kwenye tukio gani!. Sasa kwa vile story ni negative kuhusu Tanzania, wakatafuta picha mbaya kutoka huko walikotafuta, wakaipachika kwa kutoa tuu photo credits kuwa ni picha ya Reuters, lakini bila maelezo yoyote, kusema hapo ni wapi, lini au ni tukio gani, ili msomaji akisoma tuu, aone ni Tanzania!, kitu ambacho sio kweli, hiyo picha sio Tanzania!. Unaweza kuni challenge, kwa hoja kuwa maadam mimi sio ripota wa hiyo story, nimejuaje hapo sio Tanzania?, hapo sasa ndipo matumizi ya ile logical progression yanapokuja. Watanzania ni watu pisi sana!, ukiangalia huo wingi wa hayo mawe barabarani, na ukumbwa wa mawe yenyewe, na wingi wa matairi yaliyochomwa, huo ni uthibitisho, hiyo picha ni ya kutoka nchi za watu wenye vurugu. Watanzania hatuko hivyo!. Wametumia picha ya vurugu, kuchafua tuu image ya taifa letu!. Watalii ni very sensetive people, unapozungumzia Tanzania na kuweka picha kama hiyo, bila kusema hapo ni wapi na ni lini, amini usiamini, hata kama ulipanga uje Tanzania, ukishaona tuu kitu kama hicho, unaghairi, huji!.
- Ili mwandishi kuandika habari yoyote, kitu cha kwanza ni unapata kitu kinachoitwa "news tip", hii ni kutoka kwa mtu anayekutonya habari fulani, kwa sisi waandishi experienced, unajikuta una "nose for news" yaani pua yako ina uwezo mkubwa wa kunusa habari, baada ya tip, unatafuta news lead, uanzie wapi. Yule mtoa habari wako anaitwa "source", katika kuandika habari yoyote yenye tuhuma nzito, kwanza inamtaka mwandishi kujiridhisha na ukweli wa huyo source wake. Ukiisha kamilisha kumhoji, unatakiwa kabla hujaichapisha hiyo habari, usitegemee just a single source, lazima ufanye verification, kuzithibitisha hizo tuhuma, kwa kufanya double checking na cross checking. Hii habari ya The Economist, imemtumia source mmoja tuu mwanzo mwisho!, hivyo kama source ni muongo, anakuingiza chaka, it's very unprofession kutumia just a single source kwa tuhuma nzito kama hii.
Paskali
Wamarekani kupitia CDC wameiweka Tanzania kama nchi ya hatari sana kwa kuwa na maambukizi ya Covid19. Na Tanzania iko level 4;Achana nao, tuko vita ya kiuchumi.
Kila baya tuta singiziwa, hatubabaiki wala hatushtuki.
Hata waliouawa haukujutia wala kusikitika, uliona ni sawa tu.Wanabodi,
Kila mara nasisitiza humu, uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa kujirudia rudia bila kukanushwa, mwishowe uongo huo hugeuka ukweli. Na uongo ambao ni uongo mtupu, ukisemwa kuwa kitu fulani kitatokea, tusipo kanusha uongo huo, halafu hicho kitu kikaja kutokea kweli, then, kufuatia kuanuni ya matokeo, ule uongo utahesabika ndio ukweli, kwa sababu umetokea kweli. Hii ni kufuatia baadhi ya kauli, zinauwezo wa kuumba.
Mfano kuna huu uongo wa jarida hili kuhusu hili jambo la kuihusu Tanzania, ambao ulisemwa mwaka 2019. na kudaiwa kuwa litatokea Tanzania kwenye uchaguzi wa mwaka 2020. Hatukukanusha, tukanyama na kuwapuuza kwa hoja za uzushi huo ni upepo tuu na utapita.
The Economist: Rais Magufuli ametangaza kufuta Upinzani ifikapo 2020 na kuirudisha Tanzania kuwa Nchi ya chama Kimoja
Wanabodi, nimeishawahi kusema sana humu, na sasa narudia tena, kuwa "Kauli Huumba". Kauli ya uongo ukisemwa sana, na kuachwa na kurudiwa rudiwa, bila kukanushwa, sio kuwa uongo huo unaweza kuonekana kama ni ukweli, bali uongo huo unaweza kabisa kugeuka kuwa kweli, kwa sababu kauli nyingine zina...www.jamiiforums.com
Lakini kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu wa 2020, hilo jambo, hawa The Economist walilolizusha, likatokea kweli!, matokeo yake, sasa itaonekana kuwa kilichotokea kwenye uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka huu, ni kweli kilipangwa kabla, na The Economist walikisema, wakati kiukweli, kile The Economist walichokisema, ilikuwa ni uongo na uzushi, lakini kwa vile, hatukukanusha uongo huo na uzushi huo, kisha ukaja kutokea kiukweli kabisa, dunia italiamini jarida la Economist kuwa walisema kweli, hata kama matokeo ya uchaguzi mkuu huu, ni Watanzania wenyewe, kwa ridhaa yao, wamewakataa wapinzani, na kuichagua CCM kwa mapenzi yao, katika uchaguzi huru na wa haki, licha ya dosari ndogo ndogo, no one will belive its peoples will! ya Watanzania!, watauamini uongo ule kuwa kilichotokea kilipangwa, kikasemwa kimepangwa, kikatekelezwa na ndicho kilichotokea!.
Kwenye toleo la la wiki hii, Jarida la The Economist limeendeleza mauongo yao kuihusu Tanzania, waidanganya dunia kuwa Tanzania, inaendelea kufanya mahojiano kwa kutumia njia haramu za mateso makubwa ya Torture, na njia hizo zinatumika kuwatesa wakimbizi wa Burundi, ili kuwalazimisha kurejea nchini kwao. Japo mimi sio mtu wa ndani ya vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama, kuthibitisha au kukanusha tuhuma hizi, lakini. kwa vile ni mwandishi wa habari, niliyehudumu kwenye sekta ya habari kwa takriban miongo mitatu, hivyo ninakuwa na uwezo uitwa "insight", wa kubaini kitu cha uongo kwa kisikia au kukisoma. Hiyo insight ni uwezo unaotokana na long experiance ya uzoefu wa muda mrefu kwenye jambo fulani, hivyo mtu akisema jambo fulani la uongo, huhitaji a rocket science kumbaini anasema uongo, au ukisoma andiko la uongo, huchukui hata dakika mbili kubaini bandiko hilo ni la uongo!. Swali la kujiuliza ni hawa Jarida la The Economist, wanapata faida gani kutunga uongo wa mambo mabaya kuihusu Tanzania?, lakini pia, kwa kwanini sisi Tanzania, tunazushiwa uongo na tunanyamazia tuu uongo huu, bila kuukanusha?, au kwenye mamlaka zetu, kutokana na mauonga haya kuvurumishwa kwa ngeli, kwenye majarida na vyombo vya habari vya kimataifa, hivyo hatuna watu wenye ngeli na uwezo wa kukanusha maungo hayo kwa ngeli hizo hizo?. Sisi uwezo wetu ni kukanusha tuu maungo kwenye hivi vipeperushi vyetu vya kufungia maandazi na samaki?.
Naomba nikupeleke kwenye makala yenyenyewe nzima nzima kisha nikuchambulie, upi ni mchele, na zipi ni pumba!.
No haven
Tanzania’s police are torturing refugees from Burundi
People fleeing repression at home also face it in refugee camps
Middle East & Africa Dec 3rd 2020 editioView attachment 1642228
Dec 3rd 2020
GOMA
Even after Tanzanian policemen had hung him from the ceiling and beaten him with sticks, Crispin (not his real name) would not confess to being a rebel leader with plans to overthrow the government of neighbouring Burundi. It was only when they injected a liquid into his testicles that he caved in and said he was plotting a coup.
He was not. Some years ago Crispin was photographed at an anti-government protest in Burundi. Thugs from the ruling party’s youth wing, the Imbonerakure (“those who see far”), painted a red cross on his door and turned up one night to threaten him. So in 2016 he fled to a refugee camp in western Tanzania. But men from the Imbonerakure also stalk the camps with lists of dissidents provided by Burundian intelligence. They target them, allegedly with help from Tanzanian police. Desperate families often pay the Imbonerakure to have their relatives freed. The spoils are shared with local cops. Most of those picked up are accused of hoarding weapons or plotting against Burundi’s government.
In December last year men from the Imbonerakure turned up at Crispin’s shelter flanked by Tanzanian policemen. They bundled him into a police car and took him to a cell where he spent three months. He was released only because his wife paid 1m Tanzanian shillings ($430) to the Imbonerakure. “They said if she paid I would not be killed or returned to Burundi” to face imprisonment, he says.
Others were not able to buy their way out. Human Rights Watch (hrw), a New York-based watchdog, interviewed 18 refugees who had been arrested in camps by Tanzanian policemen in the past year. Several had been tortured. Eight of them were forcibly returned to Burundi, where they have been locked up without charge. Another rights group, cbdh/vicar, based in Rwanda, says that about 170 Burundian refugees have disappeared from Tanzania since 2015. “There seems to be collusion between the Tanzanian and Burundian authorities,” says Mausi Segun of hrw. “Several of those tortured were told that Tanzanian officials had information on them from Burundi.”
About 300,000 Burundians have fled their country since 2015 after violence broke out when the then president, Pierre Nkurunziza, said he would stand for an unconstitutional third term. Hundreds were killed. Activists, journalists and anyone who might have been spotted at a protest rushed to neighbouring countries. Around half of them went to Tanzania.
A new president, Evariste Ndayishimiye, was elected in June in a rigged poll. His government is just as scary. Gervais Ndirakobuca, the new security minister, is nicknamed “Ndakugarika”, meaning “I will kill you” in Kirundi, the local language. He earned his reputation as a rebel commander during the civil war and has worked hard to maintain it since. As police commissioner under the former president, who has since died, he was responsible for some of the bloodiecrackdowns on protesters. Because of this the eu and America have imposed sanctions on him.
With such people in the government, few refugees seem likely to believe its assurance that the country is safe and that they should return. Officials in Tanzania and Burundi drew up a secret agreement that was leaked last year. It said all refugees should “return to their country of origin whether voluntarily or not”. Some 50,000 have gone back in the past two years. Many cite insecurity in the camps, in particular arbitrary arrests, as their reason for returning. Moreover, camp authorities have threatened Burundians, saying that if they do not sign up to go home they will lose their refugee status and risk arrest. Some of those returning say that they were threatened or detained when they crossed the border. Many have fled again, but this time into safer Uganda.
Crispin has no choice but to stay in Tanzania. He has been warned by the Imbonerakure that if he tries to leave for another neighbouring country, he will be stopped at the border and sent back to Burundi. “It is terrifying to live in a country where you can be arrested at any time. I am constantly frightened,” he said. “But there is nowhere for me to go.” ■
This article appeared in the Middle East & Africa section of the print edition under the headline "No haven"
Uchambuzi wangu wa taarifa hii ni kama ufuatavyo
- Msingi wa uchambuzi wangu ni kutumia kitu kinaitwa logical progression kwa kufuata formula ya tenga la samaki, samaki mmoja akioza, wote wameoza!. Ukivua samaki asubuhi, ukawaweka kwenye tenga, ukavua wengine mchana, ukawaweka kwenye tenga lilelile, kisha ukavua wengine jioni, nao ukawaweka tenga hilo hilo, ulipofika sokoni, ile unatoa samaki mmoja, ukamuona ameanza kuoza, usijifariji kuwa huyo samaki aliyeoza ni kati ya wale samaki waliovuliwa asubuhi, hivyo akaanza kuwapekua na kuwatafuta wale waliovuliwa jioni kwa kudhani, watakuwa bado ni fresh!, huo ni kujisumbua bure, kwenye tenga la samaki, samaki mmoja akioza, wote wameoza!.
- Kanuni hiyo ndio nimeitumia kwenye hii story, hata kama ni kweli, kuna baadhi ya mambo mabaya haya yametokea, kama kwenye kuripoti, meripoti mambo ya ukweli, asilimia 99%, na ili kuikoleza story yako, ukaweka jambo moja tuu la uongo, ule uongo mmoja, unabatilisha kweli zote 99, na kuonekana yote ni uongo mtupu, kama yule samaki mmoja, anavyoozesha, samaki wote kwenye tenga la samaki.
- Ili habari yoyote iwe ni habari kamilifu na timilifu, inapaswa kuwa na sifa kuu 4.
- Truthfulness
- Objectivity
- Impartiality
- Balancing
- Uongo wa Kwanza: Habari hiyo haina Truthfulness, ukweli, hivyo ni habari ya uongo!. Truthfulness ndio kanuni kuu ya uandishi wa habari, duniani kote, "tell nothing but the truth", yaani kusema kweli daima, na kuandika ukweli mtupu. Katika kuripoti habari yoyote, ili pia habari hiyo iweze kuaminika, ni kuripoti with pictures, visuals, or actualities ili msomaji aone, kuona ni kuamini, hivyo kwenye reporting, ukifanikiwa kupiga picha, video, au kufanya mahojiano, halafu ukaweka picha, video na interviews, msomaji au mtazamaji, akiona hizo picha au video, ataamini zaidi, kuliko maandishi pekee. Ili kujenga picha mbaya ya Tanzania kwa wasomaji wao, na kuuhadaa ulimwengu kuhusu Tanzania, habari hiyo imeandamana na picha ya kutishia amani ya vurugu na kuchomwa matairi barabarani,View attachment 1642222japo picha hiyo ni picha ya tukio la kweli, lakini sio Tanzania!, wameiweka bila kuandika maelezo yoyote ya hiyo picha ili wasomaji waone ni Tanzania!. Hivyo uongo huu mmoja tuu, wa kutumia picha ya uongo, kutoka nchi zenye vurugu, na kuiripoti as if ni Tanzania, inatosha kubatilisha story yote nzima nzima, hata kama yote yaliyosemwa ni kweli yalitokea!, kuutumia uongo kuhalalisha kitu cha kweli, kunachachua ukweli wote na kuonekana wote ni uongo!.
- Uandishi unaongozwa na misingi, taratibu na kanuni, uki publish picha yoyote kwenye gazeti lolote, lazima kwanza utoe kitu kinaitwa Photo credit, ya ni nani aliyepiga hiyo, imepigwa lini, imepigwa wapi na kutoa maelezo ni kwenye tukio gani!. Sasa kwa vile story ni negative kuhusu Tanzania, wakatafuta picha mbaya kutoka huko walikotafuta, wakaipachika kwa kutoa tuu photo credits kuwa ni picha ya Reuters, lakini bila maelezo yoyote, kusema hapo ni wapi, lini au ni tukio gani, ili msomaji akisoma tuu, aone ni Tanzania!, kitu ambacho sio kweli, hiyo picha sio Tanzania!. Unaweza kuni challenge, kwa hoja kuwa maadam mimi sio ripota wa hiyo story, nimejuaje hapo sio Tanzania?, hapo sasa ndipo matumizi ya ile logical progression yanapokuja. Watanzania ni watu pisi sana!, ukiangalia huo wingi wa hayo mawe barabarani, na ukumbwa wa mawe yenyewe, na wingi wa matairi yaliyochomwa, huo ni uthibitisho, hiyo picha ni ya kutoka nchi za watu wenye vurugu. Watanzania hatuko hivyo!. Wametumia picha ya vurugu, kuchafua tuu image ya taifa letu!. Watalii ni very sensitive people, unapozungumzia Tanzania na kuweka picha kama hiyo, bila kusema hapo ni wapi na ni lini, amini usiamini, hata kama ulipanga uje Tanzania, ukishaona tuu kitu kama hicho, unaghairi, huji!.
- Ili mwandishi kuandika habari yoyote, kitu cha kwanza ni unapata kitu kinachoitwa "news tip", hii ni kutoka kwa mtu anayekutonya habari fulani, kwa sisi waandishi experienced, unajikuta una "nose for news" yaani pua yako ina uwezo mkubwa wa kunusa habari, baada ya tip, unatafuta news lead, uanzie wapi. Yule mtoa habari wako anaitwa "source", katika kuandika habari yoyote yenye tuhuma nzito, kwanza inamtaka mwandishi kujiridhisha na ukweli wa huyo source wake. Ukiisha kamilisha kumhoji, unatakiwa kabla hujaichapisha hiyo habari, usitegemee just a single source, lazima ufanye verification, kuzithibitisha hizo tuhuma, kwa kufanya double checking na cross checking. Hii habari ya The Economist, imemtumia source mmoja tuu mwanzo mwisho!, hivyo kama source ni muongo, anakuingiza chaka, it's very unprofession kutumia just a single source kwa tuhuma nzito kama hii, hivyo habari hii imeegemea upande mmoja, sio impartial, haina impartiality!.
- Baada ya kuipata habari na mwandishi kuandika, anafanya kitu kinachoitwa, objectivity consideration, kwa mwandishi unajiuliza hii habari ina malengo gani?, msomaji akisoma atapata picha gani, kwa vile hili jarida, kila siku linaripoti taarifa negative tuu kuhusu Tanzania, na hili niliwahi kulizungumzia, https://www.jamiiforums.com/threads...-hakuna-mazuri-yotote-ya-kuyaangazia.1471986/ , hivyo mwandishi ameripoti with malice aforethought kwa kutafuta negative stories tuu kuhusu Tanzania, hivyo habari hiyo kukosa objectivity.
- Ukipata habari yoyote ya tuhuma za upande mmoja, maadili yanatufundisha usiripoti one sided story, lazima uutafute upande wa pili na kuusikia ili kuibalance story yako. Na kwa vile hii tuhuma, inahusu mambo nyeti ya kuhusisha vyombo vya usalama, then mwandishi alipaswa kuibalance story yake kwa kupata the authoritative source, wa kwanza ni mtu wa UNHCR kuthibitisha hizo tuhuma, wa pili ni RPC wa eneo husika kuthibitisha, hilo tukio limetokea. Hili halikufanyika, hivyo hiyo sio balanced story, imekosa balance, hivyo ku justify ile hoja ya malice aforethought.
Paskali
Wew maneno yako hayo umefanyia research wap?, Ushawah kufika kambi ya wakimbizi yoyote, # mm hometown n kigoma# huwa tuanongea nao na sijawah sikia kitu Kama hichi na kinacuoendana na hiki, tatzo some black people they think that white people are Gods, kwamba walichosema hakuna kukichakata kichwan n kukiamin tuu na kukihubiriKama wanadanganya wewe inakuuma nini, maana siku zote ukweli hujitenga, unaweweseka nini bruh, the world already knows what you people have done to those innocent immigrants
Mashirika ya haki za binadamu yamefanya investigations yamekuja na ripoti za kuaminika nyie mnakuja na propaganda
Pascal wewe unabehave as if hukwenda shule kabisaaaa
Stand on the truth at list once hata kama unaabundu chaiperson