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Tukumbuke Zamani: Historia ya Taifa letu katika picha
Tukumbuke Zamani: Historia ya Taifa letu katika picha
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William J. Malecela
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Was Kambona That Bad By Metty Nyang'oro | Published 12/8/2006 | Siasa | Unrated
This article originally appeared on my blog, but given its importance, I thought it would be nice for all of us to share.
An old respectful Tanzanian lady dropped by for a visit last night. She dropped her hello for my brother who just moved to the US from Tanzania. That was a wonderful courteous Tanzanian gesture. Quite naturally, the conversation touched on politics and maendeleo topics. Given that my brother just landed, we all expected a fresh perspective from Tanzania. Obviously, when you talk about maendeleo you cannot avoid throwing Mwalimu Nyerere into the mix.
I have had a taste of what it meant to live in the Nyerere era. I understand the mystique around this late dude. This lady happened to be an old guard who strongly believe that Nyerere is the best thing that has ever happened to Tanzania.
Really?
How do we know that Nyerere was the best thing? See the problem I have with folks who regard Nyerere highly is that we dont the alternatives, at his time, to make a logical, objective comparison. I am not even sure if we know Nyerere for who is or what he wanted Tanzanians to believe. He managed to create an aura of admiration and worship. He created an atmosphere where no one would question his ideas.
Remember the days when we couldnt read anything other than Uhuru, Mzalendo, Daily News and Sunday News before Mfanyakazi came into existence to provide some kind of an entertainment relief? You remember the days when the 8:00 PM RTD news bulletin would be followed up by a Ujumbe wa Leo propaganda? I have to give it up to Nyerere. He ensured that Tanzanians couldnt run or hide from his ideology. If you feed someone junk for twenty (20) years, they would believe that crap. He even went as far as insulting our intelligence by putting a hoe against himself in the election. A hoe or a hammer, can you believe that? Who elects a hoe as the president?
What ticks me off is the fact that he forced us to sing derogatory songs against Oscar Kambona. We sang this tune during our morning mchakamchaka routines in High School, Kambona ameolewa! Wapi?! Wapi?! Uingereza! Was Kambona really that bad? What is the historical truth?
Since I was born past the time Kambona took off, I had to dig into the history materials to find out for myself. This is what I found.
When the TANU National Executive Committee met in Arusha January 26-29 1967 it turned out to be a stormy session. At this meeting Nyerere proposed that Ujamaa become the official policy of the government. Oscar Kambona objected strongly to this policy. Twice during these sessions, the Executive Committee adjourned in order to allow their three leaders, Nyerere, Kambona and Kawawa to go into private session. Each time that they returned to the Executive Committee it was apparent that Kawawa had supported Nyerere to defeat Kambona. The result was that the Arusha Declaration was adopted.
Source: Maryknoll Africa
It gets me mad to realize that I actually sang derogatory songs against an individual who did nothing wrong. If at all, his crime was to express his opinion against Nyereres utopian dreams. The worst part is the fact that the introduction of free market economy has proven that Kambona was right and Nyerere's ideas were just a disaster in the making.
This artile is not whether Kambona was better than Nyerere, and vice versa. It is intended to push us into taking a very hard look at our history and what we have been long taught and gauge whether our perspective and perceptions are correct. But in order to effectively do that, we have to be objective and let go of our political biasness. Unfortunately, the Tanzanian history is tangled with Nyereres legacy.
In order for us to create the right future, we have to unearth some of the wrong foundations and beliefs that we have held on for so long. I dont want my children to grow up thinking that Nyerere was the best think that has ever happened to Tanzania, while that could not an objective assessment. I dont want my kids to grow up thinking that Oscar Kambona, Mzee Mapalala, or Kassanga Tumbo were villains simply because they didnt fit into Nyereres thinking. That is the point.
I strongly believe that we owe it to ourselves to query as to whether the little we know, particularly on Kambona's disagreement on Ujamaa, is enough to sideline this man and negatively portray his contribution the way Nyerere did.
So the question of the day is: Was Kambona that bad?
Was Kambona That Bad?This article originally appeared on my blog, but given its importance, I thought it would be nice for all of us to share.
An old respectful Tanzanian lady dropped by for a visit last night. She dropped her hello for my brother who just moved to the US from Tanzania. That was a wonderful courteous Tanzanian gesture. Quite naturally, the conversation touched on politics and maendeleo topics. Given that my brother just landed, we all expected a fresh perspective from Tanzania. Obviously, when you talk about maendeleo you cannot avoid throwing Mwalimu Nyerere into the mix.
I have had a taste of what it meant to live in the Nyerere era. I understand the mystique around this late dude. This lady happened to be an old guard who strongly believe that Nyerere is the best thing that has ever happened to Tanzania.
Really?
How do we know that Nyerere was the best thing? See the problem I have with folks who regard Nyerere highly is that we dont the alternatives, at his time, to make a logical, objective comparison. I am not even sure if we know Nyerere for who is or what he wanted Tanzanians to believe. He managed to create an aura of admiration and worship. He created an atmosphere where no one would question his ideas.
Remember the days when we couldnt read anything other than Uhuru, Mzalendo, Daily News and Sunday News before Mfanyakazi came into existence to provide some kind of an entertainment relief? You remember the days when the 8:00 PM RTD news bulletin would be followed up by a Ujumbe wa Leo propaganda? I have to give it up to Nyerere. He ensured that Tanzanians couldnt run or hide from his ideology. If you feed someone junk for twenty (20) years, they would believe that crap. He even went as far as insulting our intelligence by putting a hoe against himself in the election. A hoe or a hammer, can you believe that? Who elects a hoe as the president?
What ticks me off is the fact that he forced us to sing derogatory songs against Oscar Kambona. We sang this tune during our morning mchakamchaka routines in High School, Kambona ameolewa! Wapi?! Wapi?! Uingereza! Was Kambona really that bad? What is the historical truth?
Since I was born past the time Kambona took off, I had to dig into the history materials to find out for myself. This is what I found.
When the TANU National Executive Committee met in Arusha January 26-29 1967 it turned out to be a stormy session. At this meeting Nyerere proposed that Ujamaa become the official policy of the government. Oscar Kambona objected strongly to this policy. Twice during these sessions, the Executive Committee adjourned in order to allow their three leaders, Nyerere, Kambona and Kawawa to go into private session. Each time that they returned to the Executive Committee it was apparent that Kawawa had supported Nyerere to defeat Kambona. The result was that the Arusha Declaration was adopted.
Source: Maryknoll Africa
It gets me mad to realize that I actually sang derogatory songs against an individual who did nothing wrong. If at all, his crime was to express his opinion against Nyereres utopian dreams. The worst part is the fact that the introduction of free market economy has proven that Kambona was right and Nyerere's ideas were just a disaster in the making.
This artile is not whether Kambona was better than Nyerere, and vice versa. It is intended to push us into taking a very hard look at our history and what we have been long taught and gauge whether our perspective and perceptions are correct. But in order to effectively do that, we have to be objective and let go of our political biasness. Unfortunately, the Tanzanian history is tangled with Nyereres legacy.
In order for us to create the right future, we have to unearth some of the wrong foundations and beliefs that we have held on for so long. I dont want my children to grow up thinking that Nyerere was the best think that has ever happened to Tanzania, while that could not an objective assessment. I dont want my kids to grow up thinking that Oscar Kambona, Mzee Mapalala, or Kassanga Tumbo were villains simply because they didnt fit into Nyereres thinking. That is the point.
I strongly believe that we owe it to ourselves to query as to whether the little we know, particularly on Kambona's disagreement on Ujamaa, is enough to sideline this man and negatively portray his contribution the way Nyerere did.
So the question of the day is: Was Kambona that bad?
William J. Malecela
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THE DAR MUTINY OF 1964. Tony Lawrence aided by Sir Chrisotopher MacRae. Book Guild Publishing. 19 New Road. BN1 1UF. 2007. £16.99
Little has been written about the dramatic events in Tanzania on 20th January and succeeding days in 1964 when the Tanganyikan army mutinied and a reluctant President Nyerere had to call in military assistance from Britain only three years after he had obtained his countrys independence. The other major book on the incident, Tanganyika Rifles Mutiny January 1964 (Dar Salaam University Press) was published in 1993 and gave a very detailed account of what happened as seen by the Tanganyikans involved.
This book, described rightly by former British Foreign Secretary Lord Carrington in a brief Forward, as a remarkable story and a very good read, describes the events more from the British point of view. Lord Carrington confesses that he has little personal recollection of the mutiny and its aftermath. This could not be said however of people living in Dar es Salaam at the time who are unlikely to forget their extreme anxiety as mutinous soldiers wandered around the city out-of-control and looters were allowed to attack property.
Tony Lawrence was serving at the time as Signal Communications Officer in the aircraft carrier HMS Centaur, from which the British intervention was launched. Christopher MacRae was a newly appointed member of the British High Commissions staff in Dar es Salaam and was a specialist in African politics. They start by tracing the causes of the mutiny - low pay and lack of promotion opportunities - because little had been done until then to Africanise the army by appointing Tanganyikan officers to replace the British officers who still held all senior positions.
The authors blame both Britain and Tanganyika for this. They then go on to analyse briefly the performance of the principal government ministers involved, the leaders of the mutiny and the Tanganyikan army officers who had no easy choice in deciding what to do. Of all these, Minister of Defence and External Affairs, Oscar Kambona, figures most prominently. He is criticised in the book for what is described as his erratic style of management before the mutiny and then praised for courageously taking on the angry soldiers and persuading them to return to barracks while President Nyerere had gone temporarily into hiding. They do not accept the conspiracy theory that Kambona might have been in collusion with the mutineers. After it was all over, Kambona fell out with Nyerere over socialism and spent most of the rest of his life in exile in Britain, working initially for London Transport.
It is not possible in a brief review to do justice to the many actions described. A few highlights:
The aircraft carrier Centaur was relatively small and it was suddenly called upon to take on board in Aden, army and Royal Marine Commando units, additional aircraft and helicopters, armoured cars, landrovers and vast quantities of stores before proceeding apace to Dar es Salaam. After finally setting off they were horrified to learn that they had left the ammunition for the marines back in Aden! Every inch of deck space seemed to be full of men and equipment and the officers had to draw up a plan for a lightning operation in a place many had hardly heard of.
The book covers the three days of planning on board and all the complications involved in launching such an operation. Marine commanders, Communications Staff engineers, intelligence staff, Air Traffic Control officers, gunnery experts and many others. The young commander of the accompanying destroyer was a very worried man when he received his orders. He had to aid the landing operation by providing lots of noise to disorientate the mutineers, using his main guns, at their maximum range, with no warning, in peacetime, into an independent foreign country, close to crowded barracks. He had to avoid casualties amongst the Tanganyikans at all costs!
The operation was a great success. The mutineers were disarmed and discharged. There were no British casualties and very few Tanganyikan and the new Tanzania then set about creating a new army.
In their conclusion the authors write: Julius Nyereres admirers, of whom there were and remain many, would scarcely describe him as having been essentially a man of action . his many qualities lay elsewhere. Yet in the days that followed his return to office he bore a load that might have crushed many a man without his strength of character and solid faith in his own vision .. Nyereres handling of the post-intervention situation proved highly effective.
He secured his immediate aim of quickly shoring up his political position at home and, by actively involving the OAU, deflected possible criticism from other African leaders for having asked the former colonial power for help .. even the longer term problem of how to retrain the army was eventually settled, with initial help from Canada. The fact that the national and international ripples from this incident had virtually disappeared six months later is a testament to the good sense of both the Tanganyikans and the British.
David Brewin
Little has been written about the dramatic events in Tanzania on 20th January and succeeding days in 1964 when the Tanganyikan army mutinied and a reluctant President Nyerere had to call in military assistance from Britain only three years after he had obtained his countrys independence. The other major book on the incident, Tanganyika Rifles Mutiny January 1964 (Dar Salaam University Press) was published in 1993 and gave a very detailed account of what happened as seen by the Tanganyikans involved.
This book, described rightly by former British Foreign Secretary Lord Carrington in a brief Forward, as a remarkable story and a very good read, describes the events more from the British point of view. Lord Carrington confesses that he has little personal recollection of the mutiny and its aftermath. This could not be said however of people living in Dar es Salaam at the time who are unlikely to forget their extreme anxiety as mutinous soldiers wandered around the city out-of-control and looters were allowed to attack property.
Tony Lawrence was serving at the time as Signal Communications Officer in the aircraft carrier HMS Centaur, from which the British intervention was launched. Christopher MacRae was a newly appointed member of the British High Commissions staff in Dar es Salaam and was a specialist in African politics. They start by tracing the causes of the mutiny - low pay and lack of promotion opportunities - because little had been done until then to Africanise the army by appointing Tanganyikan officers to replace the British officers who still held all senior positions.
The authors blame both Britain and Tanganyika for this. They then go on to analyse briefly the performance of the principal government ministers involved, the leaders of the mutiny and the Tanganyikan army officers who had no easy choice in deciding what to do. Of all these, Minister of Defence and External Affairs, Oscar Kambona, figures most prominently. He is criticised in the book for what is described as his erratic style of management before the mutiny and then praised for courageously taking on the angry soldiers and persuading them to return to barracks while President Nyerere had gone temporarily into hiding. They do not accept the conspiracy theory that Kambona might have been in collusion with the mutineers. After it was all over, Kambona fell out with Nyerere over socialism and spent most of the rest of his life in exile in Britain, working initially for London Transport.
It is not possible in a brief review to do justice to the many actions described. A few highlights:
The aircraft carrier Centaur was relatively small and it was suddenly called upon to take on board in Aden, army and Royal Marine Commando units, additional aircraft and helicopters, armoured cars, landrovers and vast quantities of stores before proceeding apace to Dar es Salaam. After finally setting off they were horrified to learn that they had left the ammunition for the marines back in Aden! Every inch of deck space seemed to be full of men and equipment and the officers had to draw up a plan for a lightning operation in a place many had hardly heard of.
The book covers the three days of planning on board and all the complications involved in launching such an operation. Marine commanders, Communications Staff engineers, intelligence staff, Air Traffic Control officers, gunnery experts and many others. The young commander of the accompanying destroyer was a very worried man when he received his orders. He had to aid the landing operation by providing lots of noise to disorientate the mutineers, using his main guns, at their maximum range, with no warning, in peacetime, into an independent foreign country, close to crowded barracks. He had to avoid casualties amongst the Tanganyikans at all costs!
The operation was a great success. The mutineers were disarmed and discharged. There were no British casualties and very few Tanganyikan and the new Tanzania then set about creating a new army.
In their conclusion the authors write: Julius Nyereres admirers, of whom there were and remain many, would scarcely describe him as having been essentially a man of action . his many qualities lay elsewhere. Yet in the days that followed his return to office he bore a load that might have crushed many a man without his strength of character and solid faith in his own vision .. Nyereres handling of the post-intervention situation proved highly effective.
He secured his immediate aim of quickly shoring up his political position at home and, by actively involving the OAU, deflected possible criticism from other African leaders for having asked the former colonial power for help .. even the longer term problem of how to retrain the army was eventually settled, with initial help from Canada. The fact that the national and international ripples from this incident had virtually disappeared six months later is a testament to the good sense of both the Tanganyikans and the British.
David Brewin
William J. Malecela
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William J. Malecela
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- Mzee wa Kiraracha na Veep wa Iran.
FMES!
FMES!
Bonnie1974
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Nayakumbuka.
Ni aibu kubwa kwetu kama Taifa,badala ya kusonga mbele tunarudi nyuma.
William J. Malecela
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Invisible
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Baadae inaweza kubakia historia hii mada, naongezea hii pia:
Waziri Mkuu, Mizengo Pinda akisalimiana na Balozi wa Msumbiji nchini, Zacarias Kupela , ofisini kwake kabla ya mazungumzo yao, ofisini kwa Waziri Mkuu jijini Dar es salaam Juni 5, 2009.(Picha na Ofisi ya Waziri Mkuu)
Waziri Mkuu, Mizengo Pinda akisalimiana na Balozi wa Msumbiji nchini, Zacarias Kupela , ofisini kwake kabla ya mazungumzo yao, ofisini kwa Waziri Mkuu jijini Dar es salaam Juni 5, 2009.(Picha na Ofisi ya Waziri Mkuu)
Next Level
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Nilikuwa napitia mtiririko wa matukio kabla na baada ya kifo cha JKN, nimejikuta nikitokwa na mchozi nikikumbuka umuhimu wake kwa Tanzania ya leo na the fact that we can't get him back!
Chakaza
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Katika kutembea tembea kwenye thread hii nimekutana nahiyo hapo juu(Red), nimeshikwa na kizunguzungu na nimeagiza daktari aje.Sijui kwa nini hali hiyo imenitokea.
Radical
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I support you Bubu. I wish we just had only one, Mwalimu.
William J. Malecela
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Baadae inaweza kubakia historia hii mada, naongezea hii pia:
Waziri Mkuu, Mizengo Pinda akisalimiana na Balozi wa Msumbiji nchini, Zacarias Kupela , ofisini kwake kabla ya mazungumzo yao, ofisini kwa Waziri Mkuu jijini Dar es salaam Juni 5, 2009.(Picha na Ofisi ya Waziri Mkuu)
- Saafi sana mkuu tupo pamoja hapo na heshima mbele sana, pole pole tuendelee kuweka picha zaidi kwa ukumbusho wa vijana wetu mbele ya safari, nikichoshwa na ya dunia huwa ninakuja huku na kuanza upya toka mwanzo, imetulia sana hii thread!
Respect.
FMEs!
William J. Malecela
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Nasubiri Comments za NN(Joke)
Mar. 13, 1964
- Saafi sana, mimi sikujua kwamba Mwalimu aliwahi kutokea huku kwenye Times tena longtime ago, kwa kweli aliheshimiwa sana na dunia maana tunaolijua vizuri hilo gazeti la Times, enzi hizo mpaka kumtoa ukurasa wa mbele mweusi wa Africa, kwa kweli ni wasup!
Respect.
FMEs!
OsamaBinLaden
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mafisadi huwasapot mafisadi wenziwao kwa maaana wote ni wezi wakubwa wanakula hela za masikini kwa pupa na kumuacha mnyonge hata mlo wa siku unamshinda. Kama wakifa leo nitafanya sherehe na mungu ajaalie wafe wote ....!
mkapa hatuja sahau
mauaji zanzibar na pemba ambayo yalipeleka wakimbizi kenya
muembe chai ...itajirudia tuu ipo siku ....!
vifo viwe juu yenu.
William J. Malecela
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- Duh! ona mheshimiwa kati kati!
FMEs!
OsamaBinLaden
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mafisadi huwasapot mafisadi wenziwao kwa maaana wote ni wezi wakubwa wanakula hela za masikini kwa pupa na kumuacha mnyonge hata mlo wa siku unamshinda. Kama wakifa leo nitafanya sherehe na mungu ajaalie wafe wote ....!
mkapa hatuja sahau
mauaji zanzibar na pemba ambayo yalipeleka wakimbizi kenya
muembe chai ...itajirudia tuu ipo siku ....!
vifo viwe juu yenu.
mkapa hatuja sahau
mauaji zanzibar na pemba ambayo yalipeleka wakimbizi kenya
muembe chai ...itajirudia tuu ipo siku ....!
vifo viwe juu yenu.
OsamaBinLaden
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RAISI KIPENZI WA WATANZANIA NA NI RAISI WA WANYONGE.
MwanaFalsafa1
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RAISI KIPENZI WA WATANZANIA NA NI RAISI WA WANYONGE.
Hapo mkuu ume chunguza uka fikia hilo jibu au ni wazo lako tu. Siyo wazo la mtu mmoja unali fanya kuwa la wote.
William J. Malecela
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Mohan
-Rais kweli wa wanyonge, hakuwa hata na suti wala ofisi.
FMEs!
das Karamchand Gandhi
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, pictured in the
-Rais kweli wa wanyonge, hakuwa hata na suti wala ofisi.
FMEs!
William J. Malecela
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