Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

Mchambuzi,

Inaingia akili mweka hazina wa mwanzo wa TANU mwaka 1954 Idd Faiz Mafongo ambaye alikuwa anasafiri mpaka Tanga kukusanya pesa Nyerere aende UNO sio muasisi wa TANU.

Inawezekana kabisa, cha ajabu ni nini? Nilishajadili maana ya founding members na early recruits; mweka hazina anaweza kabisa kuwa an early recruit, unless unalitazama kwa nafasi zetu ndani ya CCM ya leo kwamba Katibu wa fedha na uchumi ni mtu mzito kuliko meli;
 

Suala sio kukataana na yericko au kupinga kauli za mwalimu, swala ni je, mwalimu alikuwa na influence gani ndani ya TAA? Unang'ang'ania hoja ya uelewa wangu mdogo wakati wewe pengine umejaa uelewa mkubwa lakini wananchi wanazidi kuwachoka katika nafasi zenu; huo uelewa unakuwa na maana gani sasa, kutumikia familia mkiwa ikulu?
 

Yericko,

Habu soma hii kama unaweza kupata chochote cha kuweka mambo wazi zaidi:

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[TD="colspan: 2"] On the formation of TANU, Iliffe has noted that: [/TD]
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[TD="colspan: 2"] ''...none of the published accounts, even those of politicians like S.A. Kandoro or E.B.M. Barongo, is particularly revealing. Available government records contain little of importance. President Nyerere has never analysed the process in public...The most difficult problem of all is to evaluate president Nyerere's own role in the process of transformation, specially the extent to which he was planning a mass movement or was led into it by provincial politicians already involved in mass action. [1][/TD]
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Abdulwahid now 30 years old, had accomplished the ambition of his lifetime, an ambition which had originated from his late father, who 25 years before had predicted a continuous struggle between Africans of Tanganyika and the colonial state.

Kleist Sykes had foretold the role of the next generation. In a letter he wrote in 1933 to Mzee bin Sudi, then president of the African Association, Kleist at the tender age of 29 years had this to write:
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[TD="width: 601, colspan: 2"] Kleist talked about ‘civilization,' which today would mean ‘self-determination', and about tribes which TANU transformed into a nation. In 1954, a quarter of a century later in the same building, 25 New Street, which he had helped to build through self-help, the new generation in Tanganyika was transforming the African Association which he had founded in 1929 into an open political party, the aim which was to prepare the people for independence. And among those leading the emerging mass movement were his three sons, Abdulwahid, Ally and Abbas.
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[TD="width: 601, colspan: 2"] Ally Sykes designed the TANU membership card and chose the national colours and emblem.

The colours were black representing the African race and green for the land. The design of the card was similar to his Tanganyika Legion card. After finishing designing the card he approached the Tanganyika Standard Newspapers to have the card printed for him. Out of his own pocket he had the first 1000 cards printed and using TAGSA funds he printed another 2000 cards. Card No. 1 was issued by Ally Sykes to TANU Territorial President Julius Kambarage Nyerere and bears his signature.

It was proposed that the first few cards should be auctioned and the money collected should go to the Party treasury. Abdulwahid, Ally, Dossa Aziz, Rupia and others bid for the cards. Ally outbid his elder brother Abdulwahid and received TANU card No. 2; Abdulwahid was issued with card No. 3; Dossa Aziz card No. 4; Phombeah card No. 5; Dome Okochi, one of the Kenyan nationalists in TANU, got card No. 6 and Rupia card No. 7. Bibi Titi Mohamed got card No. 16; Idd Tosiri card No. 25.
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[TD="width: 601, colspan: 2"] Soon after the formation of TANU, the United Nations visiting mission came to Tanganyika in August, 1954. By then TANU was not yet registered by the government.

The Party received its registration on 30th of November, 1954 after it had overcome numerous frustrating formalities put forward to it by the government.

Bibi Zainab, Ally Sykes' wife remembers the day, a hot afternoon when Nyerere came to their house at Kipata Street (now Kleist Sykes Street) where Abdulwahid and Ally were waiting for him to give them information on the registration of the party. Nyerere looked tired and worried.

He sank in a sofa burying his face in his arms and was silent for a time. Abdulwahid and Ally were waiting for him to speak. Nyerere had bad news. The government had refused to register TANU.

Nyerere told them that the government had refused them registration on technicalities. In a dramatic show of organisation and tact, after learning that the government had turned down TANU's application on the grounds that TANU had not enough members, Abdulwahid asked Said Chamwenyewe to go to Rufiji, his home area, to register members for TANU. Rufiji is a predominantly Muslim area. TANU therefore had no problem in getting members. In fact the early members of the party were from Gerezani and Rufiji.

Iliffe has noted that:
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[TD="width: 601, colspan: 2"] ''The pattern of TANU's support in Dar es Salaam needs study, but financial returns for 1958 show the bulk of support in the old African quarters-Kariakoo, Ilala, Gerezani... by September, 1955 Dar es Salaam, with some 110,000 people, had taken some 25,000 of the 40,000 - 45,000 TANU membership cards issued throughout the country. It was the base from which TANU conquered Tanganyika.''[5][/TD]
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[1] Iliffe, 'The Role of African...' op. cit. p. 24.
[2] See Buruku, op. cit. p. 105.
[3] The present author has written a short article to clarify the
controversy. See New African (London) issues of March and May,
1985. The author's May article was in response to a March article
by Kasella Bantu.

[4] The TAA leadership did not draft a new constitution. The TANU
constitution was copied from Kwame Nkrumah's Convention Peoples'
Party (CPP), substituting TANU for CPP. Information from Tewa Said
Tewa.

[5] Iliffe, A Modern History... pp. 517-8.
 

Tatizo unafananisha siasa za CCM na TANU.
 
Mchambuzi,

..wengi tumefundishwa kwamba Chief Marealle alikwenda UN na kupinga juhudi za wa-TGK kupata uhuru.

..sasa hebu soma hapa nukuu ya Nyerere akizungumzia hotuba ya Chief Marealle UN kama ilivyotolewa ktk gazeti la serikali Daily News.



kupata habari nzima nenda hapa:
http://dailynews.co.tz/home/?n=26254

cc😡Jasusi, Nguruvi3, Ritz, zomba, Mohamed Said
 
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Mchambuzi ''Critical Phase...cha Pratt si kitabu cha historia ya TANU khasa ila
kina taarifa za ukweli kuhusu mambo yalivyokuwa.

Hebu angalia hii nukuu moja:

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[TD] In his analysis of the TAA memorandum to the Constitutional Development Committee, Pratt reported:
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[TD="width: 601"] The most detailed African submission came from the Dar es Salaam branch of the Tanganyika African Association. It asked that the distribution of seats (i.e. an official majority and one-half of the unofficial to be African) should be held constant for the next twelve years and that in the thirteenth year a common electoral roll should be introduced with a majority of the council then being elected.[1] [/TD]
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[1] Pratt op. cit. p. 30.


Hiyo ducument ambay Pratt ameinukuu ndiyo hiyo nyaraka liyoandikwa 1950 na TAA Political
Sub Committee.

Nyaraka hii imetoweka haipatikani popote Tanzania.

Hii nyaraka ilijadiliwa kwenye mkutano wa kuasisi TANU 1954 na ndiyo Nyerere aliwendanayo
UNO 1955 na kuisoma mbele ya Baraza la Wadhamini.

Hebu soma hapa chini niliachoandika katika kitabu changu kuhusu nyaraka hii muhimu:

The author was for the first time informed of the existence of this document by one of Mwapachu's
children, Juma Volter Mwapachu.

He was informed that Hamza Mwapachu took great pride in having participated in the drafting of this
document.

In her book Listowel mentioned this document and its historical significance to the political history of
Tanganyika.

But it was Pratt who analysed the document in detail.

The document was first consulted by Pratt in 1959 in a file of the Committee on ‘Constitutional Development
Report/and Despatches to the Secretary of State' no. 1146-6, Dar es Salaam Secretariat Library.

Although this file is available at the Tanzania National Archives, the document is missing. The author was
informed that a microfilm of the document was available but that too could not be traced.

For more information on loss of historical documents see M. Said, ‘In Praise of Ancestors Revisited' in Africa
Events,
London March, 1989, pp. 50-51.
 
Bahati nzuri sana, mimi si muislam wala mkristo....I am an adent ATHEIST, so i am not troubled with your dogmatism.

Mleta mada ametuomba tusitoke nje ya mada, kwa hiyo tafadhali tumridhie matakwa yake na tubaki kwenye mada. Ukiwa una dini au hauna dini nawe pia kama nguruwe ni haramu kuliwa.

cc Yericko Nyerere
 

Maandiko yako ya mwanzo na sasa tofauti au nikuletee? kwanza hukuongelea "influence" au umesha sahau?

Mambo ya Ikulu yanahusu nini saa hizi? kaa kwenye mada ule zako, naona sasa unaanza kubadili nyimbo ilikuwa wewe ni bora zaidi sasa unaanza vingine. Utakaa sawa tu wala halina kificho, ngoja nipitie nyuzi nipate darsa kutoka kwa Maalim wangu wa JF Mohamed Said.
 
Mleta mada anetuomba tusitoke nje ya mada, kwa hiyo tafadhali tumridhie matakwa yake na tubaki kwenye mada. Ukiwa una dini au hauna dini nawe pia kama nguruwe ni haramu kuliwa.

cc Yericko Nyerere
Nguruwe ni haramu kwa nani? mbona hushirikishi ubongo wako? Hapo kwenye nyekundu unasema kitu gani na baadae unafanya nini? You are not consistent because you are obsessed with religious fundamentalism to the extent of being an idiot!
 

He he hee nimeona mkuu, hapa kuna hoja nzuri sana ya kujadiliwa kwa kina, lakini inamajibu
 
Nguruwe ni haramu kwa nani? mbona hushirikishi ubongo wako? Hapo kwenye nyekundu unasema kitu gani na baadae unafanya nini? You are not consistent because you are obsessed with religious fundamentalism to the extent of being an idiot!

Nna uhakika unakunywa ile kitu ambayo haiwekwi kwenye chupa mnaitaje ile? saa mbaya hizi.
 

Joka kuu,

Hata mimi uelewa wangu ni kama huo wako; pengine Mwalimu alikuwa anaficha ukweli ili umma usikate tamaa katika mapambano;

Kwa mujibu wa historia ni kwamba – mara baada ya Safari ya tatu ya Mwalimu to the UN, New York, Gavana akatuma timu yake kwenda kudhibiti madai ya TANU UN, New York na timu hiyo ilimhusisha Afisa mmoja wa Kikoloni kwa jina la Fletcher Cook na Chief Thomas Marealle; kazi yao ilikuwa ni kwenda to dilute/oppose Nyerere's impact in the UN;

Mkoloni alichopanga na Marealle ni kwamba aende UNO sio ku attack TANU directly lakini kuhakikisha kwamba yeye kama kiongozi wa jamii ya watanganyika comes with arguments mbele ya UNO ambazo zilikuwa contradictory to immediate objectives and aspirations za TANU – yote ikiwa ni divide and rule na pia delay tactics za kuwapatia uhuru watanganyika;

Hapo nyuma pia Gavana Twining alishaitisha kikao cha machifu wote Tanganyika – walikuwa jumla ya machifu 62, na kikao kilifanyika Mzumbe, Morogoro; Kwa ufupi, Gavana alishambulia TANU kwamba ilikuwa ina propagate ideas ambazo zilikuwa zinadharau traditional rulers na traditional values; Ni katika mazingira haya, baada ya TANU kumtuma Nyerere New York kwa mara ya tatu (June 1957), ndio Gavana Twining akatuma ujumbe wake uliongozwa na Fletcher Cook na Chifu Marealle ambapo Marealle alitoa hotuba husika.
 
Yamekuwa hayo tena? amma kweli wewe ni mkaribu wa kusahau.

Kwani kwa mtazamo wako, siasa za TAA na TANU hazikuwa zinashahabiana? Nilichomjibu Ritz kuhusu siasa za CCM na TANU ni kwa mantiki hiyo; Vinginevyo CCM ya 1977 hadi mwisho wa mfumo wa chama kimoja cha siasa na TANU chini ya Developmental State na Azimio La Arusha, practically hazikuwa na utofauti zaidi ya kiini macho cha kujaribu tu kuonyesha kwamba Zanzibar na ASP na wao wamo;
 

Hoja ya msingi ni kwamba - Nyerere kama Nyerere alikuja kuwa na mahusiano ya moja kwa moja na harakati za kudai uhuru Tanganyika kitaasisi baada ya kuzaliwa kwa TANU, kabla ya kuzaliwa kwa TANU (before 1954), Nyerere was no body in Tanganyika politics; he proved himself as a leader and visionary baada ya mkutano mkuu wa Tabora ambapo kama mjumbe (among many other delegates), he gave a thrilling speech and set tone ya kugeuza TAA kuwa TANU; Kwa akili yako - kwanini TAA ile ile isingeendelea na Nyerere kupewa Urais wa TAA na badala yake wakaona ni muhimu igeuzwe kwanza kuwa TANU? Kubaini hili inahitaji elimu ya Kivukoni? au ya Mohamed Said?
 
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