Tutengeneze matajiri wetu sisi wenyewe kwa makusudi kabisa

[APPROXIMATELY]

KWAIYO TUANZE KUWAPELEKEA PESA ZETU WENYEWE??NAOMBENI MIMI MNIFANYE NIWE TAJIRI

 

[bagamoyo]

Nashauri kwa sasa tuweke nguvu zaidi kwa Black Colour (The Native).

MKURUGENZI wa Kampuni ya VIP Engineering, James Rugemalira aliwapa mabilioni ya fedha za ESCROW Sh bilioni 306 wasomi wenye connection ktk serikali, bunge, nje ya nchi n.k lakini walipopata hayo mabilioni walianza kuishi kama mabilionea kwa kutoa hela kujenga mashule, kuoa wake wengi, kununua magari ya kifahari n.k

Matajiri wote au wale waliobarikiwa kuwa na DNA ya kuwa wafanyabiashara wakubwa bila kujali rangi zao wangepata mshiko huo wa ESCROW wangefanya maamuzi tofauti ili mtaji huo ujiongeze ktk biashara badala ya kugeuza mabilioni hayo kuwa matumizi ya kifahari, kuhonga na kutoa donation kama vile nafasi hiyo waliyopewa mfano na Mzee James Rugemalira itawarudia tena.

Tujiulize hii tabia ya kutapanya fedha kifahari nini tatizo lake ni jamii, marafiki, familia na makuzi ndiyo inavyofanya waliopata bahati ya fedha za ESCROW kufanya matanuzi aka matumizi badala ya kuwekeza ?

Chuo Kikuu kimoja cha Marekani kilajaribu kuwaangalia kwa jicho la karibu changamoto za wasomi hawa waliokuwa sawa na Reginald Mengi lakini maamuzi yao ni njia mbili tofauti.

Awamu moja ya ugawaji fedha huo inaonyesha kuwa zilitumika Sh 3,314,850,000 ambazo zilisambaza kwa wahusika kwa siku moja. Majina ya waliopewa fedha na Rugemalira na kiwango kikiwa kwenye mabano ni Evelyn Rugemalira (Sh 808,500,000), Alice Kemilembe Marco (Sh 80,850,000), Rashid Abdallah (Sh 80,850,000, Annuciater C. Bula (Sh 40, 425,000), Laureaan R. Malauri (Sh 40, 425,000), Theophillo Bwakea (Sh 161,700,000), Jesca James Rugemalira (Sh 808,500,000), na Steven Roman Urassa (161,700,000). Wengine ni Michael Muhanuzi Lugaiya (Sh 80,850,000), Eric Sikujua Ng’maryo (Sh 80,850,000), Lucas Kusima Simon (Sh 40,425,000), Jerome Mushumbusi (Sh 808,500,000), Loicy Jeconia Appollo (Sh 80,850,000), Rweyongeza Alfred (Sh 40, 425,000), Gaudence Talemwa (Sh 40,425,000) na Manzelline aliyepewa Sh 80,850,000). Watu Maarufu kwenye mgawo huo ni Balozi wa Heshima wa Botswana hapa nchini, Emmanuel ole Naiko (Sh 40, 425,000), Waziri wa Ardhi, Nyumba na Maendeleo ya Makazi, Profesa Anna Tibaijuka (Sh bilioni 1.6), Waziri wa zamani wa Nishati na Madini, Daniel Yona (Sh 40, 425,000), Waziri wa zamani wa Nishati na Madini, William Ngeleja (Sh 40,425,000), Waziri wa zamani na aliyekuwa Mbunge wa Bunge la Katiba, Paul Kimiti (Sh 40,425,000), Mchungaji Alphonce Twimann (Sh 40,425,000), Askofu Method Kilaini (Sh 80, 850,000) na Askofu Eusebius Nzigirwa aliyepata Sh 40,425,000. Kwenye orodha hiyo wamo majaji wawili-Aloysius Mujulizi (Sh 40.4) na Profesa Eudes Ruhangisa (Sh 404.2). Pia wamo Mtendaji Mkuu wa RITA, Philip Saliboko (Sh 40.2) na ofisa wake hapo RITA, Rugozobwa Theophil (323.4). Ushiriki wa Ikulu Hatua ya Ikulu kudai kwamba Katibu wa Rais, Mbena,

Nini kinawasibu fulani awe mfanyabiashara mkubwa na wengine washindwe wakati wana mtandao mkubwa ktk serikali, ktk siasa na usomi wao uliowafungua macho waishi mijini na kusafiri ktk nchi kibao lakini hawaoni fursa

Even as chief secretary, Nyachae was conscious that something was not working with the government's conflict of interest regulations. He did not believe that civil servants should be kept out of business. The civil servants of the previous generation, like his father, Chief Nyandusi, not only had been permitted to have parallel business interests but had been actively encouraged to do so by the British colonial government. But Nyachae did wish that the irregularities could be controlled and the rumors quelled. His solution would have been

a standing committee of well-respected, honest, professional people who would deal with individual investments of people in public office [both elected and appointed]. One should be required to submit to them a report [each year] of all one has and account for every single cent one has invested. They should have a staff to analyze returns and investigate where investment has been very large. That would curtail abuse.

But he was unsuccessful in getting his proposal accepted.

Class and the Next Generation​

Most people are concerned to provide not only for themselves but for the future of their children as well. The four subjects of this study had stood on the shoulders of their parents and joined the small percentage of the truly advantaged in Kenya. It would be unnatural if they did not want to help their children achieve a similarly privileged status. As we are about to see, they largely succeeded. Their offspring differ considerably in how well they are doing, but most of them belong in the same broad status group as their parents. In their occupations, friendships, and social orientations they are part of the matajiri (well-to-do), although not yet in terms of their independent wealth. The successful transmission of this group membership to the next generation is one of the clearer indications that class formation is well advanced in Kenya.

All of Charles Karanja's six children went to respected primary and secondary schools in the Nairobi area, and four of them received post—A-level training. Karanja was a strong family man and was usually home to eat with his wife and children each night. He also was a passionate believer in the importance of education and was strict in his insistence on study and good grades. His wife, Philomena, gave up her teaching career to manage their farms and raise the family. This was somewhat

---

― 243 ―​

unusual. Most educated Kenyan women stay in paid employment, as they have servants to run their homes and as they are not required to participate in the social side of their husbands' careers. Philomena put strong pressure on the children to succeed as well. But the traditional formality and discipline of the African father-child relationship did not work well for Karanja in the new affluence in which his family was being raised. He was careful not to spoil his children with too-ready access to money, but as they got into their teenage years they could not attach the same importance to school grades that he did. "He sees your report [card] and tells you off for one hour. It made me feel rebellious. The more he pushed, the less we did. . . . You felt you could never do enough for him." In short, the social setting was more like the one in which American middle-class families find themselves. It was not at all like the one in which Karanja had grown up, where a lapse in effort consigned one to a lifetime of farm work.

At different points rebelliousness undid most of his children. Two sons made it to the University of Nairobi but failed because of alcohol-related problems. Two other children insisted on setting their sights below the university level. One son went to Canada to pursue his B.A. but dropped out after two years to become a lay preacher.

Despite these educational disappointments the children were launched on careers that seemed likely to keep most of them part of the matajiri, at least when they inherited their father's property. One daughter was married to a successful businessman. The other children all eventually joined his businesses in various capacities. Karanja was struggling with learning to delegate enough responsibility to them, and it seemed likely that they would become good enough to at least hold onto their father's gains. Despite Karanja's best efforts, none of his children were yet as successful as he was, but they hadn't dropped out of their father's newly formed class either. All of them had their own cars, and they were quite urban and matajiri in their social lives and orientations.

Harris and Martha Mule have two daughters, Nthenya ("early morning"), born in 1971, and Ndinda ("stayed for too long"), born in 1983. Nthenya was in an elite Catholic girls high school in Nairobi—Loreto Convent, Msongari—when the interviews for this study were conducted. (See plate 30.) Although she was bright, she was doing only moderately well in school at that point. She remarked that with regard to her studies her father was

"cool." You know he wants you to do well, but he never shouts at you when you don't. He says, "I see you had a problem. What was it?" He always goes to parents' days, et cetera. You can talk to him if you need to. Mother is the one who applies more pressure. She's always saying how well she did and how I'm not studying hard enough.

---

― 244 ―​

Her parents were uncertain how to handle Nthenya in the atmosphere of relative affluence in which she was being educated. Harris was pessimistic about the ability of parents like himself to surmount their children's privileged environment. He remarked:

The children of the old chiefs have not done well. (Nyachae is an exception—and is only one of his father's hundred-odd children.) [The] same will happen to the children of today's rich. They don't do well in school and are poorly disciplined, poorly motivated workers.

Nonetheless, the Mules did succeed with Nthenya. Martha had given up her job as a secretary to raise the two daughters. They found the marginal income tax rates on her earnings too great to justify the sacrifice. They regularly took Nthenya with them to work on their farm, hoping to keep her grounded in Kenyan reality by so doing. She also was taught to cook and liked it. She passed her O-level exam in the First Division, did A-levels at Kenya High, and went to Grinnell College in the United States with a scholarship.

Although Ishmael and Martha Muriithi lived right outside Nairobi, their children had a different experience from that of most matajiri offspring. They were raised neither in a housing tract, as were the Mules, nor on a large estate, as were the Karanjas. Instead, they grew up working a small, family farm.

From the start it was manual labor—feeding chickens, milking the cows, grazing the cows before [the farm] was fenced, [helping] to clear the new land [with] father. . . . There is nothing [we] have not done. . . . [He taught us] "The more you do, the more you get."

All four children were sold on farm life and wanted to work their own someday.

The Muriithis went to Hospital Hill Primary School, one of the best of the government schools. The two eldest then boarded at Alliance High School, where their father had gone. They went on to the University of Nairobi, and Ann Wangeci became a dentist and Elijah Waicanguru a medical doctor. These educational institutions gave them a peer group of upwardly mobile rural youth, not the children of the affluent. (Grace had gone to England to take a degree in music, and Munene was in Jamhuri High School when this study was done.)

It seems likely that the environment was more responsible for the success of the four than was their father. He cared about and advised them, but he was away a great deal. "He'd come [home] after you were asleep or be gone before you were up. [You] never knew when he'd be there." To compensate, his wife Martha also quit her job and worked the farm full time. The rearing of the Muriithi offspring took place in a

---

― 245 ―​

setting more like that of their father's than that of the other matajiri children.

Despite his large number of children,[*] Simeon Nyachae devoted considerable time to them. They obviously mean a great deal to him. "When he works hard he says he is doing it for the children." Even when he was chief secretary he would be home at 7:30 each night and spend an hour playing with the small children. He then would dine with his wife and the older children.

He had observed that children in polygamous marriages usually pull away from their father, identify with their mothers, and are factionalized accordingly. Nyachae was determined that this should not happen to his family, "so he raised us together to give everyone an equal opportunity." Once they were in secondary boarding schools, rather than separating to their mothers' homes, they would spend half their holidays working on their father's farm near Nakuru and the other half with their paternal grandmother on the Sotik farm.

[Nyachae] has always been a disciplinarian [with us children. The farm labor that we did] was for the purpose of making us realize that everything one got had to be worked for. . . . We probably did more work on average than other well-to-do kids.

The discipline was particularly strict around education.

At the end of each school term he would read the [grade] reports in detail in front of all of us and reprimand us where necessary. He followed progress in studies very keenly. He followed Charles's reports closely even when he was in Britain as a graduate student.

Despite his demanding schedule Nyachae visited their many schools for their parent conferences himself. He did have the traditional African formality in his relations with his offspring. "At the same time he made an effort to understand us as individuals" and tailored his careful advice accordingly.

Nyachae's wives devoted full time to the family's affairs. Although educated Kenyan women generally do subordinate their careers to their husbands', it is unusual for them to give them up altogether. The fact that the wives of all of the four men did so speaks to the great strain that the men's workaholic devotion to their senior positions put upon their families.

Most of Nyachae's children went to rural secondary schools, thereby having the same kind of upwardly mobile peer group as the Muriithis.

---

― 246 ―​

Five of them subsequently went overseas to Britain, India, and the United States for university. None of them attended Kenyan universities. They entered professions such as nursing, hotel management, law, business management, and insurance sales. Nyachae was disappointed in the performance of only one of his children, and he was having him trained to enter one of his businesses.

Thus most of the progeny of these four men entered the matajiri class with their fathers. It seemed unlikely that many of them would achieve the same prominence or startling increase in wealth. Yet the new class had succeeded in reproducing itself. There were two important differences between this second generation and the first, however. The second did not have its parents' roots in rural villages. The friends of these young people were primarily like themselves—urban and from affluent families. This generation would not have the same ties of obligation to the peasantry as their fathers had. And very few of these children went into the civil service, unlike their fathers and grandfathers. This phenomenon is general among the offspring of senior civil servants. What had seemed to be the beginning of family dynasties in the public service (similar to those on the continent of Europe) was not to be.[19] It appears that the civil service is to be populated, not with a hereditary administrative elite, but with new waves of upwardly mobile rural refugees.

Conclusions​

By virtue of their senior positions in the public service, all four men achieved incomes and standards of living far higher than those of their parents. They also came under incomparably greater financial pressures. Village neighbors and relatives wanted help with jobs. Expectations for harambee contributions were on an unending escalator. And they had to provide for the education and future of their children. They themselves had worked their way up through publicly supported institutions and had won their own positions through intelligence and hard work. However, their very affluence often sapped their children's will to work. The four men were forced to pay for expensive private schools and universities and to worry about businesses that their children could enter, so as to pass on membership in the matajiri class they themselves had struggled so hard to create.

These pressures were distracting in themselves and made opportunities for extra income very tempting. Many of those in their positions succumbed and became corrupted. By and large, the four men we are studying did not, meeting the financial strains through either modest living standards or business acumen instead. The extent of this self-

---

― 247 ―​

denial was an important factor in determining the degree of their success. It gave them the respect and cooperation of their professional colleagues and made them less vulnerable to damaging accusations in the rough-and-tumble of bureaucratic politics.

The unofficial lives that we have reviewed here illustrate how Kenyan senior public servants become patrons to their communities and secure matajiri class membership for their children, whether their careers accomplish something for the public good or not. These breakthroughs were easier and more lucrative for the first generation of African public servants because new business opportunities were so numerous. The later generations would be jealous of their wealth and, finding it harder to achieve, be much more tempted to cut corners to get it.

The patronage role civil servants played gave them local political status and blurred the distinction between administrator and politician in the public's eyes. Civil servants who were tempted to play political roles often did so at the peril of their administrative careers. Visible participation in electoral politics by Simeon Nyachae and Charles Karanja ultimately cost both of them presidential favor. The power that a civil servant exercises in Kenya derives from the person of the president. Attempts to amass support from the grass roots, far from contributing to one's influence, will be seen as threatening to the president's power and probably lead to one's "fall from grace."

---

― 248 ―​

Source : University of California Press

 

[melusine8]

Aamina [emoji2972]
Kwa Mwenye Enzi Mungu yote yana wezekana walahi!

 

[Mkereketwa_Huyu]

Habari ndugu zangu,

Naishauri serikali iweke vipaumbele vya kutengeneza matajiri wazawa weusi wenye asili ya ndani ya nchi tokea enzi za mababu. Mfano kama kwa Nigeria alivo Aliko Dangete,au hapa kwetu the Late Reginald Mengi.

Hii Ina maana kubwa sana kwa nchi. Leo hii tajiri namba moja Tanzania kuwa Modewji, au Azam Bakhresa n.k, si afya sana hata kwa usalama wa nchi. Wakiamua kwa Nia thabiti kabisa kuuteteresha uchumi hawashindwi. Mfano kwa Azam akitingisha tu kibiriti Zanzibar hoooi, hoooi.

Kwa upande wa ajira, jamani kuajiriwa na wazawa ni raha na afadhali kuliko hawa wahindi. Yaani Kuna upendeleo wa ajabu huko ndani. Waarabu kiasi flani ahueni laki Bado Bado. Kwa wale ambao tushazunguka kufanya fanya ajira katika hizo pande ushahidi mnao.

Ukiwa kwa Mwafrika mwenzio kidogo Kuna kauhuruma kapo. Sina ushahidi lakini kwa nlivo sikia ni kwamba Reginald Mengi ni alitengenezwa na serikali awe tajiri. Alianza na biashara ya kalamu tu. Kama mnavojua serikali ikiamua hakuna kinacho shindikana Mzee wetu alitoboa.

Mungu amrehemu yule Mzee, kuna kipindi nlikuwa nko kitengo flani akija tu ukimpokea kabegi lake na kumpeleka VIP kukuacha na laki tano ni jambo la kawaida. Na muda wa kurudi atakuuliza, hivi nlikupa chochote? Hii ndio raha ya mwafrica tajiri kwa Mwafrica mwenzie.

Nashauri kwenye bonde kama la Bwawa na Nyerere like eneo linalofaa kilimo basi pawe na mpango kazi watanzania wenye Hela zao wawekwe huko na kuhakikishiwa sapoti zote Ili tutoe watajiri wengi wa ngozi nyeusi.

Ikumbukwe, baada ya serikali kataifisha miradi mingi kipindi hichoooo na yenyewe ikashindwa kuiendeleza ilionekana Bora wabinafsishe kwa watu. Matokeo yake babake Mohammed Dewji alichukua viwanda vingi vya nguo hapa nchini. Huko Tanga alichukua viwanda kedekede ya sabuni n.k, akageukia mashamba ya mikonge.

Baadhi ya viwanda vya nguo pale Tanga alichukua mitambo yake na kupeleka Morogoro huko Tanga akaacha Magofu. Akaenda Lushoto kuhodhi mashamba ya chai pamoja na huko Amani na Mashamba ya Mkonge. Huko Kanda ya ziwa Kuna kiwanda Cha nguo alitaka kung'oa sijui akipeleke wapi mwisho wa siku Serikali ya mkoa ikagoma akatulia.

Kwa UJUMLA HATA HAPA MO DEWJI ALIPO FIKA NIKWA SUPPORT YA SERIKALI eidha kwa serikali kujua ama kuto kujua. Kwa ujumla Mo Dewji hakuna alicho Anza from scratch. Mikopo mikubwa anachukua kwa kupitia Mali za serikali alizo zibinafaisha (majengo na Mashamba).

Wachina walitaka kukichukua kiwanda Cha AfriTex lakini akaleta mizengwe yake wachina wakaachana wa hilo jambo. MUTEX ya Musoma, kabomoabomoa mashine kule akazileta Tanga. Kule akabakiza gofu,spea akaleta Tanga kule kiwanda kikafa.

Sasa Forbes na wapimaji wengine wa utajiri wakipima hizo rasilimali alizo nazo ni utajiri mkubwa. Mo Dewji halimi korosho ila ni middleman. Azam ana kiwanja Cha sukari na amelima kilimo Cha miwa from scratch. Kama Magufuli alivo mwita Azam na kumpa eneo kubwa la kilimo free kabisa Ili atosheleze chai nchini, ndivo hivohivo serikali nyingine Duniani zinafanya kuwatengeneza matajiri wa ndani.

Nashauri kwa sasa tuweke nguvu zaidi kwa Black Colour (The Native).

Haya lete ubaguzi mi nakaa hapa nakunywa kahawa na kshata

 

[Wints]

Umeongea aisee hawa wahindi na waarabu wanawanyanyasa sana watu weusi kwenye enterprises zao. Cha ajabu serikali inawapa support kubwa sana na wala hawalipi kodi eti ni ajabu.