Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

Nguruvi.
Mkuu naomba uniletee uthibitisho kwamba kunamtu aliyeandika kwamba Nyerere alimuua Karume,halafu wewe kunajitiada gani ulishawahi kufanya kuwatafuta hao ulio wataja ukawauliza kuhusu aliyoandika mzee MS katika kitabu chake au wewe hukuwa na ubavu wa kuwafuata na kuwauliza kwasababu mimi habari zako zote ni za ku copy na kupaste sijawahi kukusikia ukisema uliongea na hata mtu mmoja walio kuwepo zama hizo ima aliye hai au aliyetangulia mbele ya haki so bro ushauri wangu kwako ili watanzania tusiendelee kudanganywa kama munavyosema huku mzee MS aliwashauri muandike kitabu chenu cha kupinga haya yaliyoandikwa na mzee MS kwasababu sio wote walio soma kitabu cha mzee MS wanapitia huu mtandao wa kijamii kuna wengine hawajui kitu kinaitwa jamii forum ingekuwa jambo la maana sana mkubwa.
 
Yericko Nyerere said:
Natafakari sana hata wazungu wanaompa fursa za majukwaa ya kuhadhiri hivi kumbe nao wanafikra za kufanana na Mohamed Said.

Huenda huwa wanamsanifu tu huko kwenye mihadhara.
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Unatafakari kwa lipi la maana uliloandika humu zaidi ya upambe, yaani wewe unawatafakari wazungu kwa kumualika mzee MS sisi ndio tunakusanifu wewe kwasababu kuna mambo mengi umeahidi kuleta ushahidi umeshindwa mimi naona bora ubaki kuwa msomaji tuu kama unataka kuchangia kachangie kuleee kwenye mambo ya Mwigulu na Lwakatare samahani lakini japokuwa wewe ndio ulioanzisha huu uzi!
 
Reactions: Ami
Natambua uwepo wako hapa uzini mkuu.

Tangu uzi huu uanze sijawahi kufikiria kuwa siku moja unaweza ukaleta fikra tofauti na ninachokiona hapo juu,

Ndiomaana sishughulishwi na maandiko yako.
 

Boko...
Yericko masikini ya mungu hayuko huku wala kule.

Awali angelijua namna mchujo unavyofanywa ili chuo kumualika mtu
asingetoa kebehi zake kwangu.

Wanaorodhesha wasomi wote walioandika vitabu, paper nk. yenye mapya.
Kisha wanachambua.

Kamati inampitia mmoja moja na kazi zake mpya na za zamani.
Kusudi ni kuwa wasijeleta mtu hamna kitu.

Fedha wanazotumia ni mfuko unaotolewa na serikali kwa shughuli hiyo.
Kwa wenzetu hela ya serikali hailiwi.

Ningependa kumkumbusha Yericko kuwa dunia ya usomi ni tofauti na
hapa JF.
 
Nimekupata vizuri ndugu yangu,

Nadharia inasimama kuwa utainiwa wako katika fursa ya kuhadhiri hailengi ukweli/fact tu, hata vitabu vya kipuuzi hupewa fursa za kuhadhiriwa na vipo katika Chuo kikuu Magogu/Cambrige


Ukitaka uorodheshewe vitabu hivyo vya kipuuzi nitafanya hivyo, na waandishi wa upuuzi huo wanapewa heshima inayostahiki kama vile utakavyo.

Mohamed Said naheshimu sana mchango wako katika ngano duniani, hakika zinamafaa kwa waabudu ngano.
 

Sintofahamu,
Hawa ndugu zetu wana tatizo kubwa sana la saikolojia.

Nimesoma hapa mengi sana ya kustaajabisha na wao yanawataabisha sana.
Ngoja nikupe mfano.

Abdu Sykes ''contemproraries'' wake wote pamoja na baba yangu wanajua TANU
kwa hakika imeundwa na Abdu na harakati zile aliaanza muda mrefu.

Marehemu Mzee Mavemba wa Mtaa wa Mahiwa kila siku akilieleza hili.

Hawa wote wanajua mchango wa baba yake Abdu katika kuanzisha African Association
1929.

Hawa wanajua haya kwa kuwa wamekulia Dar es Salaam na haya yote yametendeka wao
wakiyaona kwa macho yao.

Ndugu zangu wanakuja na hoja kuwa TANU imeasisiwa na Nyerere 1954.
Kuna mtandao mmoja wa Nyerere umeandika kabisa kuwa TANU imeasisiwa Pugu.

Huu ni mfano mmoja mdogo sana.

Kuna suala la hotuba ya Nyerere UNO 1955 na maandalizi ya safari ile.

Hawa ndugu zangu inawawia tabu kukubali kuwa hotoba ile imetokana na mapendekezo ya
katiba ya 1950.

Nyoyo zinawauma kusoma kuwa katika mapendekezo yale ya TAA kuna sahihi ya Sheikh Hassan
bin Amir.

Wanaleta kila aina ya visa, kebehi, kejeli na hata matusi wanaghadhibika kwa jambo dogo sana
kama hilo.

Wao wanataka iwe Nyerere kafika New Street kakuta hakuna chochote na yeye ndiye akafanya kila
jambo kuanzia kuitisha mkutano wa July 1954 hadi kutafuta wanachama wa TANU.

Mimi nawaambia wanachama wa mwanzo wa TANU wametoka Rufiji na aliyekwenda kuwaandikisha
ni Said Chamwebyewe.

Mimi nawaambia hilo haliwezekani hakuna aliyekuwa anamjua Nyerere katikaDar es Salaam ya 1950
asingeweza kumpata mtu.

Mambo ya kuanzisha chama cha siasa kunataka wasaa na fedha za kutosha.

Nawaambia Abdu ni mojawapo wa viongozi wa TAA waliokuwa wakitoa fedha hizo na mikutano ya siri
ikifanyika nyumbani kwake Mtaa wa Stanley na Sikukuu.

Nawaeleza kuwa mimi nayajua haya kwa kuwa mkewe Bwana Abdu Bi. Mwamvua mimi ni mama yangu
kanieleza kila kitu hadi lile kabati la kuweka fedha la Bwana Abdu ambae yeye ndiye alikuwa mshika funguo.

Nami namtania namwambia, ''Kumbe mama ulikuwa mweka hazina kivuli wa TANU.''

Mimi najua mengi kwa kuwa hawa waliofanya haya ni wazee wangu na sishi mie kuwakumbusha ukweli huu.

Nawaambia watu wa mwanzo pale Kariakoo ofisini kwa Abdu Sykes kujuana na Nyerere ni Shariff Attas mimi
huyu babu yangu.

Acha hilo pale sokoni alikuwapo mjomba wangu Bwana Hamisi Salum, alikuwapobabu yangu Shariff Mwamedi
hawa wakifanya biashara pale.

Hawa wamemjua Nyerere pale na walikata kadi zao za TANU ofisini kwa Abdu Sykes.

Nyerere akija pale sokoni anaporwa kikapu na watu hawa nje ya soko Mtaa wa Mkunguni na akirejeshewa kinakuwa
kikapu kimeshatakata anarudi nyumbani kwake Magomeni.

Wakati hawa wakizunguka sokoni pale yeye anakuwa ndani ofisini kwa Abdu Sykes wanazungumza.

Haya mie nayaeleza kwa mapenzi na kuonyesha mapenzi ya wazee wangu kwa Nyerere wao wanasema namdhalilisha.

Niishie hapa.
 


Sasa Yericko,
Umeandika kitu gani??
Kweli umezid kutuonesha jins ulivyo mtupu wa fikra..
Pole sana..
 
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:laugh:
Ati wanasema unamdhalilisha nyerere pale unaposema ya kwamba alipokawa anakwenda sokoni na kapu alikua anapokelewa na wale wazee likiwa tupu na anapomaliza mazungumzo na Abdu anakuta kapu lake limesheheni madiko diko,wao kuelezwa kwa uhalisia huo,na kutokea kwa matukio ya kimapenz kias hicho baina ya nyerere na wale wazee wao wanaona kejeli,kweli inaingia akilini kwa kuelezwa kwa yaliyotokea na kujiri kweli kuwe ni udhalilishaji??
mufilisi ni mufilisi tuh..
 
Reactions: Ami

BOKO,
watu wa sampuli hiyo sisi tunawaita MACHAKUBIMBI wa hoja..
 
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sidhani kama unaitende vyema tafsiri ya RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE kwa mifano yako.

Wewe kusema Yesu si Mungu tayari umesha wahusisha Wakristo na umekaribisha malumbano na wakristo, Kwasababu ni wao tu wanao amini katika Yesu ni Mungu. vivyo hivyo Wakristo wakisema Mtume Mohammed (S.W.A) si mtume wa mwisho na ni fraud, tayari amewahusisha waislamu kwasababu ni wao tu ndo wanamuamini Mtu Mohammed (S.W.A) na anakua amekaribisha malumbano na Waislamu.

Kadogoo said:
Kwanini mimi ninae amini Yesu si Mungu unifungie jela na kunitaka niamini tu bila kusema?(Kutenda) huku yule anae amini kuwa ni Mungu unamruhusu aamini moyoni na kuyatamka hadharani?
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sidhani kama watu wanafungwa kwa kuwa wanaamini Yesu si Mungu. Wanao fungwa au kukamatwa ni kwa ajili ya Uchochezi period.. na kwenye hilo hakuna anaye salimika si Mkristo wala Muislam.

Kwanza wakristo wote wanaondaa mihadhara na kuanza kudhihaki dini nyingine (Uislam,Budha,Uyahudi,Hindu) hao wanamatatizo na hawarepesent wakristo hata robo. Kwasababu mafundisho ya Ukrito does not condone violence, hate speech, any sort of disrespect or provocation towards binadamu au watu wengine.

Kadogoo said:
Kati ya Waislamu na Wakristo nakuapia kwa jina la Allah muumba wa Mbingu na Ardhi nani anaetii kanuni ya Religious Tolerance? wakati mwingine tueke udini pembeni ili tuwe wakweli!
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Ushindani wa dini hauna mshindi, thats one thing for sure. Mwisho wake ni uvumilivu uwashinde na mchinjane.

Religious Tolerence inaanza na wewe, je can you tolerate other beliefs?
ikibidi hata mtu akikuprovoke unamuignore tu, na hivyo ndivyo amani inasambazwa.
 


Niwie Radhwi,lakini wale mapaka wa kwenye ma-bar wapenda dezo dezo pia ni viumbe wa mwenyezimungu,najua unajua nini nachomaanisha..
katika muendelezo wa kile tunachokiita kama Nguruvi3's histohisia,kipo cha kujiuliza sana..
tujaalie kama hayo uliyoyaainisha yana mantiki,tukuulize swali,kama unakiri wazi wazi juhudi zilizofanywa na hao wazee kwa ukombozi wa taifa hili,sasa kwanini historia zao zilifichwa na wengine kutukuzwa hadi kupewa ubaba wa taifa na utakatifu??
hivi kwanini unapenda kutoka toka kwenye mantiki kuu ya hoja zetu??
tokea mda mrefu sana tumekuwa tunakusihi utuoneshe uchochezi ulipo ila unachoishia wewe ni kucopy na kupaste maandiko yako yale yale..
mbona unahangaika sana??
 
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Yericko,
Hapa JF si mahali pa maskhara.

Mimi siko hapa kukejeliwa.
Mimi niko hapa kueleza historia ya nchi yangu.

Hebu chukua muda usome wasomi wanasemaje kuhusu historia ya TANU:

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[TD]In Dar es Salaam at the Kitumbini Mosque a hawli (prayer of remembrance for a departed Muslim) is held each year in the month of October to remember Abdulwahid Kleist Sykes. It is more or less a family affair with only relatives in attendance. Apart from the obligatory duty of praying for the departed as is the custom in Islam, Abdulwahid is accorded this respect for other reasons. In his short lifetime he used to pray regularly at the mosque and it was from this mosque that Abdulwahid made his last journey to meet his Creator. Abdulwahid was an important personality in the Muslim community. He had for many years been active in Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika (The Muslim Association). He had also been Secretary of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA) and later its President. Although historians so far have not acknowledged his political achievements, Abdulwahid was the brains behind the formation of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), the political party which united the people of Tanganyika for their independence struggle against the British.
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[TD]Many of Abdulwahid's contemporaries are still living and pray at the same mosque. They cherish this yearly occasion. Most of these are TANU veterans of the 1950s. They are now old and for bitter reasons they have lost interest in the Party. Apart from a small circle of relatives (now comprising of his grandchildren), close friends and former TANU members , nobody in the Party which he founded in 1954 seems to remember him. Abdulwahid has been completely forgotten. His name is hardly associated with the Party or with the political history of Tanzania. Yet this person was the main driving force in Tanganyika's independence movement.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]A team of party historians, commissioned by the Party-Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) to research and write an official history of TANU, did not even mention Abdulwahid's name in the entire book.[1] The dominant school of thought in the book is the assertion that before the emergence of Julius Nyerere in April 1953, when he was elected TAA President, the African Association leadership did not articulate any concrete political thought. This premise has denied many patriots a place of honour in the political history of Tanzania and also eroded the status of the Association as a political movement. Local historians and post-independence party bureaucrats do not want to credit the African Association with a political identity. Kambona referred to the African Association as a debating society:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]It is just a little over one year since the inception of the Tanganyika African National Union and during this period it has grown from strength to strength, sometimes in the teeth of great opposition. As you are well aware it superseded the former Tanganyika African Association which was little more than a debating society.[2]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Ulotu has referred to the organisation as a welfare association.[3] Others have referred to the Association as a social organisation: Nyerere (1966),[4] Japhet and Seaton (1966),[5] John Hatch (1976).[6] In other places it is referred to as a semi-protest movement: Kaniki (1974),[7] as a semi-political movement: Nyerere (1953).[8] Julius Nyerere appearing in an oral hearing at the Trusteeship Council at the United Nations, New York, on 7 th March, 1955, shifted his position and referred to the Association as a semi-political movement:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The Tanganyika African National Union is, in one sense, a new organisation, but in another it is an old organisation. It was taken over from what was formerly called the Tanganyika African Association, which was founded in 1929, largely as a social organisation. The Tanganyika African National Union, which took over from the African Association about ten months ago, is a new organisation in the sense that it is a political organisation, where as the former was semi-political.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Other scholars have reduced the association to the level of club: Mwenegoha(1976) writes: ‘In 1954, after 25 years of inertia, Nyerere remodelled TAA from a social club into a formidable political organisation called the Tanganyika African National Union'. [9]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Abdulwahid as one of the main actors in the modern history of political parties in colonial Tanganyika referred to the association as a political party (1951).[10] Among writers and scholars who have analysed the African Association, it is only Nyerere and Hatch who have shifted their positions.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Nyerere, writing to Edward Twining the Governor of Tanganyika on 10 th August, 1953, referred to TAA as a political party.[11] Nyerere has for a very long time maintained this view which has appeared in all his subsequent writings and speeches on the African Association.[12] But recently he qualified his earlier statements on the subject referring to the association as a ‘political party without a political constitution'. Hatch (1976) refers to the association in one place as a social organisation [13] and as ‘a serious political party' in another. [14]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]John Kabudi has referred to the Association as a ‘private civil organisation of a nationalistic character'.[15] It is worth noting that even the pioneers of the organisation are not referred to as politicians. Kaniki, for lack of an appropriate word with which to refer to the pioneers, gave them quotation marks:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Nyerere, hitherto almost unknown to the majority of ‘politicians' in Tanganyika, was then schoolmaster at St. Francis' Secondary School, Pugu, near Dar es Salaam, and he had been elected Territorial President the previous year. [16]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Iliffe (1968)[17] indicated that the written history of TANU was incomplete and went further in his analysis of the association perceiving its direction and membership as being political.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Kandoro and Japhet, [18] the two TANU founder members who came to prominence while Abdulwahid was TAA president in 1952 were the only pioneers who worked closely with him during the Meru Land Case. Kirilo's visit to Dar es Salaam and the engagement of Seaton to represent Meru Citizens' Union in the conflict was very much facilitated by the intervention of Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership. It was Abdulwahid who helped Kirilo obtain a passport in Dar es Salaam after he was denied one in Arusha. Kirilo and Seaton, as well as Kandoro, have written their colonial experience, but no where in the two works is Abdulwahid mentioned, even in passing. The two try to link the Meru Land Case with Nyerere although prior to 1954 Nyerere had not yet made any impact on the politics of Tanganyika. In fact when the Meru Land Case went before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York, Nyerere was at Edinburgh University in Scotland studying for a master's degree.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[19] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Of late there has been interest in Tanzania's political history and Abdulwahid's name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[20] newspapers, [21] international magazines,[22] and books.[23] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid. There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics. In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary. Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ‘veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten'. [24] There are also those who have dismissed him as being ‘petty bourgeois'.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class. In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union. Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers' union. Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class. [25]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]This was in reference to his nomination in 1948 as the first ever General Secretary to lead a trade union in Tanganyika. Probably not knowing who Abdulwahid was and what he stood for throughout his life, or perhaps fired with Marxist zeal, Shivji has allowed himself to use wrong tools of analysis. Engels defines the term ‘bourgeois' to mean ‘the class of modern capitalist, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage-labour'. [26] However, Sklar has observed that the ‘bourgeois' concept has undergone evolution thus transforming its original meaning:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Recently, the term has been used by Marxists and others to identify dominant class in societies that maintain market economies and allow capitalist accumulation as a consequence of private property in the means of production. [27]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Had Shivji been exposed to Abdulwahid's life history chances are that he would have used a different yardstick to gauge and judge him. But since a wrong premise was applied, a wrong conclusion was the result. No African enterprise under colonialism could qualify to be put under this category, let alone have the capability to employ wage-labour in the sense of labour-capital relationship as defined by classical or neo-Marxists. This is the kind of confusion surrounding the personality of Abdulwahid and indeed the whole history of nationalism.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Among the TANU founding members, it is only those from the headquarters who could give a correct account of the formation of the Party. These are: John Rupia, Dossa Aziz, Tewa Said Tewa, Julius Nyerere, Dome Budohi, Abdulwahid and Ally Sykes. The two Sykes brothers, Abdulwahid and Ally, have a family connection in the African Association, their father Kleist Sykes having been founder Secretary of the Association in 1929. The Sykes files make very interesting reading for any researcher in the political history of colonial Tanganyika. These records contain information on Nyerere's early political career and it is surprising that when Party historians were researching, these records, which have so much information about Nyerere, and the party itself, were not consulted. No member of the family, including Ally and Abbas Sykes, the two surviving members of the three Sykes brothers, were interviewed.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]In the late 1960s, when John Iliffe from Cambridge University, then at the Department of History, University of Dar es Salaam, began his research on Tanzania's history he obtained a lot of information on the African Association from one of his students, Aisha Daisy Sykes, Abdulwahid's daughter. Although Daisy informed Iliffe that it was her father who provided her with additional primary information articulated in her history seminar papers on Tanzania, it is very strange that Iliffe, interested as he was in the modern history of Tanzania, did not bother to meet Abdulwahid.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Iliffe, however, realising the potential in the Sykes' records encouraged Daisy to write a biography of her grandfather, Kleist Sykes[28] which she did. When Abdulwahid died in 1968, Daisy, encouraged by the success of her previous work, wanted to work on the biography of her late father. Daisy was fired by the passion to write after realising that history had been unfair to her father and it was time she put the record straight. Daisy had in her possession Abdulwahid's files and diaries. Iliffe, for reasons probably unknown to Daisy at that time, discouraged her from writing on the grounds that the timing was inappropriate, and that the subject should be given time. There was no doubt in Iliffe's mind that Abdulwahid was a reliable source of information on TANU and its history; and any work on his life history would have been a great contribution to the political history of Tanzania. Following Iliffe's negative response Abdulwahid's biography was never to be written by her daughter.
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[1] Kivukoni IdeologicalCollege, Historia ya Chama Cha TANU 1954-1977,Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Oscar Kambona to Baldwin Rogers, 18 th October, 1955 Party Archives, Fabian Colonial Bureau File No.202.
[3] Ulotu A. Ulotu, Historia ya TANU, (1971) p. 11.
[4] Julius Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam, 1966, p. 38.
[5] Kirilo Japhet and Earle Seaton, The Meru Land Case, Nairobi, 1966, p.16.
[6] John Hatch, Two African Statesmen, London 1976, p.17.
[7] M.H.Y. Kaniki, TANU, ‘The Party of Independence and National Consolidation' in G. Ruhumbika (ed) Towards Ujamaa,
Twenty Years of TANU Leadership,Nairobi, 1974, pp.1-2.
[8] Julius K. Nyerere, TanganyikaAfrican Association, to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August, 1953. Sykes' Papers.
[9] H.A.K. Mwenegoha,Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Nairobi, 1976, p. 5.
[10] Secretary Tanganyika African Association to Chairman and members of the African Association 7 th January, 1951.
Sykes' Papers.
[11] Julius K. Nyerere President Tanganyika African Association to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August, 1953. Sykes'
Papers.
[12] Nyerere, op. cit. p. 38.
[13] Hatch, op. cit. p.17.
[14] Ibid. p. 91
[15] John Kabudi, ‘The Party System and Socialism in Tanzania'(1986 Seminar Paper).
[16] Kaniki, op. cit. Also see Uamuzi wa Busara, Idara ya Habari ya Chama, p. 2.
[17] John Iliffe, ‘The Role of the African Association in the Formation and Realization of Territorial Consciousness in Tanzania.'
Mimeo. University of East Africa Social Sciences Conference, 1968, p. 24.
[18] S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[19] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika,London, 1965.
[20] Yash Tandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy' Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[21] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[22] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[23] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State and The Working Class in
Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.
[24] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[25] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania,London and Dar es Salaam1986, pp. 174.
[26] F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party,1848.
[27] Richard L. Sklar ‘The Nature of Class Domination in Africa' in JMAS Vol. 17 No.4, 1979, p. 544.
[28] Daisy Sykes Buruku, ‘The Townsman: Kleist Sykes', in Iliffe (ed) Modern Tanzanians, Nairobi, 1973, pp. 95-114.
 

Nguruvi,
Nami nakuletea zawadi kutoka Kipata.

Huku Nyamwezi na huku Swahili No. 32.
Karibu na nyumba ya Mama Nambaya na Shabaka.

Kule Swahili kwa Mama Kilindi mbele kwa Mashaka
Lumelezi pembeni kwa Hassan Machakaomo (Mzulu).

Mbele kabisa kwa Mzee Mtamila na mbele kabisa kabisa
New Street kwa Mzee Kleist Sykes:


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[TD]In Dar es Salaam at the Kitumbini Mosque a hawli (prayer of remembrance for a departed Muslim) is held each year in the month of October to remember Abdulwahid Kleist Sykes. It is more or less a family affair with only relatives in attendance. Apart from the obligatory duty of praying for the departed as is the custom in Islam, Abdulwahid is accorded this respect for other reasons. In his short lifetime he used to pray regularly at the mosque and it was from this mosque that Abdulwahid made his last journey to meet his Creator. Abdulwahid was an important personality in the Muslim community. He had for many years been active in Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika (The Muslim Association). He had also been Secretary of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA) and later its President. Although historians so far have not acknowledged his political achievements, Abdulwahid was the brains behind the formation of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), the political party which united the people of Tanganyika for their independence struggle against the British.
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[TD]Many of Abdulwahid's contemporaries are still living and pray at the same mosque. They cherish this yearly occasion. Most of these are TANU veterans of the 1950s. They are now old and for bitter reasons they have lost interest in the Party. Apart from a small circle of relatives (now comprising of his grandchildren), close friends and former TANU members , nobody in the Party which he founded in 1954 seems to remember him. Abdulwahid has been completely forgotten. His name is hardly associated with the Party or with the political history of Tanzania. Yet this person was the main driving force in Tanganyika's independence movement.
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[TD]A team of party historians, commissioned by the Party-Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) to research and write an official history of TANU, did not even mention Abdulwahid's name in the entire book.[1] The dominant school of thought in the book is the assertion that before the emergence of Julius Nyerere in April 1953, when he was elected TAA President, the African Association leadership did not articulate any concrete political thought. This premise has denied many patriots a place of honour in the political history of Tanzania and also eroded the status of the Association as a political movement. Local historians and post-independence party bureaucrats do not want to credit the African Association with a political identity. Kambona referred to the African Association as a debating society:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]It is just a little over one year since the inception of the Tanganyika African National Union and during this period it has grown from strength to strength, sometimes in the teeth of great opposition. As you are well aware it superseded the former Tanganyika African Association which was little more than a debating society.[2]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Ulotu has referred to the organisation as a welfare association.[3] Others have referred to the Association as a social organisation: Nyerere (1966),[4] Japhet and Seaton (1966),[5] John Hatch (1976).[6] In other places it is referred to as a semi-protest movement: Kaniki (1974),[7] as a semi-political movement: Nyerere (1953).[8] Julius Nyerere appearing in an oral hearing at the Trusteeship Council at the United Nations, New York, on 7 th March, 1955, shifted his position and referred to the Association as a semi-political movement:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The Tanganyika African National Union is, in one sense, a new organisation, but in another it is an old organisation. It was taken over from what was formerly called the Tanganyika African Association, which was founded in 1929, largely as a social organisation. The Tanganyika African National Union, which took over from the African Association about ten months ago, is a new organisation in the sense that it is a political organisation, where as the former was semi-political.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Other scholars have reduced the association to the level of club: Mwenegoha(1976) writes: ‘In 1954, after 25 years of inertia, Nyerere remodelled TAA from a social club into a formidable political organisation called the Tanganyika African National Union'. [9]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Abdulwahid as one of the main actors in the modern history of political parties in colonial Tanganyika referred to the association as a political party (1951).[10] Among writers and scholars who have analysed the African Association, it is only Nyerere and Hatch who have shifted their positions.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Nyerere, writing to Edward Twining the Governor of Tanganyika on 10 th August, 1953, referred to TAA as a political party.[11] Nyerere has for a very long time maintained this view which has appeared in all his subsequent writings and speeches on the African Association.[12] But recently he qualified his earlier statements on the subject referring to the association as a ‘political party without a political constitution'. Hatch (1976) refers to the association in one place as a social organisation [13] and as ‘a serious political party' in another. [14]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]John Kabudi has referred to the Association as a ‘private civil organisation of a nationalistic character'.[15] It is worth noting that even the pioneers of the organisation are not referred to as politicians. Kaniki, for lack of an appropriate word with which to refer to the pioneers, gave them quotation marks:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Nyerere, hitherto almost unknown to the majority of ‘politicians' in Tanganyika, was then schoolmaster at St. Francis' Secondary School, Pugu, near Dar es Salaam, and he had been elected Territorial President the previous year. [16]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Iliffe (1968)[17] indicated that the written history of TANU was incomplete and went further in his analysis of the association perceiving its direction and membership as being political.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Kandoro and Japhet, [18] the two TANU founder members who came to prominence while Abdulwahid was TAA president in 1952 were the only pioneers who worked closely with him during the Meru Land Case. Kirilo's visit to Dar es Salaam and the engagement of Seaton to represent Meru Citizens' Union in the conflict was very much facilitated by the intervention of Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership. It was Abdulwahid who helped Kirilo obtain a passport in Dar es Salaam after he was denied one in Arusha. Kirilo and Seaton, as well as Kandoro, have written their colonial experience, but no where in the two works is Abdulwahid mentioned, even in passing. The two try to link the Meru Land Case with Nyerere although prior to 1954 Nyerere had not yet made any impact on the politics of Tanganyika. In fact when the Meru Land Case went before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York, Nyerere was at Edinburgh University in Scotland studying for a master's degree.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[19] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Of late there has been interest in Tanzania's political history and Abdulwahid's name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[20] newspapers, [21] international magazines,[22] and books.[23] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid. There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics. In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary. Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ‘veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten'. [24] There are also those who have dismissed him as being ‘petty bourgeois'.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class. In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union. Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers' union. Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class. [25]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]This was in reference to his nomination in 1948 as the first ever General Secretary to lead a trade union in Tanganyika. Probably not knowing who Abdulwahid was and what he stood for throughout his life, or perhaps fired with Marxist zeal, Shivji has allowed himself to use wrong tools of analysis. Engels defines the term ‘bourgeois' to mean ‘the class of modern capitalist, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage-labour'. [26] However, Sklar has observed that the ‘bourgeois' concept has undergone evolution thus transforming its original meaning:
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Recently, the term has been used by Marxists and others to identify dominant class in societies that maintain market economies and allow capitalist accumulation as a consequence of private property in the means of production. [27]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Had Shivji been exposed to Abdulwahid's life history chances are that he would have used a different yardstick to gauge and judge him. But since a wrong premise was applied, a wrong conclusion was the result. No African enterprise under colonialism could qualify to be put under this category, let alone have the capability to employ wage-labour in the sense of labour-capital relationship as defined by classical or neo-Marxists. This is the kind of confusion surrounding the personality of Abdulwahid and indeed the whole history of nationalism.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Among the TANU founding members, it is only those from the headquarters who could give a correct account of the formation of the Party. These are: John Rupia, Dossa Aziz, Tewa Said Tewa, Julius Nyerere, Dome Budohi, Abdulwahid and Ally Sykes. The two Sykes brothers, Abdulwahid and Ally, have a family connection in the African Association, their father Kleist Sykes having been founder Secretary of the Association in 1929. The Sykes files make very interesting reading for any researcher in the political history of colonial Tanganyika. These records contain information on Nyerere's early political career and it is surprising that when Party historians were researching, these records, which have so much information about Nyerere, and the party itself, were not consulted. No member of the family, including Ally and Abbas Sykes, the two surviving members of the three Sykes brothers, were interviewed.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]In the late 1960s, when John Iliffe from Cambridge University, then at the Department of History, University of Dar es Salaam, began his research on Tanzania's history he obtained a lot of information on the African Association from one of his students, Aisha Daisy Sykes, Abdulwahid's daughter. Although Daisy informed Iliffe that it was her father who provided her with additional primary information articulated in her history seminar papers on Tanzania, it is very strange that Iliffe, interested as he was in the modern history of Tanzania, did not bother to meet Abdulwahid.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Iliffe, however, realising the potential in the Sykes' records encouraged Daisy to write a biography of her grandfather, Kleist Sykes[28] which she did. When Abdulwahid died in 1968, Daisy, encouraged by the success of her previous work, wanted to work on the biography of her late father. Daisy was fired by the passion to write after realising that history had been unfair to her father and it was time she put the record straight. Daisy had in her possession Abdulwahid's files and diaries. Iliffe, for reasons probably unknown to Daisy at that time, discouraged her from writing on the grounds that the timing was inappropriate, and that the subject should be given time. There was no doubt in Iliffe's mind that Abdulwahid was a reliable source of information on TANU and its history; and any work on his life history would have been a great contribution to the political history of Tanzania. Following Iliffe's negative response Abdulwahid's biography was never to be written by her daughter.
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[1] Kivukoni IdeologicalCollege, Historia ya Chama Cha TANU 1954-1977,Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Oscar Kambona to Baldwin Rogers, 18 th October, 1955 Party Archives, Fabian Colonial Bureau File No.202.
[3] Ulotu A. Ulotu, Historia ya TANU, (1971) p. 11.
[4] Julius Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam, 1966, p. 38.
[5] Kirilo Japhet and Earle Seaton, The Meru Land Case, Nairobi, 1966, p.16.
[6] John Hatch, Two African Statesmen, London 1976, p.17.
[7] M.H.Y. Kaniki, TANU, ‘The Party of Independence and National Consolidation' in G. Ruhumbika (ed) Towards
Ujamaa, Twenty Years of
TANU Leadership,Nairobi, 1974, pp.1-2.
[8] Julius K. Nyerere, TanganyikaAfrican Association, to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August, 1953. Sykes' Papers.
[9] H.A.K. Mwenegoha,Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Nairobi, 1976, p. 5.
[10] Secretary Tanganyika African Association to Chairman and members of the African Association 7 th January,
1951. Sykes' Papers.
[11] Julius K. Nyerere President Tanganyika African Association to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August, 1953.
Sykes' Papers.
[12] Nyerere, op. cit. p. 38.
[13] Hatch, op. cit. p.17.
[14] Ibid. p. 91
[15] John Kabudi, ‘The Party System and Socialism in Tanzania'(1986 Seminar Paper).
[16] Kaniki, op. cit. Also see Uamuzi wa Busara, Idara ya Habari ya Chama, p. 2.
[17] John Iliffe, ‘The Role of the African Association in the Formation and Realization of Territorial Consciousness in
Tanzania'.Mimeo.
University of East Africa Social Sciences Conference, 1968, p. 24.
[18] S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[19] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika,London, 1965.
[20] Yash Tandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy' Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[21] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[22] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[23] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State and The Working
Class in Tanzania,
London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.
[24] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[25] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania,London and Dar es Salaam1986, pp. 174.
[26] F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party,1848.
[27] Richard L. Sklar ‘The Nature of Class Domination in Africa' in JMAS Vol. 17 No.4, 1979, p. 544.
[28] Daisy Sykes Buruku, ‘The Townsman: Kleist Sykes', in Iliffe (ed) Modern Tanzanians, Nairobi, 1973, pp. 95-114.
 
Kivukoni IdeologicalCollege, Historia ya Chama Cha TANU 1954-1977,Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Oscar Kambona to Baldwin Rogers, 18 th October, 1955 Party Archives, Fabian Colonial Bureau File No.202.
[3] Ulotu A. Ulotu, Historia ya TANU, (1971) p. 11.
[4] Julius Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam, 1966, p. 38.
[5] Kirilo Japhet and Earle Seaton, The Meru Land Case, Nairobi, 1966, p.16.
[6] John Hatch, Two African Statesmen, London 1976, p.17.
[7] M.H.Y. Kaniki, TANU, ‘The Party of Independence and National Consolidation' in G. Ruhumbika (ed) Towards Ujamaa, Twenty Years of TANU Leadership,Nairobi, 1974, pp.1-2.
[8] Julius K. Nyerere, TanganyikaAfrican Association, to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August, 1953. Sykes' Papers.
[9] H.A.K. Mwenegoha,Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Nairobi, 1976, p. 5.
[10] Secretary Tanganyika African Association to Chairman and members of the African Association 7 th January, 1951. Sykes' Papers.
[11] Julius K. Nyerere President Tanganyika African Association to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August, 1953. Sykes' Papers.
[12] Nyerere, op. cit. p. 38.
[13] Hatch, op. cit. p.17.
[14] Ibid. p. 91
[15] John Kabudi, ‘The Party System and Socialism in Tanzania'(1986 Seminar Paper).
[16] Kaniki, op. cit. Also see Uamuzi wa Busara, Idara ya Habari ya Chama, p. 2.
[17] John Iliffe, ‘The Role of the African Association in the Formation and Realization of Territorial Consciousness in Tanzania'.Mimeo. University of East Africa Social Sciences Conference, 1968, p. 24.
[18] S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[19] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika,London, 1965.
[20] Yash Tandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy' Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[21] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[22] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[23] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State and The Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.
[24] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[25] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania,London and Dar es Salaam1986, pp. 174.
[26] F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party,1848.
[27] Richard L. Sklar ‘The Nature of Class Domination in Africa' in JMAS Vol. 17 No.4, 1979, p. 544.
[28] Daisy Sykes Buruku, ‘The Townsman: Kleist Sykes', in Iliffe (ed) Modern Tanzanians, Nairobi, 1973, pp. 95-114.


Bado wakipewa references kama hizo wao hawaoni umuhim wa kutuliza akili na kuweka kitako kusoma na kudadisi wamekalia kejeli na mipasho..
ni hasara kuwa na watu sampuli ya MWANAKIjiji,kujiona kama analo analojiua kumbe ni kama kichwa box asie na kitu kichwani,tunawaambia status wenzenu wanazitafuta,wasijiona kupata exposure mitandaoni na kuandika makala za kuwakosoa mafisadi wa CCM basi wajione kuwa wamemaliza,wanajidanganya sana.
darja la Moh Said ni kubwa sana,si size yao..
 
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Jokakuu,
Hivi Wafanyabiashara huwa wanawezeshwa au kupewa ruzuku na Serikali? Hapa panazungumzwa hali ya Serikali kupendelea dini moja dhidi ya dini zingine usichanganye mambo!

Kisa cha Kitwana Kondo kupoteza ubunge wa Kigamboni kinabaki kuwa kichekesho mpaka leo! Kitwana Kondo kupoteza ubunge ktk jimbo lake ni sawa na Dr. Slaa ashindwe ubunge jimbo la Karatu na mgombea wa CCM!
Kipindi cha utawala wa awamu ya 3 kilitawala kimabavu na kwa udikteta wa hali ya juu na kiliweza kuamua nani awe Mbunge na toka chama gani!

Ndio maana huko Zanzibar, CUF huachiwa washinde Pemba na kuwapora majimbo ya Unguja kwa lengo la kuwagawanya Wazanzibari! Ktk jimbo la Temeke CUF walikuwa wakishinda uchaguzi na kuporwa ushindi lakini kwa kuwa Mzee Kitwana Kondo alijaribu kuhoji mfumo Kristo ndani ya Bunge, chama chake kikamshugulikia ipasavyo!
 
Reactions: Ami
Yericko Nyerere said:
Natambua uwepo wako hapa uzini mkuu.

Tangu uzi huu uanze sijawahi kufikiria kuwa siku moja unaweza ukaleta fikra tofauti na ninachokiona hapo juu,

Ndiomaana sishughulishwi na maandiko yako.
Click to expand...

Mkuu kama nimekuudhi nisamehe labda pengine ni jazba lakini hata wewe unamtumia mzee MS maneno ya kuudhi sana yaishe mkuu mimi sio malaika nakosea.
 
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