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Mchongoma sijaelewa hayo masaa
...ndio maana Shk Abeid Amaan Karume aliamrisha wananchi wote Unguja na pemba wakti huo kujitolea kujenga majumba ya maendeleo ya Michenzani, Kilimani mpaka Makunduchi, na serikali yake ilihakikisha kila mwenye flat anapatiwa 'Televisheni' kuona maendeleo, na Jiko la umeme, kuepusha kupikia kuni ndani ya flat.WELL,nchi kuwa na deni au kutokuwa na deni,means nothing,if that status quo does not reflect on the standard of living of her people.sasa zanzibar kutokuwa na deni and yet wananchi dont see the fruits of such position is tantamount to zero.afadhali kuwa na deni,ambalo lina rub off kwa wananchi,in terms of a higher standard living
Mchongoma sijaelewa hayo masaa
karume aliikuta zanzibar tajiri sana................ila maajabu badala ya kuipeleka mbele akairudisha nyuma!
FMES said:Hivi si nasikia kuna wakati serikali ya mapinduzi Zanzibar ilikuwa haidaiwi deni na serikali yoyote duniani, au?
Tanzania
International Religious Freedom Report 2002
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
There was no change in the status of respect for religious freedom during the period covered by this report. Some urban Muslim groups are sensitive to perceived discrimination in government hiring and law enforcement practices. Muslims continued to perceive government discrimination in favor of Christians in schools, the workplace, and places of worship.
There are generally amicable relations among religions in society; however, there was an increase in tension between Muslims and Christians and between secular and fundamentalist Muslims.
The U.S. Government discusses religious freedom issues with the Government in the context of its overall dialog and policy of promoting human rights.
Section I. Religious Demography
The country has a total area of 364,900 square miles, and its population is approximately 35 million. Religious leaders and sociologists generally believe that the country's population is 30 to 40 percent Christian, 30 to 40 percent Muslim, and that the remainder consists of practitioners of other faiths, traditional indigenous religions, and atheists. Zanzibar, which accounts for 2.5 percent of the country's population, is 98 percent Muslim. Current statistics on religious demography are unavailable; religious surveys were eliminated from all government census reports after 1967. The Christian population is comprised of Roman Catholics, Protestants, Pentecostals, Seventh-Day Adventists, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Mormons), and Jehovah's Witnesses. Between 80 to 90 percent of the Muslim population is Sunni; the remainder consists of several Shi'a groups.
In 1998 the Government dissolved its national and regional parole boards after complaints that they did not include Muslim members, even though the majority of the prison population is Muslim. The boards were reconstituted in February 1999 with a more religiously diverse membership. During the period covered by this report, the Government's investigation determined that the allegations that the National Muslim Council was receiving money from outside of the country were unfounded.
The law prohibits preaching or distribution of materials that are considered inflammatory and represent a threat to the public order. In 2000 the Government banned the publication and distribution of a book by a Muslim academic on the grounds that it was inflammatory. The book, titled "The Mwembechai Killings," described Muslim grievances against the Government and provided the author's version of events surrounding the killings of three Muslim protesters in 1998 in the Mwembechai area of Dar es Salaam. Unlike in the period covered by the previous report, urban Muslims did not distribute videotapes of the Mwembechai riots to document perceived human rights abuses; the Government previously had outlawed these videotapes for being incendiary.
The Government does not designate religion on any passports or records of vital statistics; however, it requires an individual's religion to be stated on police reports, school registration forms, and applications for medical care.
Government policy forbids discrimination against any individual on the basis of religious beliefs or practices; however, individual government officials are alleged to favor persons who share the same religion in the conduct of business. The Muslim community claims to be disadvantaged in terms of its representation in the civil service, government, and parastatal institutions, in part because both colonial and early post-independence administrations refused to recognize the credentials of traditional Muslim schools. As a result, there is broad Muslim resentment of certain advantages that Christians are perceived to enjoy in employment and educational opportunities.
Muslim leaders have complained that the number of Muslim students invited to enroll in government-run schools still was not equal to the number of Christians. In turn Christians criticize what they perceive as lingering effects of undue favoritism accorded to Muslims in appointments, jobs, and scholarships by former President Ali Hassan Mwinyi, a Muslim. Christian leaders agree that the Muslim student population in institutions of higher learning is disproportionately low; however, they blame this condition on historical circumstances and low school attendance rates by Muslims rather than discrimination.
The Government failed to respond to growing tensions between the Muslim and Christian communities (see Section III).
The Government recognized that a problem exists, but it chose not to take action.
The Government cancelled several meetings with Muslim and Christian leaders aimed at improving relations between the two communities.
Even senior Muslim officials in the Government appear unwilling to address the problem, apart from general criticism of those who would foment religious conflict.
In 1999 President Mkapa met with leaders of the Muslim community at a Dar es Salaam mosque to listen to their grievances and propose solutions; however, urban Muslim leaders claim that no action has been taken to address their concerns.
In July 2001, a local magistrate in Morogoro sentenced Kahmis Rajab Dibagula to an 18-month jail term for blasphemy against Christianity for publicly stating "Yesu si Mungu" (Jesus is not God). In August 2001, police banned Muslim protests scheduled for August 23 in Dar es Salaam on public safety grounds. Despite the Inspector General's refusal to grant a permit for the rally, in August 2001, Muslim youths marched to the Attorney General's office while High Court Justice Chipeta heard the Dibagula case.
While Chipeta agreed to overturn the sentence and ordered the release of Dibagula, the High Court widely was criticized in the Muslim community for only overturning the conviction rather than stating that the blasphemy charge was unconstitutional and discriminatory towards Muslims. More than 170 Muslims were arrested, and cases remained pending against 41 persons, with no trial date set by the end of the period covered by this report.
In December 2001, police on Zanzibar arrested more than 20 leaders of the Muslim Answar Sunna group for conducting Eid el Fitr prayers on a day other than the one designated by the Government of Zanzibar.
On February 13, 2002, violence began after police intervened and fired tear gas at a Muslim prayer meeting to commemorate the 1998 Mwembechai mosque riots; two persons, including a police officer, were killed.
The organizers of the banned prayer meeting claimed the protest event had been peaceful until the police intervened; the police claimed that they used tear gas in order to disperse demonstrations and prevent a clash between rival Muslim groups.
The Government subsequently convinced Muslim groups to cancel a series of demonstrations planned for March 29, 2002, to protest the February events. Following the violence, the police arrested nine Muslim leaders, who remained in prison at the end of the period covered by this report; their hearing date was scheduled for August 2002. They were denied bail while a government investigation into the incident was ongoing. Other Muslim leaders went into hiding and were not caught by the end of the period covered by this report.
In 1999 police arrested Sheikh Issa Ponda, a popular Muslim leader, for inciting his followers against other religions. A week later, the police canceled a planned Muslim demonstration to protest his arrest. The Sheikh later was charged with seditious intent and released on bail; however, in February 2002, he was rearrested and charged with murder as one of the nine Muslim leaders held responsible for the Mwembechai mosque riots. Ponda was denied bail and remained in prison at the end of the period covered by this report.
In 2000 a University of Dar es Salaam organization conducted a study of the possible role of religion in impeding the country's future development as a multiparty democracy. The organization, Research, Education and Democracy in Tanzania (REDET), which consists of a number of academics--Muslim and Christian--surveyed the public's views of religion as a potential societal faultline. The results of the study, which was not published by the end of the period covered by this report, were discussed publicly at a symposium held by REDET in December 2001.
The study concluded that Muslims as a group were underrepresented in educational, governmental, and private sector institutions. The study was inconclusive on the cause of such underrepresentation; some scholars blamed outright discrimination by the Government and school administrators, while others blamed postcolonial historical circumstances, such as the legacy of Christian missionary control of private schools.
An interdenominational religious council periodically meets to discuss issues of mutual concern, such as the recent violence in Zanzibar. The council is comprised of Catholic, Protestant, and Muslim representatives.
The Muslim representative belongs to the BAKWATA; several urban Muslim leaders and a majority of urban Muslims believe that the BAKWATA is a government-imposed watchdog organization.
JF......be careful na watu wanaochezea mind za watu hapa......hawaitakii mema JF at the end of the day.............trust me........kuna watu wametumwa hapa.........!
WELL,nchi kuwa na deni au kutokuwa na deni,means nothing,if that status quo does not reflect on the standard of living of her people.sasa zanzibar kutokuwa na deni and yet wananchi dont see the fruits of such position is tantamount to zero.afadhali kuwa na deni,ambalo lina rub off kwa wananchi,in terms of a higher standard living
JF......be careful na watu wanaochezea mind za watu hapa......hawaitakii mema JF at the end of the day.............trust me........kuna watu wametumwa hapa.........!
😀Binafsi nilishiriki sana kwenye usafirishaji wa raba za aina ya Tiger, sijui kama unazikumbuka, zilikuwa ni kutoka Japan lakini zilikuwepo Zenji tu kwenye duka la Uwanja wao mpya wa Mpira Tartan,
..hilo la kusema zanzibar ilifilisika kwa kutoa pesa kwenye vita kagera si kweli..kwani hata kama walitoa pesa hazingetosha kuendesha vita hata wiki moja..ila hatupuuzi mchango wao kwenye vita..lakini sio sababu ya kukauka hazina yao....
President Nyerere has in the past attributed much of his country's economic misfortune to outside factors. As an eloquent spokesman for what is called the third world, he has complained that adverse terms of trade, burgeoning oil prices and his war against the Ugandan dictator Idi Amin have strangled the economy. 'The Future Is Ominous'
Unpublished figures, compiled by Scandanavian and Western embassies, however, show a different picture. According to one such analysis, whose authors requested anonymity, the losses incurred by Tanzania because of falling agricultural output are more than double those created by high oil prices. Another analysis, noting that ''the future is ominous,'' said that, even if Tanzania received all of its oil free, there would still be a huge gap between imports and its exports of agricultural commodities, mainly coffee.
At the same time as the food gifts began arriving at Dar es Salaam, news of another import began to leak out, though not in the official Tanzanian press. The country's Vice President, Aboud Jumbe, who is the leader of Zanzibar, a part of Tanzania with control over its own economy, has ordered a $5 million executive jet to wing his way from the island to the mainland, a 10-minute flight.
STATE DEPARTMENT nao katika kumbu kumbu mwaka 2002 walisema hivi:
Kisha wakaendelea kusema hivi:
Section II. Status of Religious Freedom
Legal/Policy Framework
The Constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the Government generally respects this right in practice, subject to measures that it claims are necessary to ensure public order and safety; however, there were a few limits on this right............
HALAFU patamu ni [anasema hivi kwenye hiyo ripoti ya STATE DEPT...
Restrictions on Religious Freedom
PATAMU NI HAPA:
A unique style of preventing suspects from running away. The police have tied up together the shirts of two highly respected Muslim leaders, Sheikh Ali Ali (71) and Sheikh Omar Mayunga (51) because the police found several copies of the Quran in their car on 30 March, 1998.
.
Hivi hii ni halali? maana inaweza kutumika kama religious profiling au mnasemaje?
WAMAREKANI wanaendelea kusema hivi:
UTAMU ZAIDI uko hapa:
WACHUKIENI TUU HAWA WAAMERIKA LAKINI UKWELI WANAUJUA.....
Abuses of Religious Freedom
Kana kama hiyo haitoshi STATE DEPT WANAENDELEA KUSEMA HIVI....
Na kuhusus MWEMBECHAI STATE DEPT WANAMWAGA UPUPU KWA KUSEMA HIVI:
Sasa kama Ponda alikuwa charged for Muder mbona leo yuko free au ?
anyway STATE DEP waliendelea kusema hivi...another interesting part....:
State Dept walikuwa na haya ya kusema kuhusus BAKWATA:
International Religious Freedom Report Home Page
ZAIDI INGIA HAPA:
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2002/13859.htm
FMES,
..hizo raba mtoni, sabuni, na nguo, zilikuwa zinatengenezwa nchi gani?
..kilichotokea kwa wenzetu wa Zanzibar ni kutengeneza taifa la consumers.
..SMZ hawakujitahidi kuwekeza fedha zao ktk viwanda na uzalishaji.
..hata mapato ya Karafuu yalipatikana kutokana na karafuu ghafi, badala ya processed. ..watu milioni moja wanashindwa vipi kutumia soko la Watanganyika milioni 30 kwa manufaa yao?
..Wakenya hawana Muungano wowote ule na Tanganyika, lakini wametugeuza kuwa soko la bidhaa zao. kwa nini Wazanzibari washindwe wakati wanadai walikuwa na mapesa kibao ktk hazina yao?..kuna nchi kibao zinalilia kuwa ktk position ya Zanzibar, yaani kuwa na majirani waliolala ambao unaweza kuwa-exploit Kiuchumi.