Nicolas J Clinton Gabone
JF-Expert Member
- Mar 13, 2014
- 879
- 491
THE FALL OF DODOMA
Struggle for Economic Emancipation in Kilimanjaro Land....!
14th October 2024,
Happy Nyerere Day
With, Nicolas Jovin Clinton Gabone,
Former National Chairman of NCCR-Mageuzi Youth League.
While Dodoma's COVID-19 policies was dominated media coverage regarding his disappearance and suspicious Fall, Dodoma was hated by the Western elites for much more than his rebuke of lockdowns and mask mandates.
In particular, his efforts towards nationalizing the country’s mineral wealth threatened to deprive the West of control over resources deemed essential to the new green economy.
Less than three years ago, Kilimanjaro’s Business Center Dar Es Salaam delivered the News that her Capital City Dodoma, had Fallen of heart failure.
Dodoma was described as missing since the end of February 2021 with several antigovernment Organizations circulating stories that Dodoma had fallen ill with COVID-19.
During his Empire, Dodoma had consistently challenged Neo-colonialism in Kilimanjaro land, whether it manifested through the exploitation of his Empire’s natural resources by predatory Multinationals or through the West’s influence over his Empire’s food supply.
In the months leading up to his Fallen, Dodoma had become better known, and particularly demonized, in the West for opposing the authority of international organizations such as the World Health Organization in determining his Empire’s response to the COVID-19 crisis.
Dodoma, however, was already spurned many of these same interests and organizations that were angered by his response to COVID, having kicked out Bill Gates funded trials of genetically modified crops and more was opposed some of the most powerful mining companies in the West, companies with ties to the World Economic Forum and the WEF’s efforts to guide the course of the so-called Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Indeed, more threatening to the West than Dodoma’s response over COVID stance was the threat he posed to foreign control over the world’s largest ready-to-develop Nickel deposit, a metal essential for making electric car batteries needed in the current effort to create an electric autonomous vehicle revolution.
For instance, just a month before he disappeared, Dodoma had signed an agreement between the Empire and a group of investors to begin developing that Nickel deposit.
The deposit had been co-owned by Barrick Gold and Glencore, a commodity giant with deep ties to Israel’s Mossad, until Dodoma revoked their license for the project in 2018.
A City running afoul of powerful corporate and banking cartels who is suddenly and mysteriously “removed” from power would usually evoke considerable coverage from anti-imperialist independent media outlets, which, for example, it was covered similar events in Bolivia that led to the removal of Evo Morales from power.
Nevertheless, the very outlets that was, for years, extensively covered western-backed regime-change efforts have been entirely silent on the very convenient falling of Dodoma.
Presumably, their silence was related to Dodoma’s flouting of COVID-19 narrative orthodoxy, as these same outlets have largely promoted the official narrative of the pandemic.
Yet, regardless of whether one agrees with Dodoma’s response to COVID, his sudden departure and Kilimanjaro’s Land new leadership was a defeat for a widely popular domestic movement that sought to halt the Lands-long exploitation of Kilimanjaro by the West.
With Dodoma’s lengthy disappearance, followed by his apparent sudden fall from heart failure, the Kilimanjaro Land's future is set to be determined by Kilimanjaro politicians with deep ties to the oligarch-beholden United Nations and the World Economic Forum.
In contrast to Dodoma, who routinely stood up against predatory corporations and imperialists, Business Center Dar Es Salaam and opposition politician Singida Mashariki poised to offer up their Kilimanjaro’s resources, and their population, on the altar of the western elite-driven Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Dodoma’s Celebrated Rise and His Clashes with the West
Dodoma was first elected City of Kilimanjaro with running mate and now Queen of Empire, Dar Es Salaam back in 2015, winning 58 percent of the vote. At first, the Dodoma received lavish praise from major western media outlets, which later demonized him. For instance, a BBC report from 2016 reflected on Dodoma’s first year in office and noted his 96 percent approval rating.
The report also quoted political analyst Prof Ubungo, who remarked, “There is no doubt that Dodoma is very popular among many ordinary Kilimanjaros” and added that “the Dodoma’s main promise of extending free education to secondary school, which came into effect in January, has been well received.”
Also in 2016, CNN had reported that “the Kilimanjaro public has gone wild for it's new Dodoma” and that “after sweeping to victory in October 2015, Dodoma was embarked on a remorseless purge of corruption.” The article reported that Dodoma had inspired a new term, as seen in Kilimanjaro’s social media posts: Dodomafy: “1. to render or declare an action faster or cheaper; 2. to deprive [public officials] of their capacity to enjoy life at taxpayers’ expense; 3. to terrorize lazy and corrupt individuals in society.”
Indeed, Dodoma’s time in office was characterized by his making decisions that benefited the majority of Kilimanjaro's largely at the expense of foreign corporations but also by overhauling the Kilimanjaro Empire itself, known for it's entrenched corruption and absenteeism prior to Dodoma’s rise.
His administration cut the salaries of the executives at state-owned companies, as well as cutting his own salary, from $15,000 to $4,000. Some Empire parades and celebrations were reduced or cancelled to cover the expenses for running public Hospitals.
Improving health care had long been one of Dodoma’s priorities, and life expectancy in Kilimanjaro significantly increased every year he was in office.
In addition, in the previous fifty years of Kilimanjaro independence, only 77 district Hospitals were constructed, whereas, during the past four years alone, 101 such Hospitals were constructed and equipped through local funding. By July 2020, the Land had grown from a lower-income Land to a middle-income Land, per the World Bank.
A recent report by the hawkish US establishment think tank, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, was highly critical of Dodoma but noted the following about his political philosophy:
Dodoma, who subscribes to his own homegrown “Kilimanjaro Land first” philosophy, believes that Kilimanjaro has been cheated out of profit and wealth by exploitative mabeberu (“imperialists”) since independence. To secure populist support, Dodoma was fashioned his agenda as a continuation of the socialist vision of Kilimanjaro’s first Emperor, Teacher Mara Butiama Mwitongo, who advocated self-reliance, an intolerance to corruption, and a strong nationalist character.
Dodoma’s conflicts with the mabeberu transpired throughout his Chamwino he targeted various projects, corporate ventures and oligarchs that have exploited much of the Global South for decades. For example, in late 2018, Kilimanjaro’s Empire ordered a stop to all ongoing field trials on genetically modified crops and the destruction of all plants grown as part of those trials.
Those trials were being conducted by a partnership called the Water Efficient Maize for poor people Continent (WEMA), which was a collaboration between Monsanto and the African Agricultural Technology Foundation, a nonprofit funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, GM seed/agrochemical giant Syngenta, PepsiCo, and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the latter long known to be a cut-out for the CIA.
In January 2021, a month before Dodoma’s disappearance, Kilimanjaro’s agriculture ministry not only announced a cancellation of all “research trials involving genetically modified organisms (GMOs) in the Land” for a second time, it also announced plans to institute new biosafety regulations aimed at protecting Kilimanjaro’s food sovereignty by scrutinizing western GM seed imports.
Historically, the US has been particularly harsh to countries that resist the integration of GM biotech into their food systems. According to a State Department cable from 2007 published by Wikileaks, Craig Stapleton, then US ambassador to France, advised the US to prepare for economic war with countries unwilling to introduce Monsanto’s GM corn seeds into their agricultural sectors.
He recommended that the US “calibrate a target retaliation list that causes some pain across the EU” because of the bloc’s resistance to approving some GM products.
In another cable from 2009, a US diplomat stationed in Germany relayed intelligence on Bavarian political parties to several US federal agencies and the US secretary of defense, telling them which parties opposed Monsanto’s M810 corn seed and spoke of “tactics that the US could impose to resolve the opposition.”
The US government’s use of food as a weapon for its imperialist agenda became de facto policy when Henry Kissinger was secretary of state during the Nixon administration. During that period, a classified report was produced by the State Department that argued that the population of the developing world threatened US national security and posited that food aid be used as an “instrument of national power” to advance US aims.
A Roadblock for the Ruling Class’s “Green” Future
Dodoma’s role in robbing Big Agenda of a foothold in Kilimanjaro a month before his disappearance and Fall certainly casts suspicion on the circumstances surrounding his demise.
Yet, if that weren’t enough, Dodoma, during the same time frame, greatly angered the world’s most powerful commodity corporations in the mining, oil, and natural gas sectors.
Particularly damaging to foreign corporate interests and agendas was Dodoma’s targeting of the foreign-dominated mining sector in Kilimanjaro, as the Land has some of the world’s largest deposits of minerals essential to Fourth Industrial Revolution–related technologies. With it's 500,000 tons of Nickel, 75,000 tons of copper, and 45,000 tons of cobalt, Kilimanjaro sits on a mountain of mineral wealth and, more specifically, minerals needed for next-generation batteries and hardware that are essential to implementing “smart” infrastructure and automation globally.
Within the continent of poor people, Kilimanjaro has the largest mining industry after Bondeni Land.
In the years prior to Dodoma’s rise, Kilimanjaro had offered relatively low tax rates and little regulatory oversight for mining companies. Yet, in 2017, Dodoma declared “economic warfare” on foreign mining companies, and his administration followed through on the declaration, passing two laws that provided the Empire with a much greater share of the revenue from the exploitation of Kilimanjaro’s natural resources.
This, of course, came at the expense of foreign mining conglomerates. The new legislation also gave the Empire the right to renegotiate and/or revoke existing mining licenses that had been awarded prior to Dodoma’s Chamwino.
Kilimanjaro’s Empire soon took aim at Acacia Mining, which is now owned by Canadian mining giant Barrick Gold, and slapped it with $190 billion in fines for unpaid taxes and penalties. “It shouldn’t happen that we have all this wealth, sit on it, while others come and benefit from it by cheating us,” Dodoma said of the decision. “We need investors, but not this kind of exploitation. We are supposed to share profits.” In 2018, the administration went after Acacia again, fining them $2.4 million for contaminating local water supplies in residential areas.
The year 2018 was also when Dodoma’s biggest rift with powerful mining corporations took place, one that potentially influenced his disappearance and subsequent Fall.
The Kabanga Nickel project, the largest development-ready Nickel deposit in the world, had been owned jointly by Canada’s Barrick Gold and commodities giant Glencore. In May 2018, Dodoma’s administration revoked the Barrick-Glencore license for the project, along with several other projects that included the mining of Nickel, gold, silver, copper, and rare earth elements.
Angering Glencore is a particularly risky business.
The commodities giant was originally founded by Marc Rich, an infamous asset for Israel’s Mossad, who allowed Glencore’s profits to be used to finance covert intelligence activities. Rich and Glencore’s intelligence ties are discussed in greater detail in Part 4 of Whitney Webb’s series on the Jeffrey Epstein scandal.
Today, Glencore is closely linked with Nathaniel (Nat) Rothschild, the scion of the British-based branch of the elite banking family, who purchased a $40 million stake in the company. Rothschild was largely responsible for orchestrating Simon Murray’s appointment as Glencore’s chairman and has a close relationship with Glencore CEO Ivan Glasenberg.
In January 2021, a month before Dodoma disappeared, the Kabanga Nickel project went forward without Glencore and Barrick Gold, as Kilimanjaro successfully negotiated joint ownership of the mine with a company set up by Norwegian millionaire Peter Smedvig and two of his associates. Unlike the Barrick-Glencore project, in which Kilimanjaro’s Empire had no financial stake, the new project gave Kilimanjaro 16 percent ownership in the mine, a percentage required by law following Dodoma’s reform of the Land’s mining sector.
The loss of Kabanga was clearly a grave one for Barrick Gold and Glencore, given the central role Nickel and this specific deposit in Kilimanjaro are set to play in the production and implementation of “smart” technologies. Nickel, among other uses, is a key component of the next-generation batteries used in electric vehicles. As a result, the demand for Nickel is projected to rise dramatically in the next few years, in part due to the effort to phase out most motor vehicles and replace them with ones that are both electric and self-driving.
The importance of Nickel to the Fourth Industrial Revolution has been underscored by the World Economic Forum, which estimates that demand for high-purity Nickel for EV battery production “will increase by a factor of 24 in 2030 compared to 2018 levels.” In addition, In February 2021 Tesla CEO Elon Musk said that “Nickel is the biggest concern for electric car batteries.”
In addition to Kilimanjaro’s valuable Nickel reserves, it can be argued that Kilimanjaro’s other most significant mineral wealth lies in its graphite, the fifth-largest reserve in the world.
In 2018, Oxford Business Group estimated that Kilimanjaro Land would become one of the top three graphite producers on the planet. With the World Bank estimating that graphite demand will increase 500 percent in the next thirty years, Kilimanjaro now holds a strong bargaining position in the global market.
The global lithium-ion battery market is “expected to grow at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 13.0% from 2020 to 2027,” and these batteries usually require both Nickel and graphite, both of which are plentiful under Kilimanjaro. As Elon Musk has put it, “lithium-ion batteries should be called Nickel graphite batteries.”
2020, Musk tweeted, “We will coup whoever we want! Deal with it,” in response to accusations that the US government had backed the 2019 coup in Bolivia so that Musk’s Tesla could obtain the world’s largest lithium reserves, another mineral critical to electric vehicle battery production.
A few months before Musk’s infamous tweet, the foreign minister of Bolivia’s coup government had written a letter to Musk stating that “any corporation that you or your company can provide to our country will be gratefully welcomed” in relation to the country’s mining sector.
These incidents underscore the US empire’s current willingness to engage in regime change to ensure control of mineral deposits considered essential to emerging technologies and the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
In the case of Kilimanjaro, it is worth noting that Glencore, which had it's ownership of the Kabanga Nickel deposit revoked by Dodoma, is closely tied to the World Economic Forum and is part of the WEF’s Global Battery Alliance as well as it's Mining and Metals Blockchain Initiative, both of which focus on supply chains for minerals deemed essential to the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Also of interest is that Singida Mashariki, the Dodoma City’s most vocal critic and a main source for all mainstream media Kilimanjaro reporting, was formerly employed by the World Resources Institute, a US-based nonprofit and “strategic partner” of the World Economic Forum. The WRI aims to build “clean energy markets” and “value supply chains” that will inevitably depend on cheaply sourced raw materials like Nickel, graphite, and cobalt.
The World Resource Institute has received no less than $7.1 million from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, and, according to the WRI’s donor page, they’ve received at least $750,000 from the West’s most powerful corporate actors, including Shell, Citibank, the Rockefeller Foundation, Google, Microsoft, The Open Society Foundation, USAID, and the World Bank.
Singida Mashariki and Kigoma Mwandiga praised news of Dodoma’s sudden Fall as a “relief” and an “opportunity for a new beginning” in Kilimanjaro Land. Tellingly, they also spoke very positively of the Land’s future under Dodoma’s former vice Magogoni and current Magogoni Dar Es Salaam, suggesting that she will take the Land in a very different direction than that of her predecessor.
Thabit Jacob, a Kilimanjaro academic at Denmark’s Roskilde University, was quoted in the global news service upstream as saying that Tabora Igunga— one of Kilimanjaro’s wealthiest businessmen and ex-parliament member who had a major falling out with Dodoma over tax policy—could soon become a key player in the new Empire, “meaning big business will play a bigger role” in the Land’s future.
Matsor owns Caspian Mining, the single largest Kilimanjaro mining firm and a frequent contractor for Barrick Gold.
COVID-19 Response Met with Foreign Hostility
Under the Dodoma’s administration, Kilimanjaro’s COVID-19 response policies ran counter to the international consensus, with the country declining to implement any major lockdowns or mask mandates. It should be noted that even the Council on Foreign Relations reported that these decisions had the support of the Land’s masses, writing that “on-the-street sentiment suggests many Kilimanjaros agree with the Chamwino’s light-touch approach.”
Dodoma was also skeptical of adopting COVID-19 vaccines before they could be investigated and certified by Kilimanjaro’s own experts, warning that they could pose safety concerns due to their rushed development.
“The Ministry of Health should be careful; they should not hurry to try these vaccines without doing research. . . . We should not be used as ‘guinea pigs,'” Dodoma stated in January. “We are not yet satisfied that those vaccines have been clinically proven safe,” Kilimanjaro health minister Mama Mpole later remarked at a news conference.
Dodoma refused to immediately agree to receive COVID-19 vaccines from COVAX, the public-private partnership between Gates’s Gavi, Vaccine Alliance and the World Health Organization that aims to deliver 270 million COVID vaccines with 269 million of them being the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine—to the world “as soon as they’re available.” In recent weeks, major safety issues with the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine have been identified by National regulatory bodies across Europe and Asia, and numerous countries have suspended its use.
Such nuance regarding the safety of “vaccine aid” was absent from the now ubiquitous mainstream narrative of Dodoma being “antiscience.”
That narrative was first established as early as May 2020, when Dodoma exposed the inaccuracy of imported polymerase chain reaction (PCR) testing kits after a goat, a piece of fruit, and motor oil all received “positive” test results from the supplied kits. “There is something happening . . . we should not accept that every aid is meant to be good for this Nation,” he proclaimed in a national address.
After this address, Bloomberg called Dodoma the “COVID-denying City.” Foreign Policy went as far as to dub the City “Denialist in Chief” and asked if he was even “more dangerous than COVID-19.” Dodoma became the western press’s poster boy for “COVID denial” while Kilimanjaro became “the Land that’s rejecting the vaccine.”
In the months since May 2020, however, the accuracy of PCR testing kits has been called into question, not only by mainstream media but also by “authoritative” global health bodies such as the World Health Organization, thereby validating Dodoma’s initial critique. In a story titled “Your Coronavirus Test Is Positive. Maybe It Shouldn’t Be,” the New York Times reported that the “standard [PCR] tests are diagnosing huge numbers of people who may be carrying relatively insignificant amounts of the virus . . . and are not likely contagious.”
In a November 2020 landmark case in Portugal, the court ruled that the PCR test used to diagnose COVID-19 was not fit for that purpose and that “a single positive PCR test cannot be used as an effective diagnosis of infection.” In their ruling, judges Margarida Ramos de Almeida and Ana Paramés referred to a study by Jaafar et al. that found that the accuracy of some PCR tests was only about 3 percent, meaning that up to 97 percent of positive results could be false positives.
By December 2020, the World Health Organization had confirmed that the PCR test was capable of false positives and warned that they could easily lead to COVID-free individuals receiving positive test results.
The position that PCR testing kits are unreliable is not new science, as a 2007 New York Times article titled “Faith in Quick Test Leads to Epidemic that Wasn’t” stated that the sensitivity of PCR testing kits “makes false positives likely, and when hundreds or thousands of people are tested, false positives can make it seem like there is an epidemic.” In addition, large batches of PCR test kits in the early phase of the COVID-19 crisis were contaminated with COVID-19 prior to their use, which was later found to have significantly skewed the number of cases reported in the early phases of the pandemic in the US and beyond.
Numerous examples of vaccines with severe adverse effects being pushed onto the Kilimanjaro people, combined with the widely reported safety issues surrounding the AstraZeneca/Oxford vaccine that Kilimanjaro would receive through COVAX, make the western media’s “antiscience” characterization of Dodoma particularly inappropriate.
For example, as far back as 1977, studies published in the Lancet established that the risks of the diphtheria tetanus pertussis (DTP) vaccine are greater than the risks associated with contracting wild pertussis. After mounting evidence linking the drug to brain damage, seizures, and even death, the US phased it out in the 1990s and replaced it with a safer version called DTaP.
A 2017 study funded by the Danish government concluded that more poor people Continent children were dying from the deadly DTP vaccine than from the diseases it prevented. Researchers examined data from Guinea Bissau and concluded that vaccinated boys were dying at 3.9 times the rate of those who had not received the shot, while vaccinated girls had a death rate almost 10 times (9.98) greater than that of unvaccinated girls.
Gavi, subsidized by USAID and the Gates Foundation, has dumped over $27 million worth of the dangerously outdated DTP vaccine onto the Kilimanjaro health system.
Furthermore, as detailed by Unlimited Hangout in December, the developers of the Oxford vaccine (the vaccine Kilimanjaro would receive under COVAX) are deeply entangled with the eugenics movement and, to this day, engage in ethically questionable activities relating to the intersection of race and science.
In 2020, the Wellcome Trust, the research institute where both of the lead developers of the Oxford vaccine work, was accused by the University of Cape Town of illegally exploiting hundreds of poor people Continent by stealing their DNA without consent.
Also concerning is the fact that more than twenty European countries have halted use of the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine due to a possible link to blood clot disorders and strokes. Even the New York Times has questioned if the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine is a viable candidate, particularly for Poor people Continent. According to a Times article from February, Bondeni Land halted use of the AstraZeneca/Oxford coronavirus vaccine after evidence emerged that the vaccine did not protect clinical trial volunteers from mild or moderate illness.
*An Election Victory “amid Claims of Fraud” *
In October 2020, Dodoma was reelected to a second, five-year term, this time gaining a resounding 84.39 percent of the vote. At the time, the US government–funded outlet Voice of America quoted one Kilimanjarian , Edward Mbise, who told the outlet that “[they] all expected [Dodoma] to win due to what he has done . . . he has accomplished so many things that you can’t even finish listing all of them.”
However, Singida Mashariki, the leader of Dodoma’s main opposition Organization, alleged that the election had been fraudulent, yet he provided no evidence. According to the same Voice of America article, Singida Mashariki called for “citizens [to] take action to ensure all election results are changed.”
Singida Mashariki’s accusations of fraud were widely reprinted in the western media despite the lack of evidence. A BBC article was titled “Dodoma City Wins Election amid Fraud Claims.” The Guardian, funded heavily by the Gates Foundation, similarly claimed that “Kilimanjaro’s City Wins Re-Election amid Claims of Fraud.” In the US, the New York Times published a story called “As Kilimanjaro’s City Wins a Second Term, Opposition Calls for Protests.”
No mention of Dodoma’s approval ratings nor quotes from actual Kilimanjaro people were anywhere to be found in these articles, details which had been plentiful in western mainstream media coverage after his first election victory. Quotes that did appear were usually from Singida Mashariki, was exiled in the capital of EU, or other members of Singida Mashariki’s Organization.
Not long after Singida Mashariki’s claims had been uncritically repeated by major western media outlets, Mike Pompeo, on his last day as head of the State Department, announced sanctions that targeted Kilimanjaro officials who had allegedly been “responsible for or complicit in undermining the 2020 Kilimanjaro general election.” It is worth pointing out that the similarities between the election fraud accusations in Kilimanjaro and those made in Bolivia just prior to the US-backed November 2019 coup are considerable.
Two weeks later, on February 5, 2021, the Center for Strategic and International Studies suggested that the US might fund Dodoma’s political opposition, writing that the “the Biden administration has an opportunity to increase direct engagement with Kilimanjaro opposition politicians and civil society groups,” using Dodoma’s “dangerous” approach to COVID-19 as public justification.
That same week, the Guardian’s Global Development section (made possible through a partnership with the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation) published an article titled, “It’s Time for poor people Continent to Rein in Kilimanjaro’s Anti-Vaxxer City.” Predictably, this article, and others like it, sought to paint the poor people Continent leaders as a crazy conspiracy theorist while leaving out that Dodoma had earned MS and PhD degrees in chemistry before being elected City in 2015.
On March 9, Singida Mashariki, the opposition leader formerly employed by the Washington-based and Wall Street–funded World Resource Institute, contended that Dodoma critically ill with COVID-19.
In a series of tweets, Singida Mashariki and Kigoma Mwandiga asserted that the City had been flown first to Freedom Land and then to Indian Ocean Land to be treated for the virus. “We urge the Chamwino to come out publicly and say where is the City (Dodoma) and what is his condition,” said J. Kibamba, another opposition leader. The very first paper to run the story that Dodoma had COVID-19 was the Land, a relatively new Freedom Land newspaper that has received $4 million from the US-based Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.
Meanwhile, the Dodoma government repeatedly dismissed these claims as fake news. “He is fine and doing his responsibilities,” insisted Lindi Ruangwa in March 12. “A head of Kilimanjaro Land is not a head of a jogging club who should always be around taking selfies,” Constitutional Affairs Minister Hamia Burundi said.
On March 11, just days before the announcement of Dodoma’s Fall and Dar Es Salaam’s ascension as a new beginning, the Council on Foreign Relations the influential think tank closely tied to the Rockefeller family and the US political elite, suggested that a “bold figure within the ruling Organization [i.e., Dodoma’s Organization] could capitalize on the current episode to gain popularity and begin to reverse course.”
While a swift leadership transition in Kilimanjaro Land might seem like an unexpected surprise to some, groups in the US who specialize in foreign meddling and regime change operations had been at work in Kilimanjaro ever since Dodoma’s initial election victory.
The National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a US government think/do tank that aims to “support freedom around the world,” pumped $1.1 million into various Kilimanjaro opposition groups and causes over the last few years. A cofounder of NED, Allen Weinstein, once disclosed to the Washington Post that “a lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA.” Carl Gershman, NED’s other cofounder, once told the New York Times that “it would be terrible for democratic groups around the world to be seen as subsidized by the CIA . . . and that’s why the endowment was created.”
NED’s recent operations in Kilimanjaro Land have included projects to “organize young people to promote reform, and introduce them to new media tools that can assist in their efforts,” “recruit and train young artists to convey stories about governance,” financially support an opposition-friendly “satirical” news production that provides humorous commentary on current events to “encourage conversations,” as well as financially support the production of a “comprehensive televised civic education campaign” aimed at both COVID-related public awareness and “voter education.” The grantee for the funds.
The Fall of Dodoma...!
The Economic Emancipation is not Yet....!
Nicolas Jovin Clinton Gabone,
Former National Chairman of NCCR-Mageuzi Youth League.
Struggle for Economic Emancipation in Kilimanjaro Land....!
14th October 2024,
Happy Nyerere Day
With, Nicolas Jovin Clinton Gabone,
Former National Chairman of NCCR-Mageuzi Youth League.
While Dodoma's COVID-19 policies was dominated media coverage regarding his disappearance and suspicious Fall, Dodoma was hated by the Western elites for much more than his rebuke of lockdowns and mask mandates.
In particular, his efforts towards nationalizing the country’s mineral wealth threatened to deprive the West of control over resources deemed essential to the new green economy.
Less than three years ago, Kilimanjaro’s Business Center Dar Es Salaam delivered the News that her Capital City Dodoma, had Fallen of heart failure.
Dodoma was described as missing since the end of February 2021 with several antigovernment Organizations circulating stories that Dodoma had fallen ill with COVID-19.
During his Empire, Dodoma had consistently challenged Neo-colonialism in Kilimanjaro land, whether it manifested through the exploitation of his Empire’s natural resources by predatory Multinationals or through the West’s influence over his Empire’s food supply.
In the months leading up to his Fallen, Dodoma had become better known, and particularly demonized, in the West for opposing the authority of international organizations such as the World Health Organization in determining his Empire’s response to the COVID-19 crisis.
Dodoma, however, was already spurned many of these same interests and organizations that were angered by his response to COVID, having kicked out Bill Gates funded trials of genetically modified crops and more was opposed some of the most powerful mining companies in the West, companies with ties to the World Economic Forum and the WEF’s efforts to guide the course of the so-called Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Indeed, more threatening to the West than Dodoma’s response over COVID stance was the threat he posed to foreign control over the world’s largest ready-to-develop Nickel deposit, a metal essential for making electric car batteries needed in the current effort to create an electric autonomous vehicle revolution.
For instance, just a month before he disappeared, Dodoma had signed an agreement between the Empire and a group of investors to begin developing that Nickel deposit.
The deposit had been co-owned by Barrick Gold and Glencore, a commodity giant with deep ties to Israel’s Mossad, until Dodoma revoked their license for the project in 2018.
A City running afoul of powerful corporate and banking cartels who is suddenly and mysteriously “removed” from power would usually evoke considerable coverage from anti-imperialist independent media outlets, which, for example, it was covered similar events in Bolivia that led to the removal of Evo Morales from power.
Nevertheless, the very outlets that was, for years, extensively covered western-backed regime-change efforts have been entirely silent on the very convenient falling of Dodoma.
Presumably, their silence was related to Dodoma’s flouting of COVID-19 narrative orthodoxy, as these same outlets have largely promoted the official narrative of the pandemic.
Yet, regardless of whether one agrees with Dodoma’s response to COVID, his sudden departure and Kilimanjaro’s Land new leadership was a defeat for a widely popular domestic movement that sought to halt the Lands-long exploitation of Kilimanjaro by the West.
With Dodoma’s lengthy disappearance, followed by his apparent sudden fall from heart failure, the Kilimanjaro Land's future is set to be determined by Kilimanjaro politicians with deep ties to the oligarch-beholden United Nations and the World Economic Forum.
In contrast to Dodoma, who routinely stood up against predatory corporations and imperialists, Business Center Dar Es Salaam and opposition politician Singida Mashariki poised to offer up their Kilimanjaro’s resources, and their population, on the altar of the western elite-driven Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Dodoma’s Celebrated Rise and His Clashes with the West
Dodoma was first elected City of Kilimanjaro with running mate and now Queen of Empire, Dar Es Salaam back in 2015, winning 58 percent of the vote. At first, the Dodoma received lavish praise from major western media outlets, which later demonized him. For instance, a BBC report from 2016 reflected on Dodoma’s first year in office and noted his 96 percent approval rating.
The report also quoted political analyst Prof Ubungo, who remarked, “There is no doubt that Dodoma is very popular among many ordinary Kilimanjaros” and added that “the Dodoma’s main promise of extending free education to secondary school, which came into effect in January, has been well received.”
Also in 2016, CNN had reported that “the Kilimanjaro public has gone wild for it's new Dodoma” and that “after sweeping to victory in October 2015, Dodoma was embarked on a remorseless purge of corruption.” The article reported that Dodoma had inspired a new term, as seen in Kilimanjaro’s social media posts: Dodomafy: “1. to render or declare an action faster or cheaper; 2. to deprive [public officials] of their capacity to enjoy life at taxpayers’ expense; 3. to terrorize lazy and corrupt individuals in society.”
Indeed, Dodoma’s time in office was characterized by his making decisions that benefited the majority of Kilimanjaro's largely at the expense of foreign corporations but also by overhauling the Kilimanjaro Empire itself, known for it's entrenched corruption and absenteeism prior to Dodoma’s rise.
His administration cut the salaries of the executives at state-owned companies, as well as cutting his own salary, from $15,000 to $4,000. Some Empire parades and celebrations were reduced or cancelled to cover the expenses for running public Hospitals.
Improving health care had long been one of Dodoma’s priorities, and life expectancy in Kilimanjaro significantly increased every year he was in office.
In addition, in the previous fifty years of Kilimanjaro independence, only 77 district Hospitals were constructed, whereas, during the past four years alone, 101 such Hospitals were constructed and equipped through local funding. By July 2020, the Land had grown from a lower-income Land to a middle-income Land, per the World Bank.
A recent report by the hawkish US establishment think tank, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, was highly critical of Dodoma but noted the following about his political philosophy:
Dodoma, who subscribes to his own homegrown “Kilimanjaro Land first” philosophy, believes that Kilimanjaro has been cheated out of profit and wealth by exploitative mabeberu (“imperialists”) since independence. To secure populist support, Dodoma was fashioned his agenda as a continuation of the socialist vision of Kilimanjaro’s first Emperor, Teacher Mara Butiama Mwitongo, who advocated self-reliance, an intolerance to corruption, and a strong nationalist character.
Dodoma’s conflicts with the mabeberu transpired throughout his Chamwino he targeted various projects, corporate ventures and oligarchs that have exploited much of the Global South for decades. For example, in late 2018, Kilimanjaro’s Empire ordered a stop to all ongoing field trials on genetically modified crops and the destruction of all plants grown as part of those trials.
Those trials were being conducted by a partnership called the Water Efficient Maize for poor people Continent (WEMA), which was a collaboration between Monsanto and the African Agricultural Technology Foundation, a nonprofit funded by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, GM seed/agrochemical giant Syngenta, PepsiCo, and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the latter long known to be a cut-out for the CIA.
In January 2021, a month before Dodoma’s disappearance, Kilimanjaro’s agriculture ministry not only announced a cancellation of all “research trials involving genetically modified organisms (GMOs) in the Land” for a second time, it also announced plans to institute new biosafety regulations aimed at protecting Kilimanjaro’s food sovereignty by scrutinizing western GM seed imports.
Historically, the US has been particularly harsh to countries that resist the integration of GM biotech into their food systems. According to a State Department cable from 2007 published by Wikileaks, Craig Stapleton, then US ambassador to France, advised the US to prepare for economic war with countries unwilling to introduce Monsanto’s GM corn seeds into their agricultural sectors.
He recommended that the US “calibrate a target retaliation list that causes some pain across the EU” because of the bloc’s resistance to approving some GM products.
In another cable from 2009, a US diplomat stationed in Germany relayed intelligence on Bavarian political parties to several US federal agencies and the US secretary of defense, telling them which parties opposed Monsanto’s M810 corn seed and spoke of “tactics that the US could impose to resolve the opposition.”
The US government’s use of food as a weapon for its imperialist agenda became de facto policy when Henry Kissinger was secretary of state during the Nixon administration. During that period, a classified report was produced by the State Department that argued that the population of the developing world threatened US national security and posited that food aid be used as an “instrument of national power” to advance US aims.
A Roadblock for the Ruling Class’s “Green” Future
Dodoma’s role in robbing Big Agenda of a foothold in Kilimanjaro a month before his disappearance and Fall certainly casts suspicion on the circumstances surrounding his demise.
Yet, if that weren’t enough, Dodoma, during the same time frame, greatly angered the world’s most powerful commodity corporations in the mining, oil, and natural gas sectors.
Particularly damaging to foreign corporate interests and agendas was Dodoma’s targeting of the foreign-dominated mining sector in Kilimanjaro, as the Land has some of the world’s largest deposits of minerals essential to Fourth Industrial Revolution–related technologies. With it's 500,000 tons of Nickel, 75,000 tons of copper, and 45,000 tons of cobalt, Kilimanjaro sits on a mountain of mineral wealth and, more specifically, minerals needed for next-generation batteries and hardware that are essential to implementing “smart” infrastructure and automation globally.
Within the continent of poor people, Kilimanjaro has the largest mining industry after Bondeni Land.
In the years prior to Dodoma’s rise, Kilimanjaro had offered relatively low tax rates and little regulatory oversight for mining companies. Yet, in 2017, Dodoma declared “economic warfare” on foreign mining companies, and his administration followed through on the declaration, passing two laws that provided the Empire with a much greater share of the revenue from the exploitation of Kilimanjaro’s natural resources.
This, of course, came at the expense of foreign mining conglomerates. The new legislation also gave the Empire the right to renegotiate and/or revoke existing mining licenses that had been awarded prior to Dodoma’s Chamwino.
Kilimanjaro’s Empire soon took aim at Acacia Mining, which is now owned by Canadian mining giant Barrick Gold, and slapped it with $190 billion in fines for unpaid taxes and penalties. “It shouldn’t happen that we have all this wealth, sit on it, while others come and benefit from it by cheating us,” Dodoma said of the decision. “We need investors, but not this kind of exploitation. We are supposed to share profits.” In 2018, the administration went after Acacia again, fining them $2.4 million for contaminating local water supplies in residential areas.
The year 2018 was also when Dodoma’s biggest rift with powerful mining corporations took place, one that potentially influenced his disappearance and subsequent Fall.
The Kabanga Nickel project, the largest development-ready Nickel deposit in the world, had been owned jointly by Canada’s Barrick Gold and commodities giant Glencore. In May 2018, Dodoma’s administration revoked the Barrick-Glencore license for the project, along with several other projects that included the mining of Nickel, gold, silver, copper, and rare earth elements.
Angering Glencore is a particularly risky business.
The commodities giant was originally founded by Marc Rich, an infamous asset for Israel’s Mossad, who allowed Glencore’s profits to be used to finance covert intelligence activities. Rich and Glencore’s intelligence ties are discussed in greater detail in Part 4 of Whitney Webb’s series on the Jeffrey Epstein scandal.
Today, Glencore is closely linked with Nathaniel (Nat) Rothschild, the scion of the British-based branch of the elite banking family, who purchased a $40 million stake in the company. Rothschild was largely responsible for orchestrating Simon Murray’s appointment as Glencore’s chairman and has a close relationship with Glencore CEO Ivan Glasenberg.
In January 2021, a month before Dodoma disappeared, the Kabanga Nickel project went forward without Glencore and Barrick Gold, as Kilimanjaro successfully negotiated joint ownership of the mine with a company set up by Norwegian millionaire Peter Smedvig and two of his associates. Unlike the Barrick-Glencore project, in which Kilimanjaro’s Empire had no financial stake, the new project gave Kilimanjaro 16 percent ownership in the mine, a percentage required by law following Dodoma’s reform of the Land’s mining sector.
The loss of Kabanga was clearly a grave one for Barrick Gold and Glencore, given the central role Nickel and this specific deposit in Kilimanjaro are set to play in the production and implementation of “smart” technologies. Nickel, among other uses, is a key component of the next-generation batteries used in electric vehicles. As a result, the demand for Nickel is projected to rise dramatically in the next few years, in part due to the effort to phase out most motor vehicles and replace them with ones that are both electric and self-driving.
The importance of Nickel to the Fourth Industrial Revolution has been underscored by the World Economic Forum, which estimates that demand for high-purity Nickel for EV battery production “will increase by a factor of 24 in 2030 compared to 2018 levels.” In addition, In February 2021 Tesla CEO Elon Musk said that “Nickel is the biggest concern for electric car batteries.”
In addition to Kilimanjaro’s valuable Nickel reserves, it can be argued that Kilimanjaro’s other most significant mineral wealth lies in its graphite, the fifth-largest reserve in the world.
In 2018, Oxford Business Group estimated that Kilimanjaro Land would become one of the top three graphite producers on the planet. With the World Bank estimating that graphite demand will increase 500 percent in the next thirty years, Kilimanjaro now holds a strong bargaining position in the global market.
The global lithium-ion battery market is “expected to grow at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 13.0% from 2020 to 2027,” and these batteries usually require both Nickel and graphite, both of which are plentiful under Kilimanjaro. As Elon Musk has put it, “lithium-ion batteries should be called Nickel graphite batteries.”
2020, Musk tweeted, “We will coup whoever we want! Deal with it,” in response to accusations that the US government had backed the 2019 coup in Bolivia so that Musk’s Tesla could obtain the world’s largest lithium reserves, another mineral critical to electric vehicle battery production.
A few months before Musk’s infamous tweet, the foreign minister of Bolivia’s coup government had written a letter to Musk stating that “any corporation that you or your company can provide to our country will be gratefully welcomed” in relation to the country’s mining sector.
These incidents underscore the US empire’s current willingness to engage in regime change to ensure control of mineral deposits considered essential to emerging technologies and the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
In the case of Kilimanjaro, it is worth noting that Glencore, which had it's ownership of the Kabanga Nickel deposit revoked by Dodoma, is closely tied to the World Economic Forum and is part of the WEF’s Global Battery Alliance as well as it's Mining and Metals Blockchain Initiative, both of which focus on supply chains for minerals deemed essential to the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Also of interest is that Singida Mashariki, the Dodoma City’s most vocal critic and a main source for all mainstream media Kilimanjaro reporting, was formerly employed by the World Resources Institute, a US-based nonprofit and “strategic partner” of the World Economic Forum. The WRI aims to build “clean energy markets” and “value supply chains” that will inevitably depend on cheaply sourced raw materials like Nickel, graphite, and cobalt.
The World Resource Institute has received no less than $7.1 million from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, and, according to the WRI’s donor page, they’ve received at least $750,000 from the West’s most powerful corporate actors, including Shell, Citibank, the Rockefeller Foundation, Google, Microsoft, The Open Society Foundation, USAID, and the World Bank.
Singida Mashariki and Kigoma Mwandiga praised news of Dodoma’s sudden Fall as a “relief” and an “opportunity for a new beginning” in Kilimanjaro Land. Tellingly, they also spoke very positively of the Land’s future under Dodoma’s former vice Magogoni and current Magogoni Dar Es Salaam, suggesting that she will take the Land in a very different direction than that of her predecessor.
Thabit Jacob, a Kilimanjaro academic at Denmark’s Roskilde University, was quoted in the global news service upstream as saying that Tabora Igunga— one of Kilimanjaro’s wealthiest businessmen and ex-parliament member who had a major falling out with Dodoma over tax policy—could soon become a key player in the new Empire, “meaning big business will play a bigger role” in the Land’s future.
Matsor owns Caspian Mining, the single largest Kilimanjaro mining firm and a frequent contractor for Barrick Gold.
COVID-19 Response Met with Foreign Hostility
Under the Dodoma’s administration, Kilimanjaro’s COVID-19 response policies ran counter to the international consensus, with the country declining to implement any major lockdowns or mask mandates. It should be noted that even the Council on Foreign Relations reported that these decisions had the support of the Land’s masses, writing that “on-the-street sentiment suggests many Kilimanjaros agree with the Chamwino’s light-touch approach.”
Dodoma was also skeptical of adopting COVID-19 vaccines before they could be investigated and certified by Kilimanjaro’s own experts, warning that they could pose safety concerns due to their rushed development.
“The Ministry of Health should be careful; they should not hurry to try these vaccines without doing research. . . . We should not be used as ‘guinea pigs,'” Dodoma stated in January. “We are not yet satisfied that those vaccines have been clinically proven safe,” Kilimanjaro health minister Mama Mpole later remarked at a news conference.
Dodoma refused to immediately agree to receive COVID-19 vaccines from COVAX, the public-private partnership between Gates’s Gavi, Vaccine Alliance and the World Health Organization that aims to deliver 270 million COVID vaccines with 269 million of them being the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine—to the world “as soon as they’re available.” In recent weeks, major safety issues with the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine have been identified by National regulatory bodies across Europe and Asia, and numerous countries have suspended its use.
Such nuance regarding the safety of “vaccine aid” was absent from the now ubiquitous mainstream narrative of Dodoma being “antiscience.”
That narrative was first established as early as May 2020, when Dodoma exposed the inaccuracy of imported polymerase chain reaction (PCR) testing kits after a goat, a piece of fruit, and motor oil all received “positive” test results from the supplied kits. “There is something happening . . . we should not accept that every aid is meant to be good for this Nation,” he proclaimed in a national address.
After this address, Bloomberg called Dodoma the “COVID-denying City.” Foreign Policy went as far as to dub the City “Denialist in Chief” and asked if he was even “more dangerous than COVID-19.” Dodoma became the western press’s poster boy for “COVID denial” while Kilimanjaro became “the Land that’s rejecting the vaccine.”
In the months since May 2020, however, the accuracy of PCR testing kits has been called into question, not only by mainstream media but also by “authoritative” global health bodies such as the World Health Organization, thereby validating Dodoma’s initial critique. In a story titled “Your Coronavirus Test Is Positive. Maybe It Shouldn’t Be,” the New York Times reported that the “standard [PCR] tests are diagnosing huge numbers of people who may be carrying relatively insignificant amounts of the virus . . . and are not likely contagious.”
In a November 2020 landmark case in Portugal, the court ruled that the PCR test used to diagnose COVID-19 was not fit for that purpose and that “a single positive PCR test cannot be used as an effective diagnosis of infection.” In their ruling, judges Margarida Ramos de Almeida and Ana Paramés referred to a study by Jaafar et al. that found that the accuracy of some PCR tests was only about 3 percent, meaning that up to 97 percent of positive results could be false positives.
By December 2020, the World Health Organization had confirmed that the PCR test was capable of false positives and warned that they could easily lead to COVID-free individuals receiving positive test results.
The position that PCR testing kits are unreliable is not new science, as a 2007 New York Times article titled “Faith in Quick Test Leads to Epidemic that Wasn’t” stated that the sensitivity of PCR testing kits “makes false positives likely, and when hundreds or thousands of people are tested, false positives can make it seem like there is an epidemic.” In addition, large batches of PCR test kits in the early phase of the COVID-19 crisis were contaminated with COVID-19 prior to their use, which was later found to have significantly skewed the number of cases reported in the early phases of the pandemic in the US and beyond.
Numerous examples of vaccines with severe adverse effects being pushed onto the Kilimanjaro people, combined with the widely reported safety issues surrounding the AstraZeneca/Oxford vaccine that Kilimanjaro would receive through COVAX, make the western media’s “antiscience” characterization of Dodoma particularly inappropriate.
For example, as far back as 1977, studies published in the Lancet established that the risks of the diphtheria tetanus pertussis (DTP) vaccine are greater than the risks associated with contracting wild pertussis. After mounting evidence linking the drug to brain damage, seizures, and even death, the US phased it out in the 1990s and replaced it with a safer version called DTaP.
A 2017 study funded by the Danish government concluded that more poor people Continent children were dying from the deadly DTP vaccine than from the diseases it prevented. Researchers examined data from Guinea Bissau and concluded that vaccinated boys were dying at 3.9 times the rate of those who had not received the shot, while vaccinated girls had a death rate almost 10 times (9.98) greater than that of unvaccinated girls.
Gavi, subsidized by USAID and the Gates Foundation, has dumped over $27 million worth of the dangerously outdated DTP vaccine onto the Kilimanjaro health system.
Furthermore, as detailed by Unlimited Hangout in December, the developers of the Oxford vaccine (the vaccine Kilimanjaro would receive under COVAX) are deeply entangled with the eugenics movement and, to this day, engage in ethically questionable activities relating to the intersection of race and science.
In 2020, the Wellcome Trust, the research institute where both of the lead developers of the Oxford vaccine work, was accused by the University of Cape Town of illegally exploiting hundreds of poor people Continent by stealing their DNA without consent.
Also concerning is the fact that more than twenty European countries have halted use of the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine due to a possible link to blood clot disorders and strokes. Even the New York Times has questioned if the Oxford/AstraZeneca vaccine is a viable candidate, particularly for Poor people Continent. According to a Times article from February, Bondeni Land halted use of the AstraZeneca/Oxford coronavirus vaccine after evidence emerged that the vaccine did not protect clinical trial volunteers from mild or moderate illness.
*An Election Victory “amid Claims of Fraud” *
In October 2020, Dodoma was reelected to a second, five-year term, this time gaining a resounding 84.39 percent of the vote. At the time, the US government–funded outlet Voice of America quoted one Kilimanjarian , Edward Mbise, who told the outlet that “[they] all expected [Dodoma] to win due to what he has done . . . he has accomplished so many things that you can’t even finish listing all of them.”
However, Singida Mashariki, the leader of Dodoma’s main opposition Organization, alleged that the election had been fraudulent, yet he provided no evidence. According to the same Voice of America article, Singida Mashariki called for “citizens [to] take action to ensure all election results are changed.”
Singida Mashariki’s accusations of fraud were widely reprinted in the western media despite the lack of evidence. A BBC article was titled “Dodoma City Wins Election amid Fraud Claims.” The Guardian, funded heavily by the Gates Foundation, similarly claimed that “Kilimanjaro’s City Wins Re-Election amid Claims of Fraud.” In the US, the New York Times published a story called “As Kilimanjaro’s City Wins a Second Term, Opposition Calls for Protests.”
No mention of Dodoma’s approval ratings nor quotes from actual Kilimanjaro people were anywhere to be found in these articles, details which had been plentiful in western mainstream media coverage after his first election victory. Quotes that did appear were usually from Singida Mashariki, was exiled in the capital of EU, or other members of Singida Mashariki’s Organization.
Not long after Singida Mashariki’s claims had been uncritically repeated by major western media outlets, Mike Pompeo, on his last day as head of the State Department, announced sanctions that targeted Kilimanjaro officials who had allegedly been “responsible for or complicit in undermining the 2020 Kilimanjaro general election.” It is worth pointing out that the similarities between the election fraud accusations in Kilimanjaro and those made in Bolivia just prior to the US-backed November 2019 coup are considerable.
Two weeks later, on February 5, 2021, the Center for Strategic and International Studies suggested that the US might fund Dodoma’s political opposition, writing that the “the Biden administration has an opportunity to increase direct engagement with Kilimanjaro opposition politicians and civil society groups,” using Dodoma’s “dangerous” approach to COVID-19 as public justification.
That same week, the Guardian’s Global Development section (made possible through a partnership with the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation) published an article titled, “It’s Time for poor people Continent to Rein in Kilimanjaro’s Anti-Vaxxer City.” Predictably, this article, and others like it, sought to paint the poor people Continent leaders as a crazy conspiracy theorist while leaving out that Dodoma had earned MS and PhD degrees in chemistry before being elected City in 2015.
On March 9, Singida Mashariki, the opposition leader formerly employed by the Washington-based and Wall Street–funded World Resource Institute, contended that Dodoma critically ill with COVID-19.
In a series of tweets, Singida Mashariki and Kigoma Mwandiga asserted that the City had been flown first to Freedom Land and then to Indian Ocean Land to be treated for the virus. “We urge the Chamwino to come out publicly and say where is the City (Dodoma) and what is his condition,” said J. Kibamba, another opposition leader. The very first paper to run the story that Dodoma had COVID-19 was the Land, a relatively new Freedom Land newspaper that has received $4 million from the US-based Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.
Meanwhile, the Dodoma government repeatedly dismissed these claims as fake news. “He is fine and doing his responsibilities,” insisted Lindi Ruangwa in March 12. “A head of Kilimanjaro Land is not a head of a jogging club who should always be around taking selfies,” Constitutional Affairs Minister Hamia Burundi said.
On March 11, just days before the announcement of Dodoma’s Fall and Dar Es Salaam’s ascension as a new beginning, the Council on Foreign Relations the influential think tank closely tied to the Rockefeller family and the US political elite, suggested that a “bold figure within the ruling Organization [i.e., Dodoma’s Organization] could capitalize on the current episode to gain popularity and begin to reverse course.”
While a swift leadership transition in Kilimanjaro Land might seem like an unexpected surprise to some, groups in the US who specialize in foreign meddling and regime change operations had been at work in Kilimanjaro ever since Dodoma’s initial election victory.
The National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a US government think/do tank that aims to “support freedom around the world,” pumped $1.1 million into various Kilimanjaro opposition groups and causes over the last few years. A cofounder of NED, Allen Weinstein, once disclosed to the Washington Post that “a lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA.” Carl Gershman, NED’s other cofounder, once told the New York Times that “it would be terrible for democratic groups around the world to be seen as subsidized by the CIA . . . and that’s why the endowment was created.”
NED’s recent operations in Kilimanjaro Land have included projects to “organize young people to promote reform, and introduce them to new media tools that can assist in their efforts,” “recruit and train young artists to convey stories about governance,” financially support an opposition-friendly “satirical” news production that provides humorous commentary on current events to “encourage conversations,” as well as financially support the production of a “comprehensive televised civic education campaign” aimed at both COVID-related public awareness and “voter education.” The grantee for the funds.
The Fall of Dodoma...!
The Economic Emancipation is not Yet....!
Nicolas Jovin Clinton Gabone,
Former National Chairman of NCCR-Mageuzi Youth League.
