The Mafia that controls Kenya...Uhuru and Ruto are mere stooges!!!

[Dr. Job]

Internal Power Struggle Behind Delay in Composition of Jubilee Cabinet
___________________________________________________________________________________

Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto are mere figure heads and they know it

Make no mistakes. Kenya is currently controlled by three people who decide the President and set the National agenda.

When Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto entered into a "50-50 power sharing deal" ahead of elections, there were no details on how the division of power at the Cabinet level would be accomplished. More than two weeks after Uhuru and Ruto were sworn following a rigged election, the two have been unable to name the Cabinet. Although Uhuru said that the waiting would be over by today at 9.00 am, there must be explanations behind the extra-ordinarily long delay.

According to Uhuru and his Deputy, the two have been involved in lengthy interviews with the candidates and that this engagement explains why more than two weeks after inauguration, the Cabinet is not yet in place. For the man in the street, the two probably needed more time to construct the best Cabinet possible but for the man in the political think tank, there can be no explanation apart from a protracted power struggle with the 50-50 deal taking centre stage.

A look at the background of Uhuru's and Ruto's political situation after their take-over of State House could help unravel the puzzle. Both Uhuru and Ruto are beneficiaries of a rigged election (courtesy of IEBC) and a compromised Supreme Court (courtesy of Dr. Willy Mutunga). Consequently, it must be recognized that there are other powerful forces behind the scenes who brought them to power. These forces include Commander of the Armed Forces John Karangi, Director of NSIS George Gichangi, Inspector General of Police David Kimaiyo and Head of Civil service Francis Kimemia.

Anybody who is capable of controlling the military, the police, the Intelligence Services, the Supreme Court and the Central Bank of any country can be said to be in power. If this postulation can be accepted, it can be safe to assert that a mafia cartel composed of a thieving and ruthless group of Kikuyu elite are the real forces in power and they are the ones who are responsible for the delay in the composition of the Cabinet, not Uhuru and Ruto. They were the same forces who were in control of the Kibaki regime as the old man slept at State House.

Having brought Uhuru and Ruto to power, this cartel has a big say in the composition of the Cabinet irrespective of propaganda to the contrary. Regardless of the theater Uhuru and Ruto try to play to demonstrate that the delay in composing the Cabinet is due to work constraints, only the man in the street can believe them. Indeed, a courageous journalist did ask them if internal power struggle is the problem and the two were clearly in denial. The composition of the Cabinet will have to ensure that power remains on the hands of the cartel irrespective of what was written in some 50-50 power sharing deal before an election that was, in reality rigged.

Power Ministries:Uhuru and Ruto are mere figure-heads in government and they know it. They are more grateful that they are in State House and therefore temporarily shielded from ICC which is hovering above their heads on a daily basis. The tussle with Cabinet compositions might be centered around the need to allow the rigging mafia cartel to have their way on the one hand and Ruto to save face on the other so that the son of the Kalenjin is not seen by his supporters to have been short changed by the Kikuyu Raila Odinga style. In fact, the problem rotates around control of the "power ministries".

These are the Ministry of Defence; Interior and Coordination of National Government; National Treasury; Foreign Affairs; Devolution and Planning; Mining; Energy and Petroleum; Transport and Infrastructure together with the Ministry of Environment, Water and Natural Resources. As the country waits for the announcement of the Cabinet this morning, the most important outcome for the ethnic Kenyan public will be the ethnic origin of personalities who will occupy the above Ministries regardless of the propaganda being peddled to the contrary. Kenyans "voted ethnic" and they expect this tendency to be reflected in the composition of the Cabinet.

As mentioned, both Uhuru and Ruto tried to downplay the issue of a power struggle at a Press Conference at State House yesterday with Ruto going out of his way to explain that Kenyans should not be seeking to establish who is TNA or URP in the Jubilee Cabinet because such a line is non-existent. Surely, if this distinction cannot be established, then what was the 50-50 power sharing deal all about?

It seems as though Ruto has just discovered that he has lost it because for an electorate which cast its votes on purely ethnic lines, it will be impossible to keep supporters satisfied if TNA's and URP's share in government is invisible to the naked eye. The power sharing formula cannot be hidden from an ethnic electorate which believes that it "will gain" in some way when the loaf of bread is eventually shared.

Ruto may have discovered that as Deputy President, he has no power to decide on anything major. Having been rigged in by the cartel, Ruto's big dilemma will be hinged on the fact that he has no voice in the power sharing arrangement ahead of ICC hearings. The mafia cartel is unlikely to compromise on the "power ministries" without which Ruto shall have ended up with a quarter of a loaf (or less) when the deal was half a loaf. Uhuru is sitting pretty because by virtue of his ethnic origin, he is naturally aligned to the mafia cartel controlling events from the background. Why should Ruto be a worried man?

The remaining Ministries like Industrialization and Enterprise Development is useless in a country unable to industrialize due to technological constraints arising out of imperialist monopoly of technology. The Ministry of Health is rout with problems in a country where the health care system is on private hands, public health facilities dilapidated, medical personnel poorly paid and the health care system is poorly funded. The free maternity services promised by Jubilee will cost Ksh 9 billion annually and no one knows where the money will come from with public debt standing at Ksh 1.8 trillion.

Both Doctors and Nurses are waiting for the establishment of the Cabinet so that they can resume demands for higher wages and supply of equipment in hospitals. The implication is that the Ministry of Health will be one of the most "problematic" from day one. Already, the Doctors, through their representatives, have publicly rejected the nominee for health Cabinet Secretary on grounds that the nominee has no background in health care and will therefore be unable to understand critical issues.

Uhuru and Ruto are in power at the pleasure of their bosses

The Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development will be awash with conflicts in a country where the President's family is the biggest land grabber and where the government stopped building houses for citizens especially in urban areas in the 70s. Without a program for nationalization of land (with or without compensation) being put forward by Kenyan socialists, Jubilee has no solution to the perennial problem of landlessness in Kenya.

The urban areas are themselves infested with poverty, slums, high unemployment especially among the youth, crime by idle frustrated youths, poor infrastructure and collapsed social services, deficiencies that have made life in the cities "hell on earth". If the government had money, the picture could be brighter but the situation is bad because the government has a huge budget deficit while real wealth producing sectors (like the transport sector) are on private hands. Who wants the Ministry of lands, Housing and Urban Development?

When one evaluates the Ministry of Education in terms of problems, the immediate and newest items that comes to mind are the free laptops for standard one kids and free milk. That is if the thorny teacher's wage hike, strike headaches, shortage of teachers and lack of school books are set aside. In any case, there will be no real money for the mafia to loot in the Ministry of education whose wage bill is the biggest in the public sector. While Uhuru could do business with the government by selling Brookside milk to schools, the lap-top project remains an expensive "wait and see" project because the country does not have enough money to even finance the budget and the Jubilee government will be depending on borrowing to make ends meet.

In fact, Ruto may end up with the Ministry of Sports, Culture and Arts or Ministry of Labour, Social Services and Social Security in a country where there has never been any form of social security, leave alone jobs to keep the Ministry of Labour running.

The Mafia cartel feared Raila Odinga because they did not want to lose their jobs so how will they allow themselves to be sacked, now that they have brought both Ruto and Uhuru to power? For the cartel, both Uhuru and Ruto should be happy that now, they are in a better position to fight against their ICC cases and not bother too much with issues of governance. The two are in power through the pleasure of their bosses, not through the Kenyan electorate which has been hood-winked. To suggest that there is no power struggle that may have delayed the composition of the Cabinet nominees is to assume the intelligence of all thinking Kenyans. It is a difficult situation because while the faces in the Cabinet might be new, they must be aligned to either TNA or URP.

By appearing "in uniform" like school children to face the media at State House (it's their idea of projecting a united front), both Uhuru and Ruto might be unconscious of the fact that the uniforms make them look more like real clowns with their political godfathers pulling the strings from the background. As the Cabinet is announced and Kenyans encouraged to forget about TNA-URP faces in the Cabinet my take is that William Ruto has all the reasons to be a worried man because he is surrounded by a cartel that will, at best, use and dump him if necessary. If he becomes problematic, he could as well be handed over to the ICC as Kenyatta is shielded to maintain the status quo.

Internal Power Struggle Behind Delay in Composition of Jubilee Cabinet « Kenya Stockholm Blog

 

[Dr. Job]

Kikuyunization of Government Started with Mzee Jomo Kenyatta

Jomo was the Pioneer of Tribalism in Kenya

Pioneered tribalism and Kikuyunization of government in Kenya

Kenya's new Constitution is a template for correcting the ethnic divides exacerbated by all the past presidents who pitted big tribes against the small ones for political expediency. These leaders never righted the shameless typecast by the British colonizers who categorized various tribes as thieves, lazy and so forth.

Ethnicity reared its ugly head during Kibaki's first term when plum jobs in the public sector went to members of the Mt. Kenya region. The Kenya Revenue Authority exemplified this within its top 18 Commissioners. The current Uhuru-Ruto power-sharing formula is on the basis of a pre-election tribal arrangement between Kikuyus and Kalenjins. In 2010, the National Cohesion and Integration Commission investigated claims of tribalism in public jobs and the outcome reflected citizens' perceptions of seriously skewed placements in favor of the Mt. Kenya members.

In 2012, author Charles Hornsby published a book titled ‘Kenya: A History Since Independence'. He dedicated some pages under the sub-heading "The Kikuyunization of Kenya Under President Kenyatta" to show how unashamedly Mzee had appointed 11 senior parastatal heads from the Kikuyu community in the 1970s. Also, out of the then seven Provincial Commissioners, only three were non-Kikuyus. Below is the section from from Hornsby's book and you can brand him a tribalist too.

The Kikuyunization of Kenya under President Jomo Kenyatta

Although the State continued to talk of Kenya as one nation, and to de-emphasize ethnicity in its public statements and policies in land, service delivery and jobs, the unifying rhetoric of nationhood concealed a less palatable truth. The 1970s saw the entrenchment of Kikuyu power via a web of both formal and informal networks. As with the security forces, the senior civil service was increasingly Kikuyu dominated. The crucial posts of provincial commissioners, for example, were held by a small group of conservative insiders, more than half of whom were Kikuyu from 1967 until Kenyatta's death, and three of whom were sons of chiefs. Appointments to statutory boards and parastatals showed the same trend.

These men were powerful, educated, intelligent and able, and they effectively ran Kenya in the interest of Kenyatta, themselves (they all had substantial business investments) and the country. Just as their colonial predecessors had done, they disliked local politicians, whom they treated as competitors, and made no pretence of democracy. Provincial Commissioner (PC) Eliud Mahihu was particularly well known for his dictatorial attitude and concern with development.

As he said in 1998: ‘About calling us governors, I had no problem … we were employed to govern our provinces and we did.' Simeon Nyachae was in a class of his own as the most able, politically astute non-Kikuyu PC with direct personal loyalty to Kenyatta (though he had married a wife from Nyeri). His governorship of Central Province was a critical ethnic balancing act. Moi's influence was seen in the appointment of two Kalenjin PCs, and Kenyatta took care to ensure that the Luo were governed not by a Kikuyu, but by a Kipsigis.

The same pattern was seen elsewhere. In the central government, Geoffrey Kariithi (a Kikuyu from Kirinyaga and educated at Alliance High School) headed the civil service from 1967 to 1979). Other senior figures included J. Kiereini (ex-Alliance, also from Kirinyaga and an ex-detention camp warden) who ran the Ministry of Defense, Peter Gachathi (Alliance, Kiambu) was education secretary from 1969 to 1979. Duncan Ndegwa (Alliance, Nyeri) was governor of the Central Bank. Joseph Gethenji (Nyeri) was director of personnel from 1968 to 1978, while Joseph Kibe (Murang'a) was permanent secretary for commerce and industry.

Of course, there were powerful civil servants who were not Kikuyu, but they generally played a secondary role. A study of top civil service posts in 1972 showed that Kikuyu now held 50 per cent of the top jobs, a rapid increase since the 1960s. There were reports that a Posting Committee in the Office of the President (OP) made civil service appointments in advance of interviews by the Public Service Commission, and that this committee was dominated by ex-Home Guard Kikuyu.

The situation was a little different amongst the parastatals. Many heads of parastatals, appointed by Kenyatta or his ministers, were also Kikuyu. There is no doubt that these were intelligent, competent individuals. Many had gone through the elite forcing-ground at Alliance High School and knew each other well. Whether they were the best men for the job was another question, as personal loyalty to Kenyatta was critical. Kenyatta was lucky that he had an educated, able cadre of loyalists to choose from, a luxury that Moi did not have a decade later.

Amongst private sector organizations not led by Europeans or Asians, Kikuyu dominance was equally strong. Francis Thuo (Murang'a) was chairman of the Nairobi Stock Exchange during 1970-83. Joseph Wanyoike (Murang'a) was managing director of Kenya Cooperative Creameries from 1968 until 1978. Bethwell Gecaga (Murang'a) chaired BAT from 1967 until 1995. His son and Kenyatta's nephew Udi Gecaga was then Lonrho chairman. Ex-permanent secretary Kenneth Matiba (Alliance, Murang'a) ran Kenya Breweries until 1984, while Joe Wanjui (Kiambu) ran East African Industries until 1993.

The Kikuyu dominance at the top filtered down to other levels. Each appointment generated power and income for its holder and a trickle-down to their home area through contracts, jobs for clients and preferential allocation of development funds. A self-reinforcing structure of privilege was built which 24 years of Moi's rule never fully dismantled. In October 1973, Shikuku presciently warned that if the Kikuyu did not share the fruits of Uhuru with others, they would eventually be ‘eaten' by the other 41 tribes ‘like a satisfied hyena was eaten up by hungry hyenas'. Not every job was set aside for the Kikuyu, however. The ethnic sifting process worked much the same way when a non-Kikuyu ran an organization. There were protests in 1970, for example, that East African Airways (EAA), the National Housing Corporation (NHC) and the KNTC were the ‘monopoly of Abaluyias'.

The Luo received little preference from the State. The 1965-66 split and the Kenya People's Union (KPU) era had alienated Kenyatta permanently from the community and as Kenya Times suggested: "Henceforth, the Luos became second class citizens of Kenya. They were viewed with suspicion in all quarters and they were given the lowest rating whenever it came to jobs. Apart from the Kisumu-Busia, Kisumu-Kericho and Kisumu-Kisii roads, Luo Nyanza roads were not tarmacked."

While the Kamba had the military, the Luo-with some of the best-educated and most active elites at Independence-had few avenues for their energies. They had no large settlement schemes and most of Luo Nyanza was unsuitable for coffee and tea. They could go into business, but the commercial sector was tilted in favour of the Kikuyu and they had capital. Distrusted in the military, parastatals and politics, they focused instead on the civil service, the professions, trade unionism and religion. Luo increasingly blamed their marginalization, both real and apparent, on the Kikuyu, and built a mythology of resistance and social cohesion around opposition to the Kikuyu elite's political and economic goals.

It was now clear that the Kikuyu and to a lesser extent their Mount Kenya neighbours in Embu and Meru were embedding a sense of pre-eminence in their collective culture. There was growing assumption of their right to rule. Many Kikuyu believed they were smarter, more entrepreneurial and had suffered more under colonialism. They compared themselves with Europeans, and viewed other Kenyans as backward and likely to destroy the economy if given power. Their widespread antipathy to the Luo was not based on their failure to practice male circumcision (though it was a genuine point of cultural tension), but on the threat they posed because of their numbers and history of recent conflict.

By the 1980s, under Moi, the Kikuyu had become firmly associated in the popular imagination with competitive differentiation and ‘money grabbing', while their Luo counterparts had come to epitomize indolence, poverty, socialism and rebellion. Jaramogi Odinga and Jomo Kenyatta symbolized this cleavage: Odinga was the dispossessed; Kenyatta the benevolent dictator but simultaneously ‘the chief architect and patron of the Greater Kikuyu Community'.

KENYATTA'S KEY PROVINCIAL COMMISSIONERS

• Paul Boit - PC Central, Western and Nairobi (1964-80) Kalenjin – Nandi, son of chief
• Isaiah Cheluget - PC Nyanza (1969-80). Kalenjin – Kipsigis
• Charles Koinange - PC Central and Eastern (1967-80). KIKUYU from Kiambu, son of senior chief, Mbiyu Koinange's brother and Kenyatta's brother-in-law
• Eliud Mahihu - PC Eastern and Coast (1965-82). KIKUYU from Nyeri, colonial administrator and ex-Home Guard
• Isaiah Mathenge - PC Coast, Rift Valley and Eastern (1965-82). KIKUYU from Nyeri, ex-Home Guard and detention camp warder
• John Godhard Mburu - PC Coast, North-Eastern, Nairobi and Western (1964-79). KIKUYU from Murang'a
• Simeon Naychae - PC Rift Valley and Central (1965-79). Gusii, son of chief

SENIOR KIKUYU PARASTATAL HEADS IN THE 1970S

• Ephantus Gakuo - Director-general of East African Railways (later Kenya Railways), 1987-1970s. MURANG'A
• Bethwell Gecaga - Chairman, Industrial Development Bank (1976-9). MURANG'A
• Julius Gecau - Managing director, East Africa (later Kenya) Power and Lighting Company (1970-84). KIAMBU
• James Karani Gitau - General manager, Kenya National Trading Corporation (1969-79). KIAMBU
• Stanley Githunguri - Executive chairman, National Bank of Kenya (1976-9). KIAMBU
• Charles Karanja - General manager, Kenya Tea Development Authority (1970-81). KIAMBU
• John Matere Keriri - General manager then managing director, Development Finance Company of Kenya (1972-82). KIRINYAGA
• Peter Kinyanjui - Chairman, East African Harbours Corporation (later Kenya Ports Authority) 1970-80. KIAMBU
• John Michuki - Executive chairman, Kenya Commercial Bank (1970-9). MURANG'A
• Philip Ndegwa - Chairman, Agricultural Finance Corporation (to 1974). KIRINYAGA
• Matu Wamae - Executive director, Industrial and Commercial Development Corporation (1969-79). NYERI

Kenya: A History Since Independence (Pages 254-258) By Charles Hornsby (2012)

Kikuyunization of Government Started with Mzee Jomo Kenyatta « Kenya Stockholm Blog

 

[Stroke]

Doh, wakenya hongereni kwa dramas zisizokua na mwisho

 

[mayenga]

This is dangerous to you Kenyans,centralization of power to one or two tribes doesn't pay!!

Sent from my BlackBerry 9780 using JamiiForums

 

[gambera]

It is historical injustice

 

[mfianchi]

Raila tosha

 

[Crucial Man]

chezea kikuyu mafias wewe.hawa jamaa ni hatari kama ukimwi.

 

[Iza]

Hivi si mliamua wenyewe kumchagua UK sasa izo kelele za ukabila hamkuujua?..Fanyeni kazi acheni siasa uchwara..

 

[Dhuks]

People really have time, 2017 here we come.

 

[Mekatilili]

People really have time, 2017 here we come.

Njuguna, your time is up. What resources does Central Kenya have? The whole province is owned by a click of families and their croonies are like ticks; feeding off the resources from other regions. Meanwhile the Kikuyus have been dispersed to the slums of Nairobi and yet they will be the first to defend their tribal overlords.

A vast majority of Kenyan: from Western regions, Nyanza regions, Coast Regions to North Eastern regions are all fed up and have lost faith in the judicial system. Your country has set itself up for another PEV. Yes 2017 is coming and sadly, it will make 2008 look like child's play.

 

[Jammu Africa]

In fact, Ruto may end up with the Ministry of Sports, Culture and Arts or Ministry of Labour, Social Services and Social Security in a country where there has never been any form of social security, leave alone jobs to keep the Ministry of Labour running.

He he he he,,,Dr Job,,,before you mislead anyone,,,,read the constitution very very
carefully.

That is article 147,,,,,

(4). The deputy president shall not hold any other state or public office.


So,,,my dear Dr,,you are living in the past where the VP used to hold any other
office,,,like that of,,minister of home affairs.

Secondly,,,,UhuRuto 50/50 sharing is not like that one of Kibaki and
Raila.

UhuRuto are wiser than these Wazees,,,,very old thinkers and very
selfish.

Said Ruto,,on an interview at KTN,,,,that,,,"we have an agreement
to please our supporters,,,but my friendship with Uhuru is not
written anywhere,,,on any paper,,,for ours is true friendship.

We work as,,not as a president and DP,,,but as true friends
and do not expect us to see fighting,,on any issue".

And abot,,sijui mafia,,,,let our good Dr continue,,with his
new novel.:mmph::mmph: very interesting,,,he he he,,,but,,consult
that book,,the constitution,,before,,,,eeeeee,,,,just
an advice,,sir.

 

[Jammu Africa]

Njuguna, your time is up. What resources does Central Kenya have? The whole province is owned by a click of families and their croonies are like ticks; feeding off the resources from other regions. Meanwhile the Kikuyus have been dispersed to the slums of Nairobi and yet they will be the first to defend their tribal overlords.

A vast majority of Kenyan: from Western regions, Nyanza regions, Coast Regions to North Eastern regions are all fed up and have lost faith in the judicial system. Your country has set itself up for another PEV. Yes 2017 is coming and sadly, it will make 2008 look like child's play.

Your brain, as a human being,,is the best resource of all.

That is why,,Mzungus,,,came to Africa,,,a continent with
all resources and took over,,,for the inhabitants,,,,,
had little or no,,,, that useful resource of all,,the brains
to utilize the resources,,,around.

 

[Kiambu mafia]

Njuguna, your time is up. What resources does Central Kenya have? The whole province is owned by a click of families and their croonies are like ticks; feeding off the resources from other regions. Meanwhile the Kikuyus have been dispersed to the slums of Nairobi and yet they will be the first to defend their tribal overlords.

A vast majority of Kenyan: from Western regions, Nyanza regions, Coast Regions to North Eastern regions are all fed up and have lost faith in the judicial system. Your country has set itself up for another PEV. Yes 2017 is coming and sadly, it will make 2008 look like child's play.

Ochuodho, why all the bitterness to the point of geting mixed up?

1.Central has no resources
2. Majority of Kikuyus live in Nairobi slums
3. Why are your people in Nyanza fed up and have no faith in the judicially to the point that they will kill the small number of 'poor' Kikuyus who live there in 2017? God forbid but if it happens, I doubt them in central and Nairobi will do what they did in 2007, just asking your type to move out of their houses without a scratch while their kinsmen were being killed in Kisumu.
Jua mshumeno hukata mbele na nyuma.

 

[Kiambu mafia]

Why did we lose the elections.............. becouse it was rigged by Kikuyus
Why did we lose the petition.................Becouse the Judges were bribed by Kikuyus
Why is there endless violence in Luo Nyanza...............becouse Uhuru(a kikuyu) sends thugs there.
Why did Ruto break up with Raila........coz of Kikuyus
Why are we poor.......................coz Kikuyus denied us a chance
Why are they rich.....................coz of having one of their own as president.

Why did they continue to expand even in Moi's (a non Kikuyu) 24 yrs of persecution.......?????????????????

Haha! Mad men indeed! Kaguta was right.

 

[Dhuks]

The naomba serikali mentality is infectious, 2008 was a joke to those who must rule kenya one day.

 

[Dr. Job]

He he he he,,,Dr Job,,,before you mislead anyone,,,,read the constitution very very
carefully.

That is article 147,,,,,

(4). The deputy president shall not hold any other state or public office.


So,,,my dear Dr,,you are living in the past where the VP used to hold any other
office,,,like that of,,minister of home affairs.

Secondly,,,,UhuRuto 50/50 sharing is not like that one of Kibaki and
Raila.

UhuRuto are wiser than these Wazees,,,,very old thinkers and very
selfish.

Said Ruto,,on an interview at KTN,,,,that,,,"we have an agreement
to please our supporters,,,but my friendship with Uhuru is not
written anywhere,,,on any paper,,,for ours is true friendship.

We work as,,not as a president and DP,,,but as true friends
and do not expect us to see fighting,,on any issue".

And abot,,sijui mafia,,,,let our good Dr continue,,with his
new novel.:mmph::mmph: very interesting,,,he he he,,,but,,consult
that book,,the constitution,,before,,,,eeeeee,,,,just
an advice,,sir.

You need to learn how to read English and understand before fouling this board with your infantile tantrums.

 

[Dr. Job]

Njuguna, your time is up. What resources does Central Kenya have? The whole province is owned by a click of families and their croonies are like ticks; feeding off the resources from other regions. Meanwhile the Kikuyus have been dispersed to the slums of Nairobi and yet they will be the first to defend their tribal overlords.

A vast majority of Kenyan: from Western regions, Nyanza regions, Coast Regions to North Eastern regions are all fed up and have lost faith in the judicial system. Your country has set itself up for another PEV. Yes 2017 is coming and sadly, it will make 2008 look like child's play.

Devolution will indeed surprise some people....especially those who were reaping where they did not sow. One day those three fools up there will be gone and I hope we have a transparent enough system that is accountable and answers to its people. Amen.

 

[Kiambu mafia]

Devolution will indeed surprise some people....especially those who were reaping where they did not sow. One day those three fools up there will be gone and I hope we have a transparent enough system that is accountable and answers to its people. Amen.

Dr.

Playing victim will never develop any region/county, how did the Luos fair economically during Moi's 24yr rule?

 

[Dr. Job]

Dr.

Playing victim will never develop any region/county, how did the Luos fair economically during Moi's 24yr rule?

One: Nobody is playing victim.
Two: This is not about Luo's and Moi.

These people mentioned up there hold immense power over the executive bearing in mind they have everything to do with the fact that Uhuru Kenyatta is the president of Kenya. These cartels have existed with every President since independence and we all know how they do the dirty work for the incumbent. Pray tell why for instance Gichangi called the head of the Saitoti medical Inquiry team, Dr Oduor, as asked specifically to omit the report that pointed to poisoning of the deceased from what he presented to the commission?

Why do we need a contigent of 600 policemen in the burial of Mutula Kilonzo yet marauding gangs are killing each other in Busia? 2 of those people up there can stop that menace in a minute through prioritising their work and using the mechanisms at their disposal to investigate the goings-on...but as we know this is Kenya!

 

[Kiambu mafia]

One: Nobody is playing victim.
Two: This is not about Luo's and Moi.

These people mentioned up there hold immense power over the executive bearing in mind they have everything to do with the fact that Uhuru Kenyatta is the president of Kenya. These cartels have existed with every President since independence and we all know how they do the dirty work for the incumbent. Pray tell why for instance Gichangi called the head of the Saitoti medical Inquiry team, Dr Oduor, as asked specifically to omit the report that pointed to poisoning of the deceased from what he presented to the commission?

Why do we need a contigent of 600 policemen in the burial of Mutula Kilonzo yet marauding gangs are killing each other in Busia? 2 of those people up there can stop that menace in a minute through prioritising their work and using the mechanisms at their disposal to investigate the goings-on...but as we know this is Kenya!

Much of the post you have put above is largly aimed at showing how Luos have suffered under Kikuyus. What I call acting victim.

From 1978 to 2002, Moi was in control for a whole 24yrs, how did the Luos do economically now that there was no kikuyu to oppress them for a whole quarter of a century?
What about the Kikuyus, did their wealth stop growing because the president was not a Kikuyu, were they still not the major shareholders and owners of Companies in Kenya, notwithstanding deliberate economic attack on Kikuyus by Mois administration, SK Macharia(A Kikuyu had his company, Madhu papaer taken overby Mois government).

I will put you to task and askyou to substantiate your wild claims that Gishangi, Kimemia and Kiangi made Uhuru the president.

Were they the Electral commission?
Were they the Supreem court?

Be spesific and detailed my friend.

Oduol is a Luo, why did he collaborate with these demonic Kikuyus and failed to give the "Cherry pink" evidence?