Mohamed Said
JF-Expert Member
- Nov 2, 2008
- 21,967
- 32,074
Nguruvi,
Take me seriously m not bluffing.
I want you to teach me semantics.
Wewe bingwa.
Jamani mnakasha kitu kizuri.
Leo Moddy kaamka kwa namna tofauti kabisa.
Kwanza amekubali kuwa Nyerere alijulikana TAA hata kabla ya kuonana na Abdul.
Sasa anakubali kuwa Abdul ni Mzalendo. Yaani kamweka Abdul katika nafasi yake halisi na si ile ya kumsingizia.
Thank you Mo. This is a big milestone.
Hiyo keki yote inaliwa na wakristo ambao ndio wanaojaza nafasi hizo.Keki ya taifa ni Richmond, Radar, Meremeta na dola laki moja na nusu ikwa siku bila malipo za Dowans.
Keki ya taifa ipo Dodoma pale mtu anapolipwa kwa kukaa kwenye kiti achilia mbali mshahara.
Keki ya taifa ni pesa za halamshauri zinazojenga vyumba viwili vya madarasa kwa thamani ya shule kumi.
Kwa hiyo tatizo lenu ni kuenziwa kwa wazee wenu? Tukimaliza kuwaenzi wazee wenu matatizo yenu yatakuwa yameisha? Ugomvi wenu na mfumokristo utakuwa umeisha? Mbona hamkusema hivyo mapema?
The Big Show,
Nani wakumwambia Jonathon Glassman kuandika kitabu?
Yeye ana vitabu na paper kadhaa kuhusu historia ya Afrika.
Glassman kila mwanafunzi wake anaeandika kuhusu Islam
and Politics pale Northwestern University moja ya kitabu
anachompa katika reading list ni kitabu changu.
Mmoja wa wanafunzi hao ni James Brenan ambae sasa
ni bingwa wa historia ya Tangnayika.
Hivi sasa anaandika kitabu cha Oscar Kambona.
Ndugu yetu hajui mengi kuhusu mimi kafunikwa na chuki.
Mimi na Glassman tumekaa ukumbi mmoja na tukamjadili
marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes ndani ya chuo anachosomesha
tena kwa mwaliko wa chuo chake.
Tukisikilizwa.
Mwisho wengi walikubaliana na mimi kuwa Abdu Sykes alikuwa
mzalendo ambae hakustahili kusahauliwa.
Leo kwa mara ya mwanzo nacheka kikwetu kwi...kwi...kwiiiii...
Sasa mbona Nyerere alijifanya mzalendo zaidi kuliko Abdul Sykes!
Mfumokristo unawafanya wakristo ni wazalendo zaidi kuliko waislamu!
Kwahiyo tatizo lenu ni kuenziwa kwa wazee wenu? Tukimaliza kuwaenzi wazee wenumatatizo yenu yatakuwa yameisha? Ugomvi wenu na mfumokristo utakuwa umeisha?Mbona hamkusema hivyo mapema?
Sasa Naoana umeelewa kidogo,japo unaendelea kuruka ruka nje ya mantiki kuu...!
Sasa je HUO NI UCHOCHEZI??
kama umeonesha kuanza kuelewa,je kuandikwa kwa historia hiyo ni uchochezi??
hebu mwambie mwalimu wako mwanakiji Moh Said Hatamuweza,na akome kutoa kauli zake za kifedhuri ati ya kwamba Moh Said anaoga na watoto wadogo,sisi tunathamin sana maarifa yake hapa jamvini..
mwambie apandishe suruali yake juu na aje kutuonesha ulipo uchochezi wa Moh..
status ya Moh Said ni kubwa zaid ya yeye anavodhania,,ashukuru nafasi anayoipata kujadiliana hapa jukwaani..
Kweli sasaameanza kuelewa kwamba hapa uchochezi haupo kama alivyoelewa kuhusu WALIOFANYA BIASHARA YA UTUMWAWazee wetu wakienziwe sasa maana yake Mohammed Said aliyefichua historia zao hakufanya uchochezi wowote.Na mahakama ya kadhi na OIC zikija na kuacha kuwekwa ndani kwa kuangalia na kusikiliza kanda za Mazinge basi itakuwa ni hatua muhimu ya kumaliza ugomvi wetu na mfumo kristo.
kama ambavyo alimuelewa Kadogoo kuhusu kukiri kinamna kwa Nyerere kukiri kuwa na akaunti yake Uswisi.
Rapheri,
Hakika umeandika kwa hamaki na ukiandika kwa hamaki unapoteza mengi.
Nimeweka hapa katika siasa za wafanyakazi mambo yaliyojitokeza katika mgomo wa
makuli wa bandari ya Dar es Salaam 1947 na 1948.
Nimeeleza jinsi Abdu Sykes alivyoshiriki kama katibu wa Dockworkers Union na yote
yaliyotokea hadi kufika mapambano na mabomu kupigwa 1950 na chama cha makuli
kupigwa marufuku nana serikali ya kikoloni na baadhi ya makuli kufungwa.
Hii nililieta jamvini kwa makusudi maalum ili umuone Abdu anaingia katika
uongozi wa TAA 1950 kama katibu akiwa na turufu gani mkononi.
Ikiwa utakumbuka utafahamu kuwa uongozi wa wazee ulipinduliwa kwa juhudi za Hamza
Mwapachu, Abdu Sykes na Schneider Abdilllah Plantan na Abdu pamoja na Dk. Kyaruzi
wakachukua uongozi wa TAA Dk. Kyaruzi akiwa rais.
Uongozi huu ndiyo ulioandika ile memorandum ya Constitutional Development Committee
chini ya TAA Political Subcommittee waraka ambao uliwasilishwa kwa Gavana Edward
Francis Twining na huu waraka ukajadiliwa kwenye mkutano wa kuasisi TANU 1954 na ndiyo
uliotengeneza hotuba ya Nyerere aliyosoma UNO February 1955.
Hii kwa mukhtahsari ndiyo historia ya hotuba hiyo ya Nyerere ambayo aliisoma UNO 1955
lakini inaelekea wenzangu kuna kitu kinakuchomeni nyoyo zenu.
Hampendi historia iwe hivyo mnataka ibadilike iwe nyingine kabisa.
Si kitu.
Waliotangulia wao walifanya ujanja mmoja.
Historia ya hotuba hii hawakuigusa kabisa kwa hiyo watu walikuwa hawajui chanzo chake.
Kiasi ilisaidia maana hapakuwa na mabishano.
Sasa turudi nyuma kidogo.
Hata ilipofika 1953 katika ule uchaguzi wa 17 April kati ya Nyerere na Abdu Sykes ''track record''
ya Abdu katika TAA na katika siasa za Dar es Salaam ilikuwa ikifahamika na wengi.
Hakuna mtu aliyekuwa anamjua Nyerere ukiwatoa labda hao wenzake wa Makerere.
Kwa hakika Nyerere hakuwa na historia yoyote kuwa aliwahi kuwatia misukosuko wakoloni.
Hii ndiyo sababu katika uchaguzi ule Nyerere alishinda kwa kura chache.
Hili nalo linawachoma baadhi ya ndugu zangu.
Historia hii hawaipendi wangetaka iwe vinginevyo.
Waliotutangulia katika kuandika historia walikuwa watu ''makini.''
Uchaguzi huu haukutajwa kabisa wala jina la Abdu halikupewa uzito wowote.
Waandishi wale walikuwa wanasema Nyerere kachukua uongozi wa TAA 1953 hawataji
kauchukua kutoka mikononi kwa nani.
Mimi ndiye niliyekuja kuweka mambo sawa kwa kumrejesha Abdu Sykes katika historia
ya TANU.
Ndiyo maana unaona kadi ya TANU namba 1 Julius Nyerere, No. 2 Ally Sykes na No. 3
Abdu Sykes.
Idd Faiz aliyeratibu na kukusanya fedha za safari ya Nyerere UNO kadi yake No. 25.
Hii haikuja hivi hivi tu.
Haya hayakuja bure.
Yote hayo yana historia yake.
Rapheri,
Umeleta suala la dhulma alofanya Kleist Sykes kwa nyumba ya African Association.
Mimi ningependa kujua nini khasa alifanya.
Mimi nitatosheka na maelezo wala usitafute ushahidi kwani mie si mtu wa ubishi kauli
yako itanitosha.
Mengine nimeyaacha maana naona si muhimu sana kwangu kuyasemea.
Wanajamvi: Hapa kuna Tathmini ya kitabu cha Mzee Mohammed Said, sijahangaika kuweka link kwa vile ku-access hiyo article yabidi uanachama katika maktaba na majarida husika. Italics za ndani ya review ni zangu. Kwa waliokwishaisoma popote itakuwa marudio.
BOOK REVIEWS:
MUSLIM NATIONALISTS IN TANGANYIKA: The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924-1968): The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle against British Colonialism in Tanganyika. By MOHAMEDSA ID. London: Minerva Press, 1998. Pp. 358. ? 1.99, paperback (ISBN 0-754IO- 223-8). KEY WORDS: Tanzania, colonialism, nationalism, Islam.
REVIEWER: JONATHON GLASSMAN (Northwestern University): SOURCE: The Journal of African History, Vol. 42, No. 1 (2001), pp. 164-166
In recent years historians of nationalism, like historians of science, have been turning to the stories of the losers. In studies of South Asia as well as Africa, authors such as Allman, Geiger and Mbembe have sought to escape the triumphalist trap of assuming that nationalist politics were shaped solely by the men who eventually took power.
A focus on historical dead-ends can illuminate the contingencies that shaped nationalism, and can also help explain many post-colonial political conflicts. Mohamed Said's book is one such study. Its title is misleading: relatively little is about Abdulwahid Sykes, a member of a prominent Dar es Salaam family, and the book fails to substantiate Said's claim that his hero 'founded a political party [TANU] and made a President [Julius Nyerere]'.[/I] Yet the title points to the author's general approach. Using a collection of documents preserved by the Sykes family, as well as the memories of informants drawn from the author's extensive network of personal contacts, Said tells the story of Tanganyika nationalism from the Sykes family's point of view. In doing so, he creates a valuable resource for the study of colonial Dar es Salaam (a place that has received surprisingly little scholarly attention), and makes a strong case that the prevailing literature on Tanganyika nationalism, much of which is centred on the figure of Nyerere, has underestimated the contribution of Muslim townsmen and needs to be reassessed. Private sources such as Said's are often available only to interested parties rather than disinterested professional historians.
To his credit, Said opens with a forthright statement of his connection to the Sykes family (this statement itself tells the reader much about the ties of neighbourhood that sustained nationalist politics in Dar es Salaam), and he makes his polemical agenda clear throughout.
Briefly, his argument is as follows. TANU was created by Muslim townsmen, led by the Sykes brothers, who envisioned the party in 1945 while serving in the Burma Infantry. The Sykeses recruited Nyerere late in the game and made him president of the new organization in a self-sacrificing ploy to encourage Christians to join the nationalist cause. The latter were essential to success because, having been favoured by the colonial regime, they dominated the ranks of the educated elite. But the Christians were unreliable nationalists because of their indoctrination by 'the Church' (Said often assumes that all Christians were Catholic), portrayed here as a highly effective tool of colonialism. After uhuru, TANU's new Christian leaders reneged on promises they had made to keep religion and politics separate, and together with the Church plotted to rid TANU of Islamic influence. By 1970, this conspiracy was complete: TANU had been effectively wrested from the hands of the people who had created it, and had become a tool of Christian power.
Needless to add, Said is a tendentious writer. Yet remarkably little of his argument is directly contradicted by standard accounts, and, although it is impossible to evaluate his sources (footnotes are few and not always useful), he presents some fascinating new material. He is most persuasive in the two-thirds of the book that discuss the period before independence. Said surely has a point when he chastises historians for having failed to note the Islamic factor in the nationalist politics of Dar and other towns. Also valuable is his focus on Muslim-Christian tensions within TANU and its predecessor, the Tanganyika African Association (TAA): indeed, such tension was noted by observers at the time but has since failed to capture the attention of historians who perhaps have been too accepting of official myths of nationalist unity. Yet these strengths are often vitiated by the book's combative tone.
Two over argued themes, in particular, come in conflict. On the one hand, Said wishes to convince his readers that the Sykes circle created the nationalist movement virtually single-handedly and, in its early phases, totally dominated it. In this regard, he presents Nyerere in the early 1950os as an utter neophyte, a cipher who was shrewdly manipulated by Sykes and his allies. (This depiction of Nyerere as 'a complete stranger' to nationalist politics is partly a function of Said's Dar-centred perspective.) On the other hand, he perceives the history of Tanganyika nationalism as a grand struggle in which the Muslim townsmen who created the movement fought each step of the way against the wiles of their Christian enemies. These opposing themes catch Said in some absurd contradictions, such as in his narrative of the 1953 contest in which Nyerere assumed leadership of the TAA, immediately before it was transformed into TANU. That narrative portrays Nyerere simultaneously both as Sykes's tool and as his arch nemesis.
But the most troubling aspect of Said's tendentiousness consists of his portrayal of a Manichean conflict between Muslims, depicted as uniformly dedicated nationalists since the days of Maji Maji, and Christians, depicted as unsteady collaborators. That such images are often contradicted by his own rich data is all the more cause for disappointment.
Said is at his most contentious in the book's closing section, entitled 'Conspiracy against Islam'. It would be difficult to refute the core of his indictment there: TANU's misguided efforts in the late I960s to quash autonomous Islamic institutions. (This sordid tale has been told with more convincing detail, albeit on a strictly local level, by Abdin Chande.) Yet in his determination to reveal TANU's plots to impose 'Christian hegemony', Said ignores the fact that these efforts were part of a broader move to control all institutions of civil society. Still, as a statement of perceptions that are widely shared by Tanzanian Muslims, perceptions grounded in two generations of historical memory, this discussion, and Said's entire argument, should not be ignored by anyone who cares about Tanzania's future.
NAWAKILISHA
Mzee Mohamed,
Mimi wala sina tatizo na Abdu Sykes na harakati zake katika viunga vya Kariakoo na Dar he played his part
Unaongelea umaarufu wa Abdu dhidi ya Mwalimu katika uchaguzi,hawa watu aliosoma nao Makerere walikuwa wanafanya siasa katika mkoa gani?na pia tunajua Mwl alishakuwa Katibu huko Tabora sasa inawezekana vipi Katibu akashindwa kufahamika,na inawezekanaje mtu asiye maarufu aje awanie uongozi TAA huku akiwa hafaamiki na kushinda uchaguzi?
Hata kama alishinda kwa kura chache bado ni ushindi
Unasema waandishi walisahau kumuandika katika kumbukumbu za ule uchaguzi?!well..!!Tatizo lako unataka kila palipo jina Nyerere basi lazima Abdu awepo kama wewe umemkumbuka pia hakuna shida ndo uandishi huo atakuja mwingi ataongezea ambavyo wewe hukuviandika
Suala la Hotuba hilo tulishakubaliana kwamba Mwl hakuandikiwa ila inawezekana alitumia hiyo memorandum kama rejea katika kuandaa hotuba "yake" huko UN
Umekazania fedha alizokusanya Idd Faiz wakati huo huo hutaki kuona mchango wa Maryknoll sijui hapa unania gani?
Suala la Nyumba ya AA Mkuu Mag3 ameshalisema sana siwezi kulirudia
Well mkuu Wickama,
Tumeona Review hii ya kwanza ya Glassman tumeona na yeye maoni yake mwenye macho na aone sasa huyu ndo Mzee Mohamed alikuwa anatamba hapa amefanya Review ya kitabu chake ila hakuthubuti kuileta hapa tumejua sasa ni kwanini
Bado kuna yule mwingine na pia zile series za kwenye lile Jarida tunaomba mwenye access nazo atuwekee humu
Tunasoma na kujifunza hapa
Rapheri,
Inaelekea si mzoefu wa haya mambo.
Mimi siwezi kukupa wewe maneno ya msomi mwenzangu
kuithibitisha kazi yangu.
Ninachoweza kufanya ni kukupa wewe rejea ukasome.
Hicho ndicho nilichofanya.
Glassman kama kadhihirisha kitu ni kunisadikisha katika
duru ndani ya AAA Journal.
Ingekuwa mie natafuta hayo ya kusifiwa ningekuwekeeni
hapa barua alonandikia Prof. Ali Mazrui kuhusu kitabu changu
na maneno alonambia nilipokutananae Kampala katika mkutano
mwaka 2003.
Taratibu tutasomeshana.
Alikiri kinamna kwa sababu baada ya kushutumiwa hivyo na Kambona alipohutubia Jangwani hakuweza kukanusha.Nyerere hajawahi kukiri kinamna kuwa na account Uswiss. Usichanganye mambo wewe.
Wanajamvi: Hapa kuna Tathmini ya kitabu cha Mzee Mohammed Said, sijahangaika kuweka link kwa vile ku-access hiyo article yabidi uanachama katika maktaba na majarida husika. Italics za ndani ya review ni zangu. Kwa waliokwishaisoma popote itakuwa marudio.
BOOK REVIEWS:
MUSLIM NATIONALISTS IN TANGANYIKA: The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924-1968): The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle against British Colonialism in Tanganyika. By MOHAMEDSA ID. London: Minerva Press, 1998. Pp. 358. ? 1.99, paperback (ISBN 0-754IO- 223-8). KEY WORDS: Tanzania, colonialism, nationalism, Islam.
REVIEWER: JONATHON GLASSMAN (Northwestern University): SOURCE: The Journal of African History, Vol. 42, No. 1 (2001), pp. 164-166
In recent years historians of nationalism, like historians of science, have been turning to the stories of the losers. In studies of South Asia as well as Africa, authors such as Allman, Geiger and Mbembe have sought to escape the triumphalist trap of assuming that nationalist politics were shaped solely by the men who eventually took power.
A focus on historical dead-ends can illuminate the contingencies that shaped nationalism, and can also help explain many post-colonial political conflicts. Mohamed Said's book is one such study. Its title is misleading: relatively little is about Abdulwahid Sykes, a member of a prominent Dar es Salaam family, and the book fails to substantiate Said's claim that his hero 'founded a political party [TANU] and made a President [Julius Nyerere]'.[/I] Yet the title points to the author's general approach. Using a collection of documents preserved by the Sykes family, as well as the memories of informants drawn from the author's extensive network of personal contacts, Said tells the story of Tanganyika nationalism from the Sykes family's point of view. In doing so, he creates a valuable resource for the study of colonial Dar es Salaam (a place that has received surprisingly little scholarly attention), and makes a strong case that the prevailing literature on Tanganyika nationalism, much of which is centred on the figure of Nyerere, has underestimated the contribution of Muslim townsmen and needs to be reassessed. Private sources such as Said's are often available only to interested parties rather than disinterested professional historians.
To his credit, Said opens with a forthright statement of his connection to the Sykes family (this statement itself tells the reader much about the ties of neighbourhood that sustained nationalist politics in Dar es Salaam), and he makes his polemical agenda clear throughout.
Briefly, his argument is as follows. TANU was created by Muslim townsmen, led by the Sykes brothers, who envisioned the party in 1945 while serving in the Burma Infantry. The Sykeses recruited Nyerere late in the game and made him president of the new organization in a self-sacrificing ploy to encourage Christians to join the nationalist cause. The latter were essential to success because, having been favoured by the colonial regime, they dominated the ranks of the educated elite. But the Christians were unreliable nationalists because of their indoctrination by 'the Church' (Said often assumes that all Christians were Catholic), portrayed here as a highly effective tool of colonialism. After uhuru, TANU's new Christian leaders reneged on promises they had made to keep religion and politics separate, and together with the Church plotted to rid TANU of Islamic influence. By 1970, this conspiracy was complete: TANU had been effectively wrested from the hands of the people who had created it, and had become a tool of Christian power.
Needless to add, Said is a tendentious writer. Yet remarkably little of his argument is directly contradicted by standard accounts, and, although it is impossible to evaluate his sources (footnotes are few and not always useful), he presents some fascinating new material. He is most persuasive in the two-thirds of the book that discuss the period before independence. Said surely has a point when he chastises historians for having failed to note the Islamic factor in the nationalist politics of Dar and other towns. Also valuable is his focus on Muslim-Christian tensions within TANU and its predecessor, the Tanganyika African Association (TAA): indeed, such tension was noted by observers at the time but has since failed to capture the attention of historians who perhaps have been too accepting of official myths of nationalist unity. Yet these strengths are often vitiated by the book's combative tone.
Two over argued themes, in particular, come in conflict. On the one hand, Said wishes to convince his readers that the Sykes circle created the nationalist movement virtually single-handedly and, in its early phases, totally dominated it. In this regard, he presents Nyerere in the early 1950os as an utter neophyte, a cipher who was shrewdly manipulated by Sykes and his allies. (This depiction of Nyerere as 'a complete stranger' to nationalist politics is partly a function of Said's Dar-centred perspective.) On the other hand, he perceives the history of Tanganyika nationalism as a grand struggle in which the Muslim townsmen who created the movement fought each step of the way against the wiles of their Christian enemies. These opposing themes catch Said in some absurd contradictions, such as in his narrative of the 1953 contest in which Nyerere assumed leadership of the TAA, immediately before it was transformed into TANU. That narrative portrays Nyerere simultaneously both as Sykes's tool and as his arch nemesis.
But the most troubling aspect of Said's tendentiousness consists of his portrayal of a Manichean conflict between Muslims, depicted as uniformly dedicated nationalists since the days of Maji Maji, and Christians, depicted as unsteady collaborators. That such images are often contradicted by his own rich data is all the more cause for disappointment.
Said is at his most contentious in the book's closing section, entitled 'Conspiracy against Islam'. It would be difficult to refute the core of his indictment there: TANU's misguided efforts in the late I960s to quash autonomous Islamic institutions. (This sordid tale has been told with more convincing detail, albeit on a strictly local level, by Abdin Chande.) Yet in his determination to reveal TANU's plots to impose 'Christian hegemony', Said ignores the fact that these efforts were part of a broader move to control all institutions of civil society. Still, as a statement of perceptions that are widely shared by Tanzanian Muslims, perceptions grounded in two generations of historical memory, this discussion, and Said's entire argument, should not be ignored by anyone who cares about Tanzania's future.
NAWAKILISHA
AMI,
Soma gazeti la Annur uone dhulma dhidi ya Waislamu na Serikali mpaka sasa haina uso wa kukanusha madai haya mazito ya Waislamu! nchi hii sijui inaelekea wapi jamani? ANNUUR 1065
Mzee Mohamed,
Mimi wala sina tatizo na Abdu Sykes na harakati zake katika viunga vya Kariakoo na Dar he played his part
Unaongelea umaarufu wa Abdu dhidi ya Mwalimu katika uchaguzi,hawa watu aliosoma nao Makerere walikuwa wanafanya siasa katika mkoa gani?na pia tunajua Mwl alishakuwa Katibu huko Tabora sasa inawezekana vipi Katibu akashindwa kufahamika,na inawezekanaje mtu asiye maarufu aje awanie uongozi TAA huku akiwa hafaamiki na kushinda uchaguzi?
Hata kama alishinda kwa kura chache bado ni ushindi
Unasema waandishi walisahau kumuandika katika kumbukumbu za ule uchaguzi?!well..!!Tatizo lako unataka kila palipo jina Nyerere basi lazima Abdu awepo kama wewe umemkumbuka pia hakuna shida ndo uandishi huo atakuja mwingi ataongezea ambavyo wewe hukuviandika
Suala la Hotuba hilo tulishakubaliana kwamba Mwl hakuandikiwa ila inawezekana alitumia hiyo memorandum kama rejea katika kuandaa hotuba "yake" huko UN
Umekazania fedha alizokusanya Idd Faiz wakati huo huo hutaki kuona mchango wa Maryknoll sijui hapa unania gani?
Suala la Nyumba ya AA Mkuu Mag3 ameshalisema sana siwezi kulirudia
Nyerere hajawahi kukiri kinamna kuwa na account Uswiss. Usichanganye mambo wewe.
Ami,Hiyo keki yote inaliwa na wakristo ambao ndio wanaojaza nafasi hizo.
Unakumbuka Seif alivyopigwa chenga asihudhurie kikao fulani kilichojadili mambo ya Zanzibar ambako yeye ni makamu wa raisi?
Unakumbuka mbunge wa Kigoma kusini alivyopigwa na chini kwa kuhoji habari za waislamu bungeni?
Unakumbuka nafasi ya Kitwana Kondo ilivyotolewa kwa mkristo baada ya yeye kuhoji akili za watoto wa kiislamu na za wakristo?
Unajua kitu gani kitamfanya Lipumba asishike uraisi pengine mpaka uzee wake hata kama ana sifa kuliko vihiyo wakristo wanaogombea nafasi hiyo.?
ZIKO njia nyingi ambazo keki ya taifa inaliwa chini ya mvungu na wakristo pekee.
Karibu sana Gombesugu...
Inaonekana na wewe unasoma maandishi haya kwa mwanga ule ule - wa dini. Umejaribu kuwa 'balanced' mwanzoni lakini kwa kadiri muda unavyokwenda unajionesha kuwa hujali academic integrity and honesty ya mwandishi. Na badala yake umeingia kumtetea Mohammed Said solely kwa sababu ya Uislamu wake na siyo kwa kazi yake. Hili sina tatizo kwani wakati mwingine damu ni nzito kuliko maji.
Ndugu Gombesugu, hatubishani kuhusu maoni ya mtu; kwani maoni ya mtu ni maoni yake. Tunabishana kuhusu some facts. Inasikitisha kuwa unaamini kazi ya Mohammed Said imefanyiwa "thoroughly researched" na "closely scrutinized". Kama kweli unaamini haya basi na wewe umeingia kwenye mtego ule ule wa kuamini hisia za mtu kuhusu historia kuwa ni facts za historia! Tunabishana na Mohammed SAid kuhusu facts sir, siyo hisia zake kuhusu hizo facts.
1. Mohammed Said anadai kuwa Nyerere aliingia siasa mwaka 1952 na kuwa aliingia siasa na uongozi wa TAA baada ya kuingizwa na Abdulwahid Sykes - hapa hadai maoni anadai facts. Tumeonesha kuwa Nyerere alianza siasa miaka karibu 10 nyuma na wakati anakuja Dar tayari alishapata kuwa kiongozi wa TAA huko Tabora na alishaanzisha chama cha kutetea maslahi ya Watanganyika akiwa Makerere (kabla ya kukutana na Abdulwahid Sykes karibu miaka saba nyuma. Hili ni suala la facts Gombesugu siyo opinion! Mohammed Said was/is factually wrong.
2. Mohammed Said anadai kuwa Philip Marmo alikuwa ni mbunge wa Monduli wakati wa sakata la OIC mwanzoni mwa miaka ya tisini; tumeonesha kuwa Marmo hajawahi kuwa Mbunge wa Monduli; hili siyo suala la maoni Gombesugu ni suala la facts. Mohammed Said was/is factually wrong!
3. Mohammed Said amekuwa akidai kuwa Kanisa halikuhusika katika harakati za Uhuru na kuwa halikutoa mchango wowote kwani Wakristu walikuwa wanafaidika na Ukoloni. Imeoneshwa humu kuwa Wakristu wengi tu walishiriki harakati za Ukoloni na waliupinga sehemu mbalimbali nchini na hata wao pia kutoa misaada kuchangia TANU. HIli siyo suala la maoni ndugu Gombesugu, ni suala la facts; Mohammed Said was/is factually wrong!
4. Mohammed Said amekuwa akidai kwua Nyerere alikuwa na chuki na Waislamu na Uislamu; hadi leo hii hakuna mahalipo popote ambapo ameonesha ushahidi wa jambo lolote Nyerere alilolisema au kulifanya lenye kuonesha chuki ya Nyerere dhidi ya Waislamu. Lakini amejaza ushahidi lukuki wa mahusiano ya karibu ya Nyerere na Waislamu kabla na baada ya Uhuru. Mohammed Said was/is factually wrong!
5. Mohammed Said amedai kuwa kile alichokiita 'Christian Lobby" ndio kinaendesha nchi na kuwa ndio leo kinaitwa "Mfumo KRistu" ambao unawabagua Waislamu. Mohammed Said ameshindwa vibaya kuonesha jinsi gani mfumo wa kibaguzi unatoa nafasi kwa wale wanaobaguliwa kushika madaraka na nafasi mbalimbali. Hili halijawahi kutokea mahali popote duniani ambapo mfumo wa kIbaguzi ulitengeneza na kuwapa nafasi wale wanaobaguliwa huku mfumo huo ukifanya kazi! Mohammed Said is/was factually wrong.
Gombesugu, tunaweza kuendelea na kuangalia 'facts' ambazo Mohammed Said amekuwa akizidai na kuonesha ni kwanini hazina ukweli wa kihistoria. Kwa wewe kuamini kuwa maandisshi yake yamefanyiwa "thoroughly" research inashangaza; labda neno thoroughly researched limepoteza maana.