Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

zumbemkuu said:
mzee MS ilikuwa jambo la ajabu kweli kweli TAA iliyoanzishwa miaka karibia 20 iliyopita wakati huo wamkabidhi mtu mwenye miezi 2 tu tangu ajiunge na TAA.
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Z,

Hiyo document ni tafsiri ya Judith Listowel ''The Making of Tangayika.''

Nilishaeleza habari zake kuwa Listowel alipofika Dar es Salaam 1962
tayari Abdu na Nyerere weshasigana kuhusu TAA.

Jaribu papatikane ushahidi mwingine.
 

Peke yake?
 
Kwa taarifa yako Ibrahim Kaduma alikuwa muislamu mpaka utawala wa Ali Hassan Mwinyi. He converted to christianity for reasons best known to himself.
 
Jasusi said:
Peke yake?
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Jasusi,

Nimemtaja yeye kwa muktadha uliopo mezani.

Au ulitaka nimtaje na baba yake Kleist Sykes
na wadogo zake Ally na Abbas?

Au ulipenda niitaje TAA Political Subcommittee
ya Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdu Sykes, Hamza
Mwapachu, Steven Mhando, Vedasto Kyaruzi, Said
Chaurembo na John Rupia?

Au ulitaka nimtaje Schneider Abdillah Plantan aliyewakomalia
maofisa wa Kiingereza pale Arnatouglo Hall hadi ukaitishwa
uchaguzi wa TAA wa 1950?

Najua historia hii inachoma.
Lakini nina khyari?
 
Mohamed,
Usijisifie kiasi hicho. You are not the only source of how Nyerere came to TANU. Baadhi yetu tulishasoma Nyerere alifikaje TANU hata kabla ya kitabu chako cha 1998.
 
Ritz,
Naona na wewe umeshakolewa na uwongo wa Mohamed. Kitabu cha van Bergen hakijawahi kupigwa marufuku Tanzania.
Hili nitalirudia mara kwa mara kwa sababu naona mnalitumia kuongezea hoja zenu. Kitabu kiko out of print. That is not the same na kupigwa marufuku. Capice? Kama wewe unacho basi tuwekee huku kurasa husika.
 
Jasusi said:
Mohamed,
Usijisifie kiasi hicho. You are not the only source of how Nyerere came to TANU. Baadhi yetu tulishasoma Nyerere alifikaje TANU hata kabla ya kitabu chako cha 1998.
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Jasusi,
Mbona sijatamba?

Hebu nipe hiyo ''source'' uliyosoma inayoeleza habari za Nyerere
alivyofika Stanley Street kwa Abdu Sykes; kisha Mtaa wa Amani
kwenye madras ya Sheikh Hassan bin Amir; kisha Mtaa wa Mbaruku
kwa Dossa Aziz.

Mwisho New Street na Kariakoo ofisi za TAA.
 

Jasusi,

Sisi hatuna shida nyie mnachoamini.

Sisi tunazungumza na wale wasiojua
hayo yaliyotendeka miaka iliyopita.

Ni juu yao wao kutumia akili zao na kuamua
nani muongo nani mkweli.

Mimi sina sababu ya kusema uongo.
 
ntamaholo said:
haihitaji kupapasa macho kujua waliokuwa na TAA hawakuwa na malengo ya kuikomboa nchi, ndiyo maana alipoingia mwenye mawazo hayo, alifanya kazi nzuri mpaka wakamkubali na kumpa support. big up J.K.N
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Ntamaholo,

Huijui historia ya Nyerere na vipi aliikuta TAA na vipi TANU iliundwa.
Hebu soma hapa chini labda utaelewa:

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[TD="width: 601"] A team of party historians, commissioned by the Party-Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) to research and write an official history of TANU, did not even mention Abdulwahid’s name in the entire book.[1]

The dominant school of thought in the book is the assertion that before the emergence of Julius Nyerere in April 1953, when he was elected TAA President, the African Association leadership did not articulate any concrete political thought.

This premise has denied many patriots a place of honour in the political history of Tanzania and also eroded the status of the Association as a political movement.

Local historians and post-independence party bureaucrats do not want to credit the African Association with a political identity. Kambona referred to the African Association as a debating society:
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''It is just a little over one year since the inception of the Tanganyika African National Union and during this period it has grown from strength to strength, sometimes in the teeth of great opposition. As you are well aware it superseded the former Tanganyika African Association which was little more than a debating society.''[2]
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[TD="width: 601"] Ulotu has referred to the organisation as a welfare association.[3]

Others have referred to the Association as a social organisation: Nyerere (1966),[4] Japhet and Seaton (1966),[5] John Hatch (1976).[6] In other places it is referred to as a semi-protest movement: Kaniki (1974),[7] as a semi-political movement: Nyerere (1953).[8]

Julius Nyerere appearing in an oral hearing at the Trusteeship Council at the United Nations, New York, on 7 th March, 1955, shifted his position and referred to the Association as a semi-political movement:
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''The Tanganyika African National Union is, in one sense, a new organisation, but in another it is an old organisation. It was taken over from what was formerly called the Tanganyika African Association, which was founded in 1929, largely as a social organisation. The Tanganyika African National Union, which took over from the African Association about ten months ago, is a new organisation in the sense that it is a political organisation, where as the former was semi-political.''
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Other scholars have reduced the association to the level of club: Mwenegoha(1976) writes: ‘In 1954, after 25 years of inertia, Nyerere remodelled TAA from a social club into a formidable political organisation called the Tanganyika African National Union’. [9]
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[TD="width: 601"] Abdulwahid as one of the main actors in the modern history of political parties in colonial Tanganyika referred to the association as a political party (1951).[10]

Among writers and scholars who have analysed the African Association, it is only Nyerere and Hatch who have shifted their positions.
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[TD="width: 601"] Nyerere, writing to Edward Twining the Governor of Tanganyika on 10 th August, 1953, referred to TAA as a political party.[11]

Nyerere has for a very long time maintained this view which has appeared in all his subsequent writings and speeches on the African Association.[12]

But recently he qualified his earlier statements on the subject referring to the association as a ‘political party without a political constitution’.

Hatch (1976) refers to the association in one place as a social organisation [13] and as ‘a serious political party’ in another. [14]
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[TD="width: 601"] John Kabudi has referred to the Association as a ‘private civil organisation of a nationalistic character’.[15]

It is worth noting that even the pioneers of the organisation are not referred to as politicians. Kaniki, for lack of an appropriate word with which to refer to the pioneers, gave them quotation marks:


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[TD="width: 601"] ''Nyerere, hitherto almost unknown to the majority of ‘politicians’ in Tanganyika, was then schoolmaster at St. Francis’ Secondary School, Pugu, near Dar es Salaam, and he had been elected Territorial President the previous year.'' [16]
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[TD="width: 601"] Iliffe (1968)[17] indicated that the written history of TANU was incomplete and went further in his analysis of the association perceiving its direction and membership as being political. [/TD]
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[1] Kivukoni Ideological College, Historia ya Chama Cha TANU 1954-1977,Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Oscar Kambona to Baldwin Rogers, 18 th October, 1955 Party Archives, Fabian Colonial Bureau File No.202.

[3] Ulotu A. Ulotu, Historia ya TANU, (1971) p. 11.
[4] Julius Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam, 1966, p. 38.
[5] Kirilo Japhet and Earle Seaton, The Meru Land Case, Nairobi, 1966, p.16.
[6] John Hatch, Two African Statesmen, London 1976, p.17.
[7] M.H.Y. Kaniki, TANU, ‘The Party of Independence and National Consolidation’ in G. Ruhumbika (ed) Towards Ujamaa, Twenty Years of TANU Leadership, Nairobi, 1974, pp.1-2.

[8] Julius K. Nyerere, Tanganyika African Association, to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August, 1953. Sykes' Papers.

[9] H.A.K. Mwenegoha, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Nairobi, 1976, p. 5.
[10] Secretary Tanganyika African Association to Chairman and members of the African Association 7 th January, 1951. Sykes' Papers.

[11] Julius K. Nyerere President Tanganyika African Association to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August, 1953. Sykes' Papers.

[12] Nyerere, op. cit. p. 38.
[13] Hatch, op. cit. p.17.
[14] Ibid. p. 91
[15] John Kabudi, ‘The Party System and Socialism in Tanzania’ (1986 Seminar Paper).
[16] Kaniki, op. cit. Also see Uamuzi wa Busara, Idara ya Habari ya Chama, p. 2.
[17] John Iliffe, ‘The Role of the African Association in the Formation and Realization of Territorial Consciousness in Tanzania’. Mimeo. University of East Africa Social Sciences Conference, 1968, p. 24.
 

Jasusi,

Takuwekea vipande vya hicho kitabu cha Bergen Jan Pvan sijui utasemaje kaelezea mengi mpaka unachombishia Mohamed Said.
 
Son of Alaska said:
aji

KIPAAZA SAUTI- SI UNAJUA MUTU ZA DAR KELELE NYINGI-wala huitaji loudspeaker
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Son...

Usilipuuze swali la Zomba.

Mie nitakupa jibu.

Nyumbani kwa Abdu Sykes ndicho kilikuwa kituo cha kati
cha vijana waliokuwa katika siasa.

Hiyo ilikuwa ''open house'' kila kijana msomi akiingia Dar
sharti apelekwe kwa Abdu Sykes.

Mchana walikuwa wanapita ofisini kwake Kariakoo Market
kupata ''mpya'' au kwa Hamza Mwapachu Ilala Welfare
Centre.

Jioni walikuwa wanahamia Tanga Club ilikuwa Mkunguni na
New Street.

Hivyo vituo ndivyo vilikuwa centre ya harakati.
 
Mohamed Said said:
Zomba,

DVD Blue Ray ntaileta hapo hapo.
Haina chenga.

Ila nahofu ya jambo moja huyu sahib
wangu Yericko kwanza faluda anaijua?

Maana jamani lazima tuchukue tahadhari
asijepindukwa na tumbo ikawa tabu...
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Mohamed Said you are jumping from one extreme to another-mara wewe pekee ndio ulikuwa na GOLA wengine wakicheza peku,mara TABLET imeisha umeme,sasa umekuja na Blu-ray,haya yote ya nini??au ndio kipwani pwani unaturingisha?? remember u is bigger then that
 
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Mohamed Said said:
Jasusi,

Sisi hatuna shida nyie mnachoamini.

Sisi tunazungumza na wale wasiojua
hayo yaliyotendeka miaka iliyopita.

Ni juu yao wao kutumia akili zao na kuamua
nani muongo nani mkweli.

Mimi sina sababu ya kusema uongo.
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Ritz,
It is not a matter of what tunachomini sisi. Kusema kuwa kitabu cha Van Bergen kilipigwa marufuku ni uwongo, pure and simple.
 
Ritz said:
Jasusi,

Takuwekea vipande vya hicho kitabu cha Bergen Jan Pvan sijui utasemaje kaelezea mengi mpaka unachombishia Mohamed Said.
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Weka, Ritz, weka. Hakuna haja ya kuandikia mate kumbe kuna wino.
 

Son...

Umekuwa ''serious'' hapana nisamehe ndugu yangu pale
nilikuwa katika ''light touch'' kufanya maskhara tu wala
azma yangu haikuwa kujigamba.

Niamini ndugu yangu.
Umenitia sana simanzi kuwa kusema najidai.

Niringishe nini mimi sasa mtu mzima bwana.

Hiyo ya Gola sikutanii.
Ilikuwa ni ile ''strategic position'' ya wazee si zaidi si kidogo.

Ilikuwa suala la ''exposure.''

Zile zilikuwa nyakati nyingine sana kwa kweli...

Leo sifurahii kuwa nikiimba nyimbo za Nat King Cole nikiwa mtoto
nk. nk.

Wakati mwingine hujuta hasa.

Nadhani umenielewa.
 

Mohamed Said
Ilikuwaje Abdul akamwomba Kidaha Makwaia (another up country guy) ili washindanie urais kwenye uchaguzi? Au alitaka apate weak opponent ambaye angemshinda kirahisi? Je inawezekana ndio sababu akamwomba na Nyerere badala yake na wakaishia kwenye stiff election ambapo yeye akashindwa? Was he (Abdul) a hypocrite with lust for power au alikuwa na nia nzuri ya kukamilisha democratic excercise? Funguka zaidi mzee wetu Moh.
 
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Tanzania Kwanza said:
Binti Kamba: Mwasisi wa TANU aliyepo kwenye nembo ya Uhuru na Umoja!

Ni nembo ipi hiyo anapatikana Bibi huyu Muadhama?

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TK,

Bi Khadija Kamba alikuwa "mole" wa TANU.

Inasemekana alipewa amri ya kutoka TANU
na Nyerere ende Congress ya Mtemvu kumchimba.

Hii ndiyo historia yake muhimu katika mchango wake
katika kupigania uhuru.

Kuondoka kwake TANU kulimuudhi sana baba yake kiasi
Bi Khadija Kamba hakuweza hata kuhudhuria maziko ya
baba yake.

Alirudi TANU baada ya uhuru kupatikana.
 

N,

Kinyume cha hivyo.
Abdu hakuwa mtu wa kupenda cheo.

Chief Kidaha aliporudi kutoka Uingereza masomoni
akachaguliwa kuwa mjumbe Baraza la Kutunga
Sheria.

Chief Kidaha alikuwa kati ya machifu wakubwa wa
kutajika kama Abdiel Shangali, Marealle, Fundikira
na wengineo.

Waingereza wakisikizananae sana.

TAA 1950 ilikuwa inataka kujigeuza iwe fully fledged
political party.

Abdu alikuwa anajua kuwa kwa ule uongozi wa New
Street peke yake bila ya kupata mtu kutoka bara na
Mkristo TAA itabakia ya "Waswahili."

Abdu alimtaka Chief Kidaha kwa sababu nyingine kuwa
alikuwa chifu wa Wasukuma na kama angechukua uongozi
wa TANU Kidaha angekuja na watu wake wote.

Ile stiff election na Nyerere Abdu hakuitegemea kabisa na
ndiyo maana Nyerere alipochukua uongozi wa TAA chama
kikafa.

Katika uongozi wakati ule hapakuwa na ushindani wa uadui.

Kwanza ilikuwa kazi ya hatari na kiongozi ndiye alitegemewa
kukiendesha chama kwa fedha zake.

Hili lilikuwa jambo gumu na mzigo mzito sana kuubeba.

Ndiyo maana ukaona TAA ikawa mikononi mwa akina Sykes
kwa robo karne na uongozi wa juu ukawa ni Rupia na Dossa.

Moja ya sababu kuu ni ule uwezo wao na kujitolea kutoa mali
zao katika kupigania nchi.

Halafu ngoja nikupe kitu.
Kidaha hakuwa push over.

He was the best of the best and flamboyant kama
Abdu.

Pangechimbika.
 
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