Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

[Kisindika]

Ndugu Mohamed Said na wafuasi wako,

Kimsingi hoja yako ya Balozi kulihutubia bunge la Tanzania imethibitishwa kuwa ni UONGO tena ni uchochezi mbele ya uso wa kimataifa.
Sasa hebu jisomeeni hapo chini.

UGAIDI WA IRAQ.​

Kwa wale wenye kufuatilia historia wataamini kuwa Iraq ni nchi iliyounga mkono vikundi vya kigaidi ulimwenguni na kwamba iliutumia ugaidi kama silaha ya kuwa kandamiza wananchi wake. Matumizi ya ugaidi wa taifa wa serikali ya Saddam Hussein yalikuwa ni suala kila siku la maisha ya Iraq, ambako uhuru wa kutoa maoni ulipingwa bila sababu maalum. Katika ripoti ya mwaka 2002 ya shirika la Amnesty International ilisema watu mbalimbali walikamatwa ikiwa ni pamoja na waliotetea haki za binadamu na maafisa wa jeshi waliotuhumiwa kutaka kuipindua serikali ya Saddam walinyongwa. Wapinzani wengi wa serikali ikiwa ni pamoja na vikundi vya upinzani vilivyo uhamishoni walikamatwa na kufungwa.

Hatima na mahali walipo wote waliokamatwa ni kitendawili. Watu kadha waliongezewa vifungo baada ya mwendo mrefu wa mashtaka katika mahakama. Mateso makubwa wafungwa wa kisiasa waliyapata. Hukumu ya kifo ilitiwa mkazo zaidi, Makosa yaliyostahili hukumu ya kifo ni pamoja na ukahaba, ushoga, mapenzi ya wanandugu na ubakaji. Sheria ya mwaka 2001 inasema wale watakao patikana na hatia ya kumiliki madanguro watauawa kwa upanga. Mateso yameenea! Amnesty inaripoti kwamba wafungwa wa kisiasa na mateka walikabiliwa na mateso makali, miili ya waliokufa ilionyesha alama za mateso makubwa. Mbinu rahisi ya mateso ya kimwili ni pamoja na kutumia umeme, kung’oa kucha au meno, kuchapwa, nk. Yote haya yalifanywa chini ya Saddam Hussen,

Mnamo September, 1971, makumi elfu walitimuliwa na kupelekwa Iran. Mapema mwaka 1973 jeshi la Iraq lilianza kuwahamisha Wakurd kutoka katika vijiji kwenye eneo la Kirkur na katika sekta mbalimbali katika mipaka ya Iraq, Uturuk na Iran. Katika mwaka 1971 na 1972 vyanzo vya usalama wa Taifa vya Iraq vilimuua kiongozi wa wakurd Mullah Mustapha Barzani. Taarifa zinasema kuwa Wakurd karibu 6,000 walikamatwa kufuatia kauli ya Saddam Hussen mwaka 1975, kwa kushukiwa kuwa ni wanachama wa Demokrasia cha Kikurd (Kurdish Democratic Part) na wakapelekwa kwenye kambi maalmu kusini mwa Iraq.

Mnamo mwaka 1976 Wakurdi 7,200 walikamatwa kwa tuhuma kwamba walijihusisha na vikundi vya upinzani na zaidi ya Wakurdi 786 waliripotiwa kukamatwa mwaka 1978. Hayo yote yalifanyika wakati Saddam hajashika hatamu za uongozi nchini Iraq lakini akiwa mstari wambele kuyatenda akiwa kama Luteni jenerali hadi kupewa nishani ya Rafidani (Rafidanian Order First Class) ya kijeshi. Sasa tuangalie alipokuja kushika madaraka na ndipo uthibitisho halisi kuwa utawala wa Sadam Hussein ulikuwa unamiliki silaha za kikemia, Biolojia na nyuklia.

Mwaka 1983 wakati Iraq ilipokuwa inakabiliwa na matatizo kutokana na vita dhidi ya Iran utawala wa chama hicho ukaamua kukaza kamba kuwabana Wakurdi, wakati vita dhidi ya Iran ilipopamba moto serikali iliona hakuna haja ya kuwaleta wakurdi na kuamua kuchukua miji na vijiji vyao hali iliyopelekea wakazi wengi kukimbia. Mnamo Aprili 1987 Wakurdi wengi waliokuwa chini ya Sheik Wasan waliuawa na wengine kujeruhiwa kutokana na gesi ya sumu. Mnamo Jun 1987 sehemu kubwa ya kusini mwa Iraq ambayo watu wengi walikuwa wamekimbilia ilishambuliwa kwa mabomu ya gesi yaliyoporomoshwa na midege ya Iraq.

Mnamo Machi 16/ 1988 mji wa Wakkurd wa Halabja ulishushiwa mvua ya mabomu ya gesi na kusababisha watu 50,000 kufa na wengine 1000 kujeruhiwa kwa mujibu wa taarifa mbalimbali zilizotolewa na mashirika ya kimataifa. Mnamo Agosti 1980 majeshi ya serikali ya Saddam yaliripotiwa kuvamia vijiji kadhaa vya Wakurdi karibu na mji wa Duhok na kuwakamata watu 10,000 baadhi yao walikuwa na majeraha yaliyotokana na milipuko ya mabomu ya kikemikali na kibaiolojia.



Kutoka katika kitabu cha Vita Dhidi ya Ugaid

Na Yericko Nyerere

Umerudi? Hivi huoni haya kuingia kwenye uwanja ambao maswali ya kitoto tu umeshindwa kuyajibu ukakimbia? Sasa unarudi kwenye jamvi unaanza kuleta masuala ya Iraq ambayo hayako kabisa kwenye mada uliyoianzisha mwenyewe!!!!! Unadhani yatakusaidia kufunika udhaifu wako wa tabia ya kuingia mitini kwenye mada za kiume?

 

[Kisindika]

Mohamed Said tumemuonyesha makosa ya wazi ya kitabu chake na yale yaliyojificha, tena tumemueleza kwa ufasaha na kwa lugha rahisi ya kitaifa,


Sioni sababu ya eti sisi tuwakimbie wafuasi wa Mohamed????

Yaani unaonyesha makosa kwa kuingia mitini!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Kweli nchi hii kazi tunayo!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

 

[Kisindika]

Racial and religious tolerance in Nyerere’s political thought and practice

Salma Maoulidi

2009-10-13, Issue 452

http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/59503


cc M A USalma Maoulidi unpacks Nyerere's legacy in the realm of racial and religious tolerance. “As Nyerere became more exposed to politics and other races,” she observes, “he attained the sophistication of tolerating mutual coexistence where acknowledging the humanity of others in lieu of settling scores informed a more encompassing political strategy.” However, despite all his efforts and those of the liberation struggles, prevailing racial and religious tensions continue to find expression in post-independence Tanzania. Salma concludes that “Tanzania’s inability to overcome the vestiges of racial and religious exclusion exposes the government’s and the ruling party’s inability (or unwillingness) to address racial and religious discrimination that continues to dominate Tanzania’s political culture in a forthright and objective manner.”
What does racial and religious tolerance signify to a nation like Tanzania? Is it solely the absence of violent conflicts i.e. kisiwa cha amani (‘island/pocket of peace’) as described by the current ‘political speak’; or is it the absence of grievances explained as peaceful coexistence? Specifically, what is the legacy of Mwalimu Nyerere with regards to the question of racial and religious tolerance in the larger political culture of Tanzania?

The literature revieed for this piece suggests strongly that the question of racial and religious tolerance has been glossed over. The fuzziness with which the matter has been dealt with by successive governments can be summed up as a procrastinator’s escapism promising a sure recipe for latent divisions and sowing politics of hatred. Part of the myopia lies in the narrow scope within which the questions of race and religion are tackled by different writers. Equally problematic is the timidity with which commentators have taken up Mwalimu’s response to religious and racial challenges.

Building on Nyerere’s performance in this realm I investigate the legacy left by Mwalimu Nyerere to a young nation with respect to confronting racial and religious challenges. How did Mwalimu’s personal values and beliefs influence his political agenda and trajectory? How far did his preoccupation with a racial or religious agenda contribute to fostering national unity and promoting a national agenda?

RACE, RACIALISM AND REPRESENTATION

Nyerere is credited for the level of racial tolerance reigning in Tanzania not witnessed in other countries in the region (Malambugi; Ssekitooleko; MacDonald; USAID). His politics of moderation and racial harmony ensured that the African majority lived in relative peace and harmony with minorities in the territory. A disposition of racial harmony is, however, deeply rooted in the history/herstory of the vanguard of the independence struggle, the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). Her rallying motto was 'Uhuru na Umoja' (‘Freedom and Unity’). Rather than encourage racialism, TANU promoted nationalism seeing people foremost as Tanganyikans.

Yet, at the heart of the liberation struggle in both Tanganyika and Zanzibar was the question of race. Therefore, the integrationist racial politics in TANU did not always find wide support among adherents leading to fissures among the leadership and membership. Zuberi Mtemvu, formerly the TANU Secretary in the Eastern province, for example, did not approve of TANU’s racial politics. On this account he broke away and the formed African National Congress (ANC), a party constituted on a racial platform. Her rallying slogan was ‘Africa for Africans.’ Another prominent party at the time, the United Tanganyika Party (UTP) – dubbed the governor’s party – advocated for a representative system based on multiracialism.

TANU membership was open to all ethnicities and races and as a party of moderate racial politics, the TANU 1954 constitution stressed peace, equality, and racial harmony, while opposing tribalism, isolationism, and discrimination. TANU members were urged to fight the racialist habits of thought – a colonial heritage. During the 1958 elections TANU presented European as well as Asian candidates in different constituencies: Lady Chesham, a European, represented the Wahehe in the southern constituency of Iringa while Ms. Sophia Mustafa, an Asian, ran for the northern constituency in Arusha.

This was later followed by Ms. Celia Paes, a Goan from Dar es Salaam, formerly the president of the Tanganyika Council of Women and Barbro Johansson, a European who stood for a seat in Mwanza. Together with three African women, these women formed the cream of Tanganyika’s elected and nominated representative at independence. Their achievements are eclipsed by prominent non African figures in the first cabinet some of whom became close friends of Nyerere like Amir Jamal, Al-Noor Kassam and Derek Bryceson.

INDOCTRINATING RACIAL EQUALITY

To Nyerere, a self proclaimed African socialist, Socialism and Racialism are incompatible. The basis of socialism is a belief in human equality. Socialism is not for the benefit of black men, nor brown men, nor white men, nor yellow men. The purpose of socialism is the service of man (read humankind), regardless of color, size, shape, skill, ability or anything else.

The Arusha Declaration of 1967, the then blue print for African socialism (‘Ujamaa’) in Tanzania, does not talk about racial groups or nationalities. It defines as friends those who stand for the interests of the workers and peasants, anywhere in the world. It urges against putting people in pre-arranged categories of race or national origin. Rather, it wants each individual judged according to her or his character and ability similar to Martin Luther King Jr.’s plea for people to be judged by the content of their character.

Of course, there is an evolution in arriving at this point in both the TANU party and in the mind of its leaders. In his formative political career, Nyerere felt bitter about the favours which the Europeans enjoyed. He wanted to fight against discrimination, for African rights, for equal work and equal salaries. He later described these demands as the 'politics of sheer complaint', politics limited by his worldview at the time (Africa News Online, 1999). As he became more exposed to politics and other races he attained the sophistication of tolerating mutual coexistence where acknowledging the humanity of others in lieu of settling scores informed a more encompassing political strategy.

Examples cited where Nyerere’s demonstrated the politics of racial moderation include the April 1959 meeting of the Pan-African Freedom Movement of Eastern and Central Africa (PAFMECA) held in Zanzibar where he was instrumental in bringing the Arab and African parties closer together as they struggled with ideological and racial divisions at the height of the independence struggle. Also, during a PAFMECA meeting in Nairobi, Kenya in September 1959, Nyerere diffused racial tensions by declaring that Europeans and Asians were welcome to remain in Africa as equal citizens after independence was achieved.

Anti-racial politics were prominent not only in the party’s local agenda but also in its international agenda. On 26 June 1959 Julius Nyerere, along with Father Trevor Huddleston, at a meeting in London, launched the Boycott South Africa Movement re-named in 1960 as the Anti-Apartheid Movement. Also, during the Commonwealth Prime Minister’s Conference in London in March 1961 Nyerere joined other African leaders in denouncing the racist policies of the Union of South Africa. He threatened to boycott the body if South Africa remained in the Commonwealth, a threat that persuaded South Africa to withdraw its membership from the body. His anti-apartheid stance would go on to inform the creation of the Frontline States in which Tanzania played a prominent part, an initiative conceived to defeat racism and apartheid by containing it and confronting it both at home and abroad.

UNLOCKING RACIALIZED POLITICAL DISCOURSES

But despite all these efforts, prevailing racial tensions found expression immediately after independence. In Dar es Salaam, rioting, looting, rapings and racial killings ensued as the mutineers took over the capital in 1964. British officers and Non Commissioned Officers (NCOs) were rounded up and expelled. The consequences in Zanzibar during the 1964 Revolution were more dire as ten of thousands of women, men and children were murdered, raped, imprisoned and tortured simply for being ‘the wrong’ race, ethnicity or political adherent.

It has been easy in Tanzania to turn legitimate and not so legitimate political grievances into racial recriminations. Zanzibar represents a prime example where this has been done and more so in respect to the overthrow of a legitimately elected government by so termed ‘revolutionaries’ in 1964. Nyerere, his government, his party and his peers sought to explain a complex political terrain pertaining in Zanzibar in simplistic racial terms i.e. the overthrow of the minority Arab population by the majority African population aggrieved by the former’s continued political domination. However the problem lay in the electoral system in place which made it hard for a single party to have a clear majority. Consequently, before independence three successive elections saw the African majority in the isles unable to accede to political power because of the electoral system in place which was based not on the popular vote but on seats won similar to the Al Gore and Bush in the 2000 General Elections.

Particularly, significant is the categorization of races in pre-independence Tanganyika where the key racial groups are presented as African, European and Asian. This would continue after independence where Nyerere too confined racial issues to Africans, Asians and Whites and less so to Arabs and other monitory groups. Such classification is interesting in view of the large Arab population on the Mainland relative to the other two minority groups and is perhaps indicative of the group’s perceived political and economic insignificance compared to the situation pertaining in Zanzibar where they were a visible minority. Mwalimu’s critics like Amani Thani Fairoz and Khatib M. Rajab al-Zinjibari, however, interpret this as his aversion towards Islam personified in the Arab. I will explore this in greater detail in the next part but at this juncture it suffices to point out that Nyerere’s inability to check or condemn the killings that followed the Zanzibar Revolution is perceived as a major failure in upholding his non racial political agenda.

Racial politics persist in Tanzania and are largely informed by ethnicities and the question of resources and the control and ownership thereof. On the Mainland, in particular, racial politics are primarily directed at the Asian population, the economic moguls. During the nationalization campaign in the late sixties they were the primary targets of state take over of private enterprises and homes: it is estimated that more than 75% of the country's retail trade was controlled by Asians. Some owned factories, department stores and small shops; while others comprised the artisan class of carpenters, plumbers or tradesmen. Few become millionaires from large plantations and financial transaction.

Asian Tanzanians have not been able to shake off the image of the scrupulous money lender or economic opportunists in the present multi-party dispensation. If anything, Asians today are accused of using their economic clout to exert political influence. The media has perpetrated this image of the un-patriotic Asian during general elections by creating an impression of mass exodus of Asian bodies and capital. Such images are in sharp contrast to the role played by notable Asians in early political life like Rattansy, Karimjee and Mustafa who were revered for their dedication and sacrifice. Thus the present war on corruption is disproportionately blamed on Asians, heightening their vulnerability as a racial group.

NYERERE, RELIGIOUS VALUES AND VICES

If corruption and greed did not taint Nyerere’s political image, religious matters did. This is in spite of the fact that Nyerere, a Catholic, did not shy from wearing the Swahili skull cap to show his level of comfort with Islam. USAID avers that Nyerere adopted polices designed to minimize ethnic, religious and regional tensions and to foster an overarching sense of national unity. Accordingly, Nyerere was strict on the separation of church and state (See Deo Ssekitooleko). His socialist legacy promoted common secular values of unity, togetherness and social welfare geared at building a unified and uniform nation.

Ssekitooleko and Malambugi claim that Nyerere did not allow his religious beliefs to influence national policy, something that allowed Tanzania to experienced stability, outlive all forms of sectarianism and become a secular country where religion and ethnicity are private issues. This is a view that is not shared by all Nyerere critics. In fact a growing number of literature paint a conflicting picture of Nyerere’s rhetoric and practice with respect to religious belief, observance and practice as will be appreciated below. It is useful at this juncture to put Nyerere’s association with religion into perspective lest we fall into similar trappings as those who would not fault Nyerere elevating him to super human status.

One writer reminds us that Nyerere’s sawed-off front teeth indicated his pagan tribal background. His first encounter with major world religions was when he enrolled in school at twelve years old. He would be baptized on December 23, 1943 at the age of twenty, by Father Mathias Koenen in the Roman Catholic Church just before he went off to Makerere. At Makerere he became one of the leaders of the Catholic students, organizing retreats and pilgrimages to the shrines of the Uganda Martyrs. This interest in his faith would grow when he went to Edinburgh University.

Upon his return from Makerere, Nyerere taught at Saint Mary's School, owned by the Roman Catholic Church in Tabora. Similarly, upon his return from Scotland he would again teach at St. Francis Secondary School, Pugu. This was the first territorial secondary school set up by the Roman Catholic hierarchy for Tanganyika. It was the elite Catholic Secondary School that got the selection of all the best students when they completed middle school.

Perhaps, and in view of his humble background, Nyerere felt indebted to the Church: After all, it was his friends, in some cases his mentors at the Church, who had raised the money for his scholarship to Makerere and later to Scotland. At a certain point in his life Nyerere considered becoming a priest but was dissuaded by Father Walsh who advised him to continue pursuing his interest in politics. The church and particular the Fabian movement would continue to have a deep impact and role in his political life.

Even as a politician, Nyerere practiced his Christian faith openly, attending early mass, whenever he could. His passion and interest in Christianity is evident in his scholarship where he is credited with translating some books of the Bible into Kizanaki as well as in Kiswahili. Only MacDonald suggests that Nyerere was paid for translating this work but the account of Father Wille tends to suggest that the nominal sum he got was to compensate him for his job loss at Pugu. Nyerere also translated two catechisms, two explanations of the catechism that the White Fathers had made up in Kikwaya, all the prayers for Mass and all the Scripture Readings for Mass. In 1996 he wrote poetry and spiritual songs inspired by the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, and the Acts of the Apostles in the Bible.

It is, therefore, not far fetched to assume that Nyerere’s faith was central to who he is and his politics. Earlier on he is reported to have told Father Wille "I am not a Communist. I believe in God", when accused of belonging to the left. Nor was he fond of members of his cabinet who espoused communism like Abdul-Rahman Babu, Kassim Hanga and their sympathizers. Essentially, his religious values informs his strong stance against discrimination which he likens ‘to eating the flesh of another human being’, a biblical expression.

In due course, he may have compromised on socialism as a middle way between his religious beliefs and political convictions. An African brand of Socialism expressed in a terminology of creed believes in the equality of men and their right to dignity and respect- that all humans, regardless of their differences, are the purpose and justification for the existence of society, and all human activity in any given society. This philosophy demands that communities everywhere should enjoy and develop themselves within the context of freedom and democracy based upon good governance and social justice, policies that are not in opposition to church doctrine.

It is significant that Nyerere’s religious allegiances and actions remain hotly contested. Two trends are discernible: literature condemning his actions and practices and defenses against those accusations. In my view, these trends are unhelpful in that they fail to acknowledge the struggle, personal or public, that Nyerere as a political actor went through to reconcile his beliefs with his political convictions. Moreover, they fail to provide an insight on how a public figure who is a member of a certain congregation works from that realization to infuse a more positive engagement with national issues.

Perhaps part of the dilemma before Nyerere was his perceived support of a religious institution previously associated with maintaining the status quo considering that the churches in Tanganyika, according to al-Zinjibari, rejected TANU, twice in 1958 at Sumbawanga and in 1965 at Mbulu. Instead, they were scheming hand in glove with the British colonial government which groomed Nyerere to be the first president of Tanganyika. In fact just as Nyerere is seen not to distinguish the Arab from Islam, Muslim critics cannot separate his close ties to the Church to the sustained promotion of a Christian agenda in his political and socio-economic policies.

But Nyerere’s relationship with the Church is not as black and white as some critics would suggest. In fact, Nyerere grappled with the question of a new role for the church amidst a new era of political dispensation. He wanted the church to serve all people- Christians but also non-believers. Likewise, he wanted the church to serve the whole person, mentally, spiritually, and physically and therefore saw an expanded role for the church i.e. in running schools, hospitals, and income generating projects, not just proselytize.

Certainly, it could not be missed by Nyerere that at one point the Roman Catholic leadership in charge of St. Francis School at Pugu where he was teaching asked him to choose between teaching at their school and his work in politics. It is, therefore, no wonder that in his political life he would challenge the church to remember her responsibility to society calling for the church to recognize the need for a social revolution, and to play a leading role in it (Man and Development, p.98). In this vain Nyerere did not hesitate to nationalize mission schools in an attempt to secularize the institutions in order to expand educational opportunities to non- Christian students. Education would be a key strategy to realize his vision towards a unified nation.

IMPUTING THE RELIGIOUS TO NYERERE

If religion was off limits during President Nyerere's tenure, it is very much present in his life after his passing. A connection with a religious agenda is very palpable in the writings available on Nyerere by both Muslim and Christian writers. Christian (especially church-based) writers want to associate Nyerere’s Christian values with his particular brand of politics whereas Muslim writers point out to such influence as blinding his worldview and preventing a more rational form of political culture from emerging. Academic writers on the other hand tend to support a move towards closer scrutiny of Nyerere’s policies and deeds, possibly to better appreciate the complexity he represented as a political leader.

More interesting is the tendency to apply religious imagery or to converse in religious discourse of and about Nyerere. For instance it is telling that in one of the countless obituaries posted after his death Nyerere should be described in the following terms, “Julius Nyerere: Political messiah or false prophet?” This image of Nyerere as saviour produced a counter narrative that seeks to replace Nyerere with a Muslim Messiah in the form of Abdul Wahid Sykes emphasizing a male centric notion of leadership on the one hand and exposing entrenched yet silent religious misgivings on the other.

Throughout his life Nyerere was known to most Tanzanian’s as Mwalimu (The Teacher). Upon his retirement he was granted the title of Baba wa Taifa (Father of the Nation), a concept of fatherhood probably meant to capture his status as an elder in African society. Nevertheless, it is impossible to miss the connotation the term ‘Father’ has in the Church. Descriptions by veteran journalists like James Mpinga who describes a ritual of Nyerere ‘breaking bread’ with children in his hometown every morning evokes in the minds of non-Christians the preoccupation of the Church in making Nyerere not a national figure but a Christian figure defeating his own dream of creating a unified nation not overly consumed by religious figures or preoccupations. Of course, ongoing efforts to canonize Nyerere confirm the suspicions that Nyerere was not a disinterested party in religious matters.

Accordingly, numerous publications reviewed zealously credit Nyerere with achievements purportedly forming part of a grand divine plan. Muslims, on their part, oppose the image of Nyerere as the single handed liberator of Tanganyika and question the ambivalent role of missionary educated Tanganyikans in the liberation struggle. Other allegations are less conspicuous. For example, Malambugi alleges that for the sake of religious tolerance, Nyerere helped to formulate articles guaranteeing freedom of religion in Tanzanian constitution.

Of course the above account differs from that given by al-Zinjibari who observes that the Constitution drafted by the British colonialists, which was unilaterally used by the Tanganyikan Government as the Interim Constitution of Tanzania, did not contain freedom of religion as an independent clause to the detriment of the Islamic State of Zanzibar as pointed out Professor David Westerlund:

“In such a religiously divided country, the issue of religion was a sensitive one, and in 1965 the situation was no different from 1961 in this respect. In fact, it could be argued further that it was even more sensitive after the revolution in Zanzibar in 1964, when the Arab Sultan was overthrown and the Islamic State of Zanzibar ceased to exist...”(p. 90).

Church affiliated writers also advance the idea that Nyerere’s efforts to cultivate mutual relationships with and between Christians and Muslims religious leaders ensured religious tolerance in Tanzania since independence. However, authors like Fairoz, al-Zinjibari and Said Mohammed, see Nyerere as a serious bulwark against the flourishing of Islam in Tanzania. Foremost they take issue with close association between Islam and slavery in the persona of the Arab in the country’s political rhetoric and condemn the elevation of the role of the missionary and its institutions in Tanganyika’s liberation.

Additionally, they accuse Mwalimu for relenting to the churches wishes in decisions detrimental to Muslims in Tanzania. To back their claims they list various incidents where Muslim leaders and institutions have been singled out by Nyerere, seriously compromising Muslim progress in Tanzania. Chief among them is the expulsion of numerous Tanganyikan Muslims from the executive leadership of TANU. Also, the incarceration of Muslims political, religious and community figures at various times in Tanzania’s political history evidenced an uncomfortable relationship between Nyerere and Muslims.

Nyerere clamped hard on Muslim institutions beginning by banning the All Muslim National Union of Tanzania and later the Muslim Education Union on February 25, 1965, an institution founded to train Muslims who were not allowed into the government primary schools. In 1968 he banned the EAMWS. Whereas political dissent among Muslims was stifled during Nyerere’s reign, the right to free expression of the church – the Catholic Church in particular – was unhindered and constituted a formidable source of critique against government policy e.g. in publications like a Letter to my Superiors (See Sivalon; Mukandala et al.; Anderson)

Such singling out can, however, be contested as it was not just Muslims who were snubbed by Nyerere. Such a fate also befell some of his close friends like Oscar Kambona and Chief David Kidaha Makwaia, the latter a Roman Catholic. One of the most influential chiefs in East Africa, Chief Makwaia, facilitated the political rise of his long-time college friend Julius Nyerere by winning him British support as well as by securing the allegiance of Sukuma chiefs to TANU. Upon attaining uhuru Nyerere abolished the role of chiefs, and banished Chief Makwaia to the remote Tunduru District of the Southern Province for undisclosed reasons (Awam Amkpa, 2007). Kambona on his part was exile in Britain able to return to Tanzania after Nyerere resigned both the presidency and party headship.

Nevertheless, an anti-Islam agenda can still be imputed to Nyerere. He is, for instance, quoted in a book Development and Religion in Tanzania by J. P. van Bergen as saying that he established in TANU a department of political education in which he deliberately appointed a Christian minister, Reverend Mushendwa, to head it not because he was a strong politician but because of his Catholic Faith. Also, while Nyerere was well aware of disparities between Muslim and Christians in areas of education, executive appointments and social organizations he did very little to bring about structural transformation such that the disparities not only persist but 40 years after independence continued to be explained as part of the country’s historical legacy.

Alhaj Aboud Jumbe, among others, the second president of Zanzibar who fell out with Nyerere in 1984 similarly criticizes Nyerere’s religious policies. In his 1994 book The Partner-ship: Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union: 30 Turbulent Year, Jumbe asserts that “Muslim were deliberately under-represented in education” and provides statistics to back up his assertion. He indicates that this “could be a source of future conflict between Muslims and Christians” (p. 120). A United States Agency for International Development (USAID) sponsored Flash Points Study notes that an increasing number of Tanzanians are excluded from mainstream political and economic life, a section of (i.e. Muslims) which perceives its exclusion on the basis of its social and religious identity. Such concerns were also captured at the advent of multiparty politics in 1995 by one M.I. Marisi in a letter to the editor entitled Tusiwatete wanasiasa kwa misingi ya dini (‘Let religion not dictate our affiliation to political leaders’). Surely, the voicing of such concerns indicate continued vestiges of religious divisions even after over two decades of single party dominance propounding a people centered socialist ideology.

TOWARDS THE REDEFINITION OF RACIAL AND RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE

President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, in a speech delivered at Boston University on September 25, 2006 reiterates the dominant position with regards to Mwalimu’s legacy in managing religious diversity in a democratic environment. President Kikwete attributed to the remarkable foresight of Mwalimu Nyerere, specific actions taken to engender tolerance in matters of faith and manage potential cracks to Tanzania mainly through equitable policies, institutional innovations, political messages, and legal constitutional provisions. But sustained objections, raised by diverse voices, put such allegations to question. And as feelings of exclusion intensify and disparities between Muslims and Christians continue unabated, many questions are being asked about this bag puzzle (See al-Zinjibari).

It is inescapable that race and religion are inextricably linked in the minds of Tanzanians i.e. colonialism as being a Christian vestige and slavery an Islamic vestige; or Tanganyika being a missionary bastion while Zanzibar a Muslim bastion. Certainly, Tanzania’s inability to overcome vestiges of racial and religious exclusion exposes the government and the ruling party’s inability (or unwillingness) to address racial and religious discrimination that continues to dominate Tanzania’s political culture in a forthright and objective manner. Can such reluctance be understood as promoting tolerance? More importantly, the fixation with Muslim vs. Christian in a democratic society begs the question of the status of the other Tanzanians who are neither Muslim nor Christian in this equation. Don’t they also have legitimate grievances premised on their right of belief or non belief?

Nyerere’s policies may have been conceived to promote national unity but undue preoccupation with conflict suppression in order to compel cooperation across ethnic, religious and racial lines may have stifled genuine coexistence and the positive acknowledgement of difference in Tanzania’s multi racial and multi religious from evolving. Inherent racial and religious tensions became more pronounced since the early 1990s resulting in the sowing of seeds of discord among the people and communities given that, as argued by Chachage, it defends politics of exclusion and inclusion, privileges and denials whereby citizenship, rather than nationalism, patriotism and pan-Africanism became the real stuff.

Perhaps, then, Tanzania’s current political outlook stifles the possibility of a unified nation, one that accepts difference of race, religion as well as opinion as integral to its political legacy. The challenge for future inter and intra racial and religious relations rests on the nation’s ability to overcome racial and religious suspicion, as well as acknowledging residual institutional and individual biases impeding in the country’s quest to forge a collective future.


BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Salma Maoulidi is an activist and the executive director of the Sahiba Sisters Foundation in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
* This article will be a contributing chapter to a forthcoming Pambazuka Press book entitled 'Nyerere's Legacy', edited by Chambi Chachage and Annar Cassam.
* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org or comment online at Pambazuka News.

Nyerere hana legitimacy ya kuzungumzia humanity kutokana na mauaji ambayo ameyafanya kwa binadamu wasio na hatia yoyote zaidi ya kutopendezwa na dini wanazoziabudu

 

[Gwalihenzi]

Kama kweli wewe una akili timamu nieleze waliohutubia bunge kuanzia la Tanganyika mpaka sasa hivi Tanzania wamelisaidia aje Taifa letu zaidi ya kuwa taifa masikini tu? Sasa Balozi wa Marekani kaongea na Wabunge na alikuwa na nguvu kwenye maongezi yake kuliko hao waliopata heshima ya kulihutubia bunge kwa sababu nia ya Wamerekani ya kutaka sheria ya ugaidi kutokana na tafsiri yao ilipitishwa na Bunge na ikapita!! Na ukitaka mjue kwamba waliyopitisha sheria ile na Wamarekani wenyewe hawajitambui waulize suali moja tu tafsiri ya Ugaidi ni nini?

Mnatakiwa kutumia mda wenu kuwashangaa wale tuliowapa rungu la kulihutubia Bunge kwa manufaa ya Taifa letu ambao kwa kipindi cha miaka zaidi ya 50 wameshindwa, mnaanzisha ubishano wa kijinga wa kudai kama fulani alihutubia bunge au la!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! Ukweli unabaki palepale kwamba Wamarekani walitumia nafasi ile kuongea na wabunge na kuweza kuwashawishi kupitisha sheria ile ya kijinga ambayo hata tafsiri ya ugaidi hatuna!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Hata ungempamba vipi, Mzee Mohamed Said anabakia kuwa muongo wa kutupwa na aliutumia uwongo kinyume na maagizo ya dini yake! Mzee mzima amedharirika hapa!

 

[Jasusi]

Ritz,

Salaam. Nakufahamu na nakusikiza kwa yakin. Mimi najua mengi mno wala sitie shaka. Andrew Nyerere,ni rafiki mkubwa wa Mzazi wangu,nafikiri niliwahi kusema hapo awali.

Huyo jamaa ni psychological fragile,angalia tu ile mada yake halafu ameweka Sheikh Issa Bin Ameir badala ya Sheikh Hassan Bin Ameir...kama kwenye legal technicalities basi Barrister mahiri anakwambia Case dismiss!

Hapa kilichobaki kwa ufupi ni kurembeana fedhuli na kibri kingi tu,labda zaidi wanatumia udhalimu wao wa kumuuliza makhanatha Sheikh Mohammed ili wamuumize kichwa.

Takriban yoote alozungumzia Zali la Mentali a.k.a Mchimba Chumvi,ndo yale yale alokua anadarsisha Sheikh Mohammed takriban miezi minne. Tafauti yeye Zali la Mentali kawaendesha kindava na kimchakamchaka wa nguvu,ndo maana unaona kijasho chembamba kinawabubujika.

Yule kunguni wa hoja a.k.a Abu Jahal,mimi pia nilimtoa maanani kitambo pale alipoleta ule uTarime/Ukabila wake,na ati kujaribu kumtetea Nyerere tena kwa kutumia Khadith na Qur'aan tukufu. Yule Kunguni Wallahi ni Khabith Al maar.

Nyerere aliwahi kufanza mema kiduchu,lakini dhahma wa min'karadas,dhuluma na madhila aloleta ni mengi mno pita kiasi na yanawasulubu watu wengi mno hapo Tanzania mpaka kesho.

Inastaajabisha na ni viroja pasi mfano,hao mashangingi wa shughuli kutukataza kumjadili huyo Nyerere kama vile sisi hakuwa Rais wetu!? Hawa watu maluuni saana.

Tena kama wana maarifa wampe shukran saana Sheikh Mohammed,maana najua anayo mengi lakini kahifadhi moyoni tu. Na haiingii akilini hata chembe ati watu tusimjadili Nyerere,mtu aloleta nakma na zilzala ziso mipaka hapo Tanzania na kwingineko.

Embu waambie wachungulie japo kiduchu,Biography ya JFK by Pro. Micheal O'Brien. Halafu waone huyu jamaa alivyomnyambua JFK,kuanzia Mababu na Mabibi zake woote tokea Ireland,mpaka kutaja makuwadi wake tangia Sec. School mpaka Hollywood. Kaoredhesha mpaka rangi za vichupi/bikinis walizokua wanavaa vimada wake!

Labda tafauti inakuja pale yakuwa; tamaduni za wenzetu na sisi pana khitilafa kubwa mno. Lakini tukifika hapa,itakua tunajibana soote hasa pale tunapotoa mifano mara kwa mara,na jamaa kuanza kulinganisha hapo Tanzania na nchi nyingine za ughaibuni na hasa watu na mataifa ya Magharibi. Na bila ya kufanza hivi,tutawezaje kuzungumzia History!?

Kwa kifupi,Sheikh Mohammed hakumtusi Nyerere ati kwa kusema alikua akisaidiwa kitoweo na nduguye Bwana Mshume Kiyate,hasha!

Halafu wanakuja hawa viwavi wa hoja,ati mara tunachanganya mada,mara tushawahi kujibu tuhuma za Nyerere,mara kafungueni thread nyingine. Hawaoni huyu kinyonga mwenzao anapoleta makhanatha ya hadthi za ugaidi na kutuumiza vichwa kwa kiswahili chake cha kujifunzia Secondary School. Mimi binafsi niliwahi kunena na kutahadharisha mambo kadhaa hapo awali,lakini nikaonekana mtoto wa Madrasa,halafu kajiunga only couple of weeks ago,atatwambia nini sisi mashangingi wa shughuli hii!!

Habari za Nyerere ni nyingi mno wala hazishi kwa hapa Jf hata siku moja.

Kama Jasusi ataamua kusema ukweli hapa jamvini,basi alete kisa cha Nyakyoma,Mohammed Enterprises. Hii kesi naijua kiundani na kiunagaubaga. Mzee wangu alishughulika nayo. Na kama patamwagwa vitu hapa,nami nitamwaga vitu halafu nitakupeni watu mkawaulize.

Nyerere alimshangaza saana Zacharia Maftah(former Director of Anti Corruption Squad),alipoamua ghafla kuhamisha file ya Nyakyoma ipelekwe kwa Abdallah Nungu(alikua Mwenyekiti wa Tume Ya Kudumu ya Uchunguzi Wa Viongozi). Alifanya kusudi kumuokoa nduguye Nyakyoma kwani alijua yakuwa Maftah ilikua anamfunga miaka mingi saana. Wakati Maftah anaifata ile file kwa Abdallah Nungu,ati anaambiwa file imeitwa State House na iko mikononi kwa Mwalimu. File inatoka kwa Nyerere tayari imenyofolewa makaratasi ushahidi takriban woote haumo. Huyo ndiye Nyerere. Matokeo yake akamzidshia utajiri uso kifani Mohammed Enterprises na kufa kwa Gapex maskini mpaka kesho!

Kwa wale wajuvi msokubali hoja za watu wa Madrasa,tafadhali kawaulizeni Joyce Shundi(Kamanda wa Takukuru Dar),Zacharia Maftah, Mzee Butiku au Timothy Apiyo na wengineo wengi walio sehemu nyeti za Serikali. Hawa woote nawajua na nawaheshimu vizuri mno ni Wakristo watiifu tu.

Nyerere alikua analazimisha kwa kibri na kuchukua meli ya kiraia ya Serikali Ya Mapinduzi Zanzibar,ili akamsaidie rafiki yake Samora dhidi ya Renamo pale Mozambique. Ile meli ilikua inabebeshwa silaha nyingi na za hatari,Wanajeshi na ndani yake kulikua na wafanyakazi wa kiraia wa kawaida kabisaa. Hawa wafanyakazi woote mpaka Captain walikua tu wanapewa taarifa masaa machache kabla ya safari na bila ya kufahamishwa destination mpaka wafike Dar port ndio wanashtukizwa. Hapa kama kuna wataalamu wa Maritime Insurances,pia mtashangaa hiyo meli ilikua inachukua cover ipi na hao wafanyakazi wa kiraia ndani yake walikua wako-covered kivipi!? Hiyo meli imenusurika mara kadhaa na mizinga ya Renamo.

Nyerere,alimstaajabisha mpaka Mzena(Usalama wa Taifa enzi ya Mwalimu),pale alipoamrisha IGP wake Hamza Aziz awekwe chini ya surveillance bila ya ushahidi au sheria yoyote. Ndio maana ile siku Hamza Aziz alipopata accident,alipokwenda kumuona Nyerere huku anajitafunatafuna,ndipo Nyerere alipomwambia Hamza kabla hujasema lolote fungua hiyo bahasha hapo. Ndani ya ile bahasha palikua na photographic evidence,inamounyesha sura halisi ya Hamza Aziz,gari yake na mpaka plate numbers. Picha ile ilipigwa na Mzungu mmoja ati alikua akifanya kazi pale BP - Kurasini!?

Kwa masuala haya muulizeni Mzena mwenyewe kama yuhai. Mkitaka zaidi nitakupeni majina ya watu makhusus tena Wakristo wenzenu mkaulize.

Kuna jamaa mmoja hapa,nae alikuja na hoja yake mbuzi kutaka kuonyesha ati "vitimbi" vya Sheikh Yahya Hussein. Kuna mengi saana pita kiasi...lakini chukua hii tu kiduchu.

Sheikh Yahya Hussein,alishughulika saana kumsaidia Nyerere kuzima lile jaribio la mapinduzi la 1982. Sheikh Yahya Hussein alitumia saana influence na connections zake kwa Sheikh Abdallah Saleh Al Farsy, Kenyatta,Moi,Njonjo,Usalama wa Taifa wa Kenya na wengineo wengi mno pale Kenya ili kuleta habari huku na kule na pia kuwakamata na kuwarejesha nchini baadhi ya watuhumiwa. Na kuna vitu vingi mno in between vilikua vinafanyika. Ukitaka zaidi nitakufungulia kwa undani,halafu nitakuonyesha udhaifu,Ukabila na roho mbaya ya Nyerere uko wapi.

Halafu,anakuja yule Mrema, mtu mgeni kabisa wa politics za Mzizima na Kariakoo kumkamata Sheikh Yahya Hussein bila ya jambo lolote la maana. Mpaka Lawrence Gama(former DG Usalama wa Taifa na nyadhifa nyingine nyingi tu hapo Tz,pia Jasusi ataeleza alimuoa nani ndani ya family ya Nyerere),alisikitika saana upumbavu wa Mrema kuingilia vitu alivyokua havijui. Kumbe Mrema alikua hajui maskini yakuwa anamfanyia Kitwana Kondo kazi yake,ambae wakati huo ndio alikua Rais wa nchi kuliko huyo Mwinyi mwenyewe. Kitwana Kondo alinyang'wanya mke na Sheikh Yahya Hussein during 60's.

Hizi habari kwa undani muulizeni Dominick Gama au Sinde Warioba. Maana nasikia Mzee Gama Lawrence amefariki. Na kwa wale wa Chadema,kamuulizeni Mabere Marando na atakufahamisheni yeye wakati huo alikua nani!? Au Shahidi X...Mzee Maige!

Kwa hiyo msione watu tumekaa kimya,ati mkafikiri tumevamia tu hili jamvi au hatujui mambo au huyo Nyerere wenu hatumjui au mambo nyeti takriban yoote, ati kwa sababu tu ni watoto wa Mdarasa. Tunafanya staha tu kiduchu. Kwa sababu wengi hawa ni Wazee wetu kama anavyosema Sheikh Mohammed Said. Hiyo nchi sisi wengine ni haki yetu na tuna uchungu nayo kupita hivyo mnavyohisi.




Ahsanta.

Cc: The Big Show

Gombesugu,
Umemtaja Nyakyoma wa Gapex. Maoni yangu ni kwamba James should have been in jail. Aliyoyafanya yeye pamoja na marehemu Muro katika kampuni hiyo si jambo la kusamehewa. Pia James alimtapeli rafiki yake waliyesoma pamoja UDSM ambaye alikuwa amejenga nyumba yake akamshirikisha kwenye mradi fulani na nyumba yake ikawekwa kama dhamana ya mkopo. Walipopata hela Nyakyoma akazificha Uingereza na wakashindwa kulipa deni walilokopa benki ikabidi huyo jamaa nyumba yake ichukuliwe. Lakini hili la kupelekwa faili lake ikulu nadhani zilikuwa njama za marafiki zake waliotaka kumwokoa kwa sababu nilivyomjua Mwalimu alikuwa mkali sana mambo ya fedha. Nyakyoma aliwahi kufanya kazi intelligence na hence alikuwa na watu walioweza kumfichia madhambi yake ndani ya system.
Kuna mifano kadhaa ambako vijana wa intelligence walimficha Mwalimu. Kwa mfano wakati Museveni alipogombana na Obote, wote wakiwa wakimbizi Tanzania, na Obote kumchongea kwa Mwalimu. Mwalimu aliamuru Museveni arudishwe Uganda, lakini maafisa wa usalama, wengine ambao alisoma nao mlimani, wakamficha kati ya Tabora na Karagwe.
Pia kuna wakati Mwalimu alitaka kumfunga Mkono, huyu mbunge wa sasa wa Musoma vijijini. Nasikia alipewa habari na kukimbilia London. Kwa info yako, nadhani na Mohamed ameligusia hili, Mzee Mzena kishatangulia mbele ya haki. Na juzi tu mjane wake amefariki. Mimi pia, kama Mohamed, nikifahamiana na binti zake.

 

[Nguruvi3]

Gombesugu, nakusalimu ndugu yangu. Bandiko lako limejaa hamaki hasira na kila aina ya tashtiti. Una haki ya kuelezea hisia zako lakini basi busara itangulie. Umetukana watu kwa lugha ya kiarabu. Nadhani unajua mkanganyiko uliopo kati ya Uarabu na Uislam kwa watu wengi.

Kuna uwezekano akatokeo mtu nakusema umetukana kwa kutumia Uislam, hapo utakuwa umefanya dhalili katika dini. Ningeshauri wakati mwingine utumie busara ili kujitambua na kutambua kuwa si kila jambo linaandikwa kwa utashi wa mtu.
Yapo yanayoathiri jamii hata kama ni ya mtu. Naomba nilirejee bandiko lako kwa uchache tu na kadri ninavyoweza na kujaaliwa

gombesugu;6223813]Ritz,Huyo jamaa ni psychological fragile,angalia tu ile mada yake halafu ameweka Sheikh Issa Bin Ameir badala yaSheikh Hassan Bin Ameir...kama kwenye legal technicalities basi
Barrister mahiri anakwambia Case dismiss

Kwa utaratibu huo basi kesi ya Mohamed ni dismissed. Kusema kawawa alikuwa makamu wa rais mwaka 1988 Barrister mahiri angeshasema case dismiss.Kwamba balozi amehutubia bunge hakimu angebubujikwa na machozi

Inastaajabisha na ni viroja pasi mfano,hao mashangingi wa shughuli kutukataza kumjadili huyo Nyerere kama vile sisi hakuwa Rais wetu!? Hawa watu maluuni saana

Ustadh soma maneno yako haya ili watu wasipate tabu kujua nani hasa ni maalun

Gombesugu:Kwa hiyo msione watu tumekaa kimya,ati mkafikiri tumevamia tu hili jamvi au hatujui mam
o au huyo Nyerere wenu hatumjui au mambo nyeti takriban yoote, ati kwa sababu tu ni watoto wa Mdarasa

halafu tena hapa

Hapa kilichobaki kwa ufupi ni kurembeana fedhuli na kibri kingi tu,labda zaidi wanatumia

udhalimu wao wa kumuuliza makhanatha Sheikh Mohammed ili wamuumize kichwa

na kumalizia ukasema hivi

Kwa masuala haya muulizeni Mzena mwenyewe kama yuhai. Mkitaka zaidi nitakupeni majina ya watu makhusus tena Wakristo wenzenu mkaulize

Kama Nyerere ni rais wa wote haya maneno''hamtujui,wao,wenu'' yanatoka wapi?
Hapo maalun nani aliyesema au aliyekaa kimya

Na haiingii akilini hata chembe ati watu tusimjadili Nyerere,mtu aloleta nakma na zilzala ziso mipaka hapo Tanzania na kwingineko Hapana

Nyerere ni mwanadamu hana immunity ya kutojadiliwa1 ajadiliwe tu hakuna shida. Lakini si umesema haya manenomwenyewe

Gombesugu:Habari za Nyerere ni nyingi mno wala hazishi kwa hapa Jf hata siku moja

Pengine ni kwasababu he was great man vinginevyo kwanini ajadiliwe!

Yule kunguni wa hoja a.k.a Abu Jahal,mimi pia nilimtoa maanani kitambo pale alipoleta ule uTarime/Ukabila wake,na ati kujaribu kumtetea Nyerere tena kwa kutumia Khadith na Qur'aan tukufu. Yule Kunguni Wallahi ni Khabith Al maar

Uislam hauna hati miliki. Kama ametumia Qur'aan na hadithi kuna ubaya gani?Pengine yeye ana weledi mkubwa kuliko yule anayedhani bila kujua Qur'aan na hadithi zinasemaje.Hebu angalia hapa ambapo hukutumia Qur'aan au hadithi unavyojiweka dhalili

Embu waambie wachungulie japo kiduchu,Biography ya JFK by Pro. Micheal O'Brien. Halafu waone huyu jamaa alivyomnyambua JFK,kuanzia Mababu na Mabibi zake woote tokea Ireland,mpaka kutaja makuwadi wake tangia Sec. School mpaka Hollywood. Kaoredhesha mpaka rangi za vichupi/bikinis walizokua wanavaa vimada wake!

Kwa mtazamo wako kwa vile kuna maalun mmoja anatukana Marekani basi ni vema Muislam Mohamed naye atukane. Uislam hausemi kuhusu kuiga mabaya, umehimiza katika kutenda mema na kuusia kuacha Maaswi. Sasa unapochukua tusi la Marekani ukijua ni kinyume na taratibu za uislam na utamaduni wetu hapo huna Qur'aan, hadithi au sunna. Ni afadhali mwenzako aliyetumia kuliko wewe uliyeshindwa kutumia sheikh tena unatilia ubani kabisa

Na bila ya kufanza hivi,tutawezaje kuzungumzia History!?

Hewala kama ndivyo basi Mshauri Mohamed aongee yale ya chumbani kwa Nyerere ili historia ikamilike.Vipi historia ikamilike kwa Nyerere peke yake kudhalilishwa?

Halafu wanakuja hawa viwavi wa hoja,ati mara tunachanganya mada,mara tushawahi kujibu tuhuma za Nyerere,mara kafungueni thread nyingine. Hawaoni huyu kinyonga mwenzao anapoleta makhanatha ya hadthi za ugaidi na kutuumiza vichwa kwa kiswahili chake cha kujifunzia Secondary School

Sasa jamani si kila siku manasema watu waandike vitabu, inakuwaje ninyi manotaka watu waandike ndio wa kwanza kufurumusha matusi? Kama hukubaliani naye mchalenji

Nyerere alimshangaza Zacharia Maftah(former Director of Anti Corruption Squad),alipoamua...file ya Nyakyoma ipelekwe kwa Abdallah Nungu(alikua Mwenyekiti wa Tume Ya Kudumu ya Uchunguzi Wa Viongozi). Alifanya kusudi kumuokoa nduguye Nyakyoma kwani alijua yakuwa Maftah ilikua anamfunga miaka mingi saana. Wakati Maftah anaifata ile file kwa Abdallah Nungu,ati anaambiwa file imeitwa State House na iko mikononi kwa Mwalimu. File inatoka kwa Nyerere tayari imenyofolewa makaratasi ushahidi takriban woote haumo. Huyo ndiye Nyerere. Matokeo yake akamzidshia utajiri uso kifani Mohammed Enterprises na kufa kwa Gapex maskini mpaka kesho!

Hapa unatupa habari mbili na nikushukuru.
Habari ya kwanza ni kuhusu Abdallah Nungu na Zacharia Maftah. Hawa ni watu wakubwa katika uongozi wa sehemu nyeti. Kumbe basi zile lawama kuwa waislam hawakupewa nafasi zinatoka wapi? Maana tulisikia vitengo muhimu vilipewa mfumokristo, sasa hivi kama si muhimu, je muhimu ni vipi?

Pili, file la Kiwira, meremeta, Dowans, IPTL, Buzwagi, Richmond, Radar hayajulikani yalipo. Hata zile karatasi zilizonyofolewa hapo hakuna. Madudu yote yanawagusa akina Mwinyi, Mkapa na Kikwete. Ni vema ungeendeleza mlolongo wa matatizo usiachie kwa Nyerere hata mimi nakuunga mkono kuorodhesha hayo lakini basi usichague, mwaga kila kitu huo ndio uadilifu

Nyerere alikua analazimisha kwa kibri na kuchukua meli ya kiraia ya Serikali Ya Mapinduzi Zanzibar,ili akamsaidie rafiki yake Samora dhidi ya Renamo pale Mozambique. Ile meli ilikua inabebeshwa silaha nyingi na za hatari,Wanajeshi na ndani yake kulikua na wafanyakazi wa kiraia wa kawaida kabisaa. Hawa wafanyakazi woote mpaka Captain walikua tu wanapewa taarifa masaa machache kabla ya safari na bila ya kufahamishwa destination mpaka wafike Dar port ndio wanashtukizwa. Hapa kama kuna wataalamu wa Maritime Insurances,pia mtashangaa hiyo meli ilikua inachukua cover ipi na hao wafanyakazi wa kiraia ndani yake walikua wako-covered kivipi!? Hiyo meli imenusurika mara kadhaa na mizinga ya Renamo

Hoja yako hapa ni nini? nashindwa kuelewa ni endapo ni raia wa Zanzibar ndani ya meli au vipi. Ninavyokusoma (kama sijakosea) hizi ni njama za kuumiza waislam. Kwamba meli ikishambuliwa watakufa raia waislam wa Zanzibar na wala si askari. Wakati wa vita ya Kagera madereva walikuwa raia.Sijui hapo unasemaje. Lakini basi kama ni msaada kwa mkatoliki mwenzake Samora, vipi kuhusu Sahara Magharibi na Palestina? Vipi Afrika kusini, Zimbawe n.k.

Unachotakiwa ufahamu ni kuwa meli haikuwa hatari kama vile vijiji vilivyopakana na kambi za wakimbizi kule Mkimbizi Iringa, Dakawa na Mazimbu au maeneo ya kusini indi na Mtwara. Mbona hujaona hatari maeneo hayo? Wewe ulichokiona ni hatari ya waislam wazanzibar

wa kifupi,Sheikh Mohammed hakumtusi Nyerere ati kwa kusema alikua akisaidiwa kitoweo na nduguye Bwana Mshume Kiyate,hasha!

Wickama ameto tafsiri ya kusengenya kama unakubaliana nayo basi ni tusi kama hukubaliani nayo kama Uislam usemavyo upo sahihi.

Kuna jamaa mmoja hapa,nae alikuja na hoja yake mbuzi kutaka kuonyesha ati "vitimbi" vya Sheikh Yahya Hussein. Kuna mengi saana pita kiasi...lakini chukua hii tu kiduchu.

Sheikh Yahya Hussein,alishughulika saana kumsaidia Nyerere kuzima lile jaribio la mapinduzi la 1982. Sheikh Yahya Hussein alitumia saana influence na connections zake kwa Sheikh

Hoja kama nilivyoielewa ni kuwa yale aliyokuwa anafanya Sheikh Yahya ni sehemu ya Uislam? Awe amemfanyia Nyerere, Obote au mwingine swali linabaki je ni Uislam ndivyo usemavyo? Hapa utusaidie maana unaweza kuwa na ufahamu zaidi yetu, endapo huna jibu basi liacje suala hili kama lilivyo maana litazua mengine yasiyohitajika

Nyerere,alimstaajabisha mpaka Mzena(Usalama wa Taifa enzi ya Mwalimu),pale alipoamrisha IGP wake Hamza Aziz awekwe chini ya surveillance bila ya ushahidi au sheria yoyote. Ndio maana ile siku Hamza Aziz alipopata accident,alipokwenda kumuona Nyerere huku anajitafunatafuna,ndipo Nyerere alipomwambia Hamza kabla hujasema lolote fungua hiyo bahasha hapo. Ndani ya ile bahasha palikua na photographic evidence,inamounyesha sura halisi ya Hamza Aziz,gari yake na mpaka plate numbers. Picha ile ilipigwa na Mzungu mmoja ati alikua akifanya kazi pale BP - Kurasini!?

Kumbe ajali ilikuwepo! kuna habari hapa kuwa IGP alikimbia nawe unathibitisha kuwa ajali ilikuwepo. Kwani nini kilitokea hasa? na kwanini Nyerere huyo huyoaliyemsulubu Hamza ampe ulaji?

 

[ilboru1995]

Yeriko sijui utaficha wapi sura yako...hawa watu mnaowaita wa maddrasa wanastaha na maarifa mengi sana. Kuna mengi ambayo yakianikwa hapa hata ile sifa kidogo ya mzee wetu nyerere inaweza ikayeyuka, RIP JKN yeye alitambua kuwa kunabbaadhi ya maeneo alifanya makosa na alikiri makosa yake kabla ya kufariki dunia...naamini yeye kumuomba Ghadaffi kisha akakubali kumjengea msikiti katika hatua za mwisho za uhai wake ilikuwa ni kuu-enzi uislam na waislam kwa michango yao mingi waliompatia katika maisha yake ...Wakati mwingine kuukubali ukweli ni njia nzuri kufikia maridhiano na suluhu ya kudumu kwa mustakbali wa watu wetu ...

 

[WildCard]

Yeriko sijui utaficha wapi sura yako...hawa watu mnaowaita wa maddrasa wanastaha na maarifa mengi sana. Kuna mengi ambayo yakianikwa hapa hata ile sifa kidogo ya mzee wetu nyerere inaweza ikayeyuka, RIP JKN yeye alitambua kuwa kunabbaadhi ya maeneo alifanya makosa na alikiri makosa yake kabla ya kufariki dunia...naamini yeye kumuomba Ghadaffi kisha akakubali kumjengea msikiti katika hatua za mwisho za uhai wake ilikuwa ni kuu-enzi uislam na waislam kwa michango yao mingi waliompatia katika maisha yake ...Wakati mwingine kuukubali ukweli ni njia nzuri kufikia maridhiano na suluhu ya kudumu kwa mustakbali wa watu wetu ...

Ukimmaliza Mwalimu umeimaliza TANZANIA. Hakuna namna ya kuitaja Tanzania ukaacha kumtaja Mwalimu. Watu hapa wanajaribu kupambana na HISTORIA. Hawataweza.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Gombesugu,
Umemtaja Nyakyoma wa Gapex. Maoni yangu ni kwamba James should have been in jail. Aliyoyafanya yeye pamoja na marehemu Muro katika kampuni hiyo si jambo la kusamehewa. Pia James alimtapeli rafiki yake waliyesoma pamoja UDSM ambaye alikuwa amejenga nyumba yake akamshirikisha kwenye mradi fulani na nyumba yake ikawekwa kama dhamana ya mkopo. Walipopata hela Nyakyoma akazificha Uingereza na wakashindwa kulipa deni walilokopa benki ikabidi huyo jamaa nyumba yake ichukuliwe. Lakini hili la kupelekwa faili lake ikulu nadhani zilikuwa njama za marafiki zake waliotaka kumwokoa kwa sababu nilivyomjua Mwalimu alikuwa mkali sana mambo ya fedha. Nyakyoma aliwahi kufanya kazi intelligence na hence alikuwa na watu walioweza kumfichia madhambi yake ndani ya system.
Kuna mifano kadhaa ambako vijana wa intelligence walimficha Mwalimu. Kwa mfano wakati Museveni alipogombana na Obote, wote wakiwa wakimbizi Tanzania, na Obote kumchongea kwa Mwalimu. Mwalimu aliamuru Museveni arudishwe Uganda, lakini maafisa wa usalama, wengine ambao alisoma nao mlimani, wakamficha kati ya Tabora na Karagwe.
Pia kuna wakati Mwalimu alitaka kumfunga Mkono, huyu mbunge wa sasa wa Musoma vijijini. Nasikia alipewa habari na kukimbilia London. Kwa info yako, nadhani na Mohamed ameligusia hili, Mzee Mzena kishatangulia mbele ya haki. Na juzi tu mjane wake amefariki. Mimi pia, kama Mohamed, nikifahamiana na binti zake.

Jasusi,
Sikujua kama yule Bi Mkubwa amefariki.

Akinijua vyema na kunipenda kama mwanae.
Mara ya mwisho nilimuona kasimama nje ya
nyumba yake pale Regent na tukasalimiana.

Namkumbuka na gari yake Peugeot akiwabeba
wanae kuwaleta kwenye parties zetu.

Jasusi nakurudisha nyuma...
Mick Jagger and The Rolling Stones.

Wakati umekwenda.

 

[THE BIG SHOW]

THE LABEL OF "ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM" TO MOHAMED SAID & WALAMBA BUTI ZAKE...

With reference to religion,the concept of fundamentalism originated in Protestant Christianity,especially in the Puritan tradition in United States.In Christianiaty "fundamentalism" is a perojative word.In his famous book,'Fundamentalism' Barr(1981;2)says the word is disliked even by 'the people to whom is applied'.,it is regarded as " a hostile and opprobrious term suggesting narrowness,bigotry,obscurantism'
In Christianity,fundamentalism is associated with characteristics which most Christians disapprove of,because they are considered extremist and indefensible.Among its chief characteristics are the following;

1.a belief that the bible in its entirety is literally the word of god

2.'a very strong emphasis on the inerrancy of the bible and the absence from it of any sort of error'

3.'an assurance that those who do not share their religious viewpoint are not really 'true christians' at all (Barr,1981;1)

4.a very strong emphasis on prophecy and its ultimate fulfilment.

Serious problem arise when that concept of fundamentalism is transferred to Islam.It is a universal belief of all MUSLIMS,no matter how one would wish to qualify them,that the Qur'an,is Literally the word of ALLAH and is free from any sort of error.THEREFORE,if the concept of religious fundamentalism is applied to MUSLIMS,All Muslims would have to be considered fundamentalists.And any Muslim who is not a fundamentalist ceases to be a MUSLIM.

Here in Tanzania,the concept of "islamic fundamentalism".,can very easily slide into political tool for religious oppression and control.Everything Muslim would be "fundamentalist" and therefore Dangerous,,especilly when he tries to speak the truth and reality..

KWA NAMNA HII BASI TUTALAMBA TUH BUTI ZA MOH SAID KWA HESHIMA NA TAADHIMA ZOTE...

 

[Wimana]

Nguruvi3, Wickama, MS, Ritz, Mag, Platozoom, Yericko, Barubaru et al.

Wakati manakasha ukiendelea, hebu tujikumbushe Baraza la Mwalimu JK Nyerere kama lilivyotolewa na Nyongeza ya Ngurumo, Jumanne tarehe 11 Okctoba 1960.

 

[gombesugu]

Gombesugu,
Umemtaja Nyakyoma wa Gapex. Maoni yangu ni kwamba James should have been in jail. Aliyoyafanya yeye pamoja na marehemu Muro katika kampuni hiyo si jambo la kusamehewa. Pia James alimtapeli rafiki yake waliyesoma pamoja UDSM ambaye alikuwa amejenga nyumba yake akamshirikisha kwenye mradi fulani na nyumba yake ikawekwa kama dhamana ya mkopo. Walipopata hela Nyakyoma akazificha Uingereza na wakashindwa kulipa deni walilokopa benki ikabidi huyo jamaa nyumba yake ichukuliwe. Lakini hili la kupelekwa faili lake ikulu nadhani zilikuwa njama za marafiki zake waliotaka kumwokoa kwa sababu nilivyomjua Mwalimu alikuwa mkali sana mambo ya fedha. Nyakyoma aliwahi kufanya kazi intelligence na hence alikuwa na watu walioweza kumfichia madhambi yake ndani ya system.
Kuna mifano kadhaa ambako vijana wa intelligence walimficha Mwalimu. Kwa mfano wakati Museveni alipogombana na Obote, wote wakiwa wakimbizi Tanzania, na Obote kumchongea kwa Mwalimu. Mwalimu aliamuru Museveni arudishwe Uganda, lakini maafisa wa usalama, wengine ambao alisoma nao mlimani, wakamficha kati ya Tabora na Karagwe.
Pia kuna wakati Mwalimu alitaka kumfunga Mkono, huyu mbunge wa sasa wa Musoma vijijini. Nasikia alipewa habari na kukimbilia London. Kwa info yako, nadhani na Mohamed ameligusia hili, Mzee Mzena kishatangulia mbele ya haki. Na juzi tu mjane wake amefariki. Mimi pia, kama Mohamed, nikifahamiana na binti zake.

Jasusi,

Salaam. Nashukuru sana kwa bayana yako. Wewe ni mmojawapo wa watu wachache mlonikaribisha uzuri hapa jamvini.

Nyakyoma namjua vizuri saana nae anamjua na kumwogopa saana Mzee wangu! Bint yake Nyakyoma mmoja Alice, alikua rafiki yangu kitambo enzi ya "Ujahil" wakati nilipokua England!ahaha!!

Kwa wale wanaojua system,hasa "enzi ya Mwalim",watakuhakikishia umahiri na unyama wa Zacharia Maftah. Cabinet nzima ilikua inamwogopa huyo kiumbe. Kwa hiyo mtu yeyote asingeweza asilan, ati kudadavua ile file ya Nyakyoma kwenye mikono ya Maftah bila ya Nyerere ku-sanction/authorise...hii haina ubishi ndugu yangu. Barua zipo mpaka kesho pale Takukuru,Nyerere ame-sign file iende kwa Abdallah Nungu kwa geresha na kutoka hapo imfuate yeye pale State House. Kama unataka kujua zaidi,muulize Mzee Kitwana Kondo,siku zile alipokua Mkurugenzi Mtendaji wa State Motors Corporation,na Hatibu Idd as General Manager...J.W. Ladwa yule baniani wa pale Upanga, ilimlazim akimbilie Canada kwa muda akapumue!ahaha!! Maftah ilkua kitu ingine ndugu yangu. Ghafla kaingia "Sheikh Ali" madarakani,akamuondosha bila hata sababu yoyote ya maana. Brigadier Ntukamazima aliwahi kuongelea upuuze ule kwa undani japo nae alikua mwoga fulani hivi kunusuru madaraka yake. Lakini sisi tunajua kwanini ilitokea vile!ahaha!!...again..."Funika Kombe Mwanaharasha apite". Sasa tutafunika makombe mangapi hapa jamvini!?ahaha!!

Nimekuelewa kwa ustaarabu wa mazungumzo yako. Nami nina mengi pita kiasi,la muhimu tuyaache na kuwastiri Wazee wetu..."Funika Kombe Mwanaharasha apite".

Siku moja tukikutana nitakupa kisa cha Kitwana Kondo na jamaa yako Sinde Warioba,utacheka saana. Matokeo yake ikabidi Mwinyi amrudishe Sinde Warioba toka Uwaziri Mkuu awe Waziri wa Serikali za Mitaa na Miji. Kufika pale,Sinde akaanza kutumia umahiri wake wa kisheria kumchachafya upya Kitwana Kondo. Ikabidi Kitwana Kondo ajibu mashambulizi,akatumia System wakamuweka mtu wao ati "Muislamu" na kumsaidia kwa karibu yule jamaa na akamwangusha Sinde Warioba pale Bunda. Mwinyi akapata excuse nzuri ya kutomrejesha tena!ahaha!! Yaani hapo Mzizima kama ujuavyo pana mengi mno na viroja vingi Wallahi!!

Mimi binafsi sina chuki kwa Nyerere nilishawahi kusema awali;Mzee wangu kamfanyia kazi zake nyingi saana na nzito. Lakini tunapokua baina yetu Watanzania kwa Watanzania ni muhimu saana kuzungumzia kiundani matatizo yaliyopo,yalipotokea,chanzo chake nini,nani walosababisha,tumejifunza kitu gani,tufanye nini ili kurekebisha na kivipi twende mbele ya safari kwa umoja na mapenzi. Kwa hiyo ukweli wenye maana na ushahidi lazim tunene.

Lakini ghafla,wanapokuja viwavi fulani wasojua mambo na kuanza kutoa amri,Wallahi mimi hupata simanzi mno.

Huyo Nyerere, mimi hapa nilipo na kila nchi nyingine niendazo;mara zoote nikikutana na jamaa wa mataifa mengine hasa ya ki-Afrika na wanapoanza kuleta maneno ya makhanatha na kumkashifu bila ya sababu za msingi. Kwa kukosa kwao fadhila au kutucheka yakuwa Watanzania hatujasoma na ni maskini...basi mimi huwawekea darsa kutwa nzima,na kumsifia Nyerere kwa mengi na muhanga tulojitoa Watanzania kwa wenzetu. Mwisho wa darsa jamaa hunitaka radhi na kushikana mikono. Huwa sikubali asilan,mtu mpumbavu tena sio Mtanzania aanze kashfa za kipuuzi dhidi ya Nyerere. Lakini kuna topics nyingine huwa naacha mdomo wazi,hasa inapokuja mambo ya Uganda,Mozambique na Biafra!ahaha!! Tuyaache haya ndugu yangu,labda siku tukijaaliwa kukutana.

Huyo kijana Yericko,kuna kitu amekosea na nina hakika amewakera mno kina Mama Maria, Uncle Andrew na ndugu zake.

Tuendelee na mnakasha.

Shukran na nakutakia siku njema ndugu yangu.

 

[rolla]

bwana mohamedi saidi, nina wasiwsi na uwezo wako wa kufikiri na kupembua mambo.

 

[gombesugu]

Ha ha haa Nguruvi3, wewe kweli kiboko! Ngoja nitulie kwanza kidogo...kazi ndiyo inaanza.

Mag3,

Acha kutulia muungwana hapa shughuli hii ni nzito saana. Mpe salaam Uncle yangu Nguruvi3 a.k.a Vunja Mifupa...mwambie aache uwoga na kupunguza mambo ya biography za Tarime. Kama anayaweza kikweli mwambie amwingie Zali la Mentali a.k.a Mchimba Chumvi !ahaha!! Aache au apunguze kumuonea Sheikh Mohammed!ahaha!!

Yaani najua huwa mnanikumbuka ndugu zangu,asubuhi hii nimeona comments zenu ati mnanijibu basi nimevunjika mbavu kwa kicheko Wallahi!ahaha!!

Leo nasafiri na family kiduchu,takujibuni nikijaaliwa labda on Tues. Insha Allah

Naona Nguruvi3,biography zake zoote sasa anajaza Masheikh na Misikiti tu,au anataka kuingia Uislamu kinyemela!ahaha!! Mwambie tunamkaribisha lakini asije kupata akili za Madrasa kama sisi!ahaha!!

Ile lobbying yangu kwa Sheikh Mohammed Said,ili akutoe kwenye "ile Shit List" bado inaendelea kwa hiyo fanya sabra kiduchu!ahaha!!

Ahsanta na tupendane ndugu zangu.

 

[Kadogoo]

Gombesugu,Haha ha ha ! unapenda sana kusoma habari zangu.

Unamkumbuka mtu anaitwa Zomba. Watu walimpuuza na sijui kama yupo kwa ID nyingine au ndio kaondoka jamvini
Hivi mtu akisema kifo cha Nyerere ni laana, unasababu ya kujadiliana na mtu huyo.

Miye nala sahani moja na mtu aliyepanda ndege hadi Lagos bila kujua anaeleza kitu gani, aliporudi akaa na nyaraka bila utafiti. Tukamwambia hapana si hivyo akaja na tarehe zisizokuwepo. Huyu ndiye wakuhangaika naye.
Akina kadogoo, tunawaombe kwa mola awajaze hekima, awafungue macho na awepe ujuzi inshallah.

NGURUVI;

Nashukuru kwa dua lakini ili dua ikubaliwe na Mola uliemtaja kuna masharti haya ya kufanya kabla ya kuomba dua: The Azanian Sea: ADABU ZA KUOMBA DUA

 

[gombesugu]

Gombesugu, nakusalimu ndugu yangu. Bandiko lako limejaa hamaki hasira na kila aina ya tashtiti. Una haki ya kuelezea hisia zako lakini basi busara itangulie. Umetukana watu kwa lugha ya kiarabu. Nadhani unajua mkanganyiko uliopo kati ya Uarabu na Uislam kwa watu wengi.

Kuna uwezekano akatokeo mtu nakusema umetukana kwa kutumia Uislam, hapo utakuwa umefanya dhalili katika dini. Ningeshauri wakati mwingine utumie busara ili kujitambua na kutambua kuwa si kila jambo linaandikwa kwa utashi wa mtu.
Yapo yanayoathiri jamii hata kama ni ya mtu. Naomba nilirejee bandiko lako kwa uchache tu na kadri ninavyoweza na kujaaliwaKwa utaratibu huo basi kesi ya Mohamed ni dismissed. Kusema kawawa alikuwa makamu wa rais mwaka 1988 Barrister mahiri angeshasema case dismiss.Kwamba balozi amehutubia bunge hakimu angebubujikwa na machoziUstadh soma maneno yako haya ili watu wasipate tabu kujua nani hasa ni maalun
halafu tena hapa na kumalizia ukasema hivi Kama Nyerere ni rais wa wote haya maneno''hamtujui,wao,wenu'' yanatoka wapi?
Hapo maalun nani aliyesema au aliyekaa kimyaNyerere ni mwanadamu hana immunity ya kutojadiliwa1 ajadiliwe tu hakuna shida. Lakini si umesema haya manenomwenyewePengine ni kwasababu he was great man vinginevyo kwanini ajadiliwe!Uislam hauna hati miliki. Kama ametumia Qur'aan na hadithi kuna ubaya gani?Pengine yeye ana weledi mkubwa kuliko yule anayedhani bila kujua Qur'aan na hadithi zinasemaje.Hebu angalia hapa ambapo hukutumia Qur'aan au hadithi unavyojiweka dhaliliKwa mtazamo wako kwa vile kuna maalun mmoja anatukana Marekani basi ni vema Muislam Mohamed naye atukane. Uislam hausemi kuhusu kuiga mabaya, umehimiza katika kutenda mema na kuusia kuacha Maaswi. Sasa unapochukua tusi la Marekani ukijua ni kinyume na taratibu za uislam na utamaduni wetu hapo huna Qur'aan, hadithi au sunna. Ni afadhali mwenzako aliyetumia kuliko wewe uliyeshindwa kutumia sheikh tena unatilia ubani kabisa Hewala kama ndivyo basi Mshauri Mohamed aongee yale ya chumbani kwa Nyerere ili historia ikamilike.Vipi historia ikamilike kwa Nyerere peke yake kudhalilishwa?Sasa jamani si kila siku manasema watu waandike vitabu, inakuwaje ninyi manotaka watu waandike ndio wa kwanza kufurumusha matusi? Kama hukubaliani naye mchalenjiHapa unatupa habari mbili na nikushukuru.
Habari ya kwanza ni kuhusu Abdallah Nungu na Zacharia Maftah. Hawa ni watu wakubwa katika uongozi wa sehemu nyeti. Kumbe basi zile lawama kuwa waislam hawakupewa nafasi zinatoka wapi? Maana tulisikia vitengo muhimu vilipewa mfumokristo, sasa hivi kama si muhimu, je muhimu ni vipi?

Pili, file la Kiwira, meremeta, Dowans, IPTL, Buzwagi, Richmond, Radar hayajulikani yalipo. Hata zile karatasi zilizonyofolewa hapo hakuna. Madudu yote yanawagusa akina Mwinyi, Mkapa na Kikwete. Ni vema ungeendeleza mlolongo wa matatizo usiachie kwa Nyerere hata mimi nakuunga mkono kuorodhesha hayo lakini basi usichague, mwaga kila kitu huo ndio uadilifuHoja yako hapa ni nini? nashindwa kuelewa ni endapo ni raia wa Zanzibar ndani ya meli au vipi. Ninavyokusoma (kama sijakosea) hizi ni njama za kuumiza waislam. Kwamba meli ikishambuliwa watakufa raia waislam wa Zanzibar na wala si askari. Wakati wa vita ya Kagera madereva walikuwa raia.Sijui hapo unasemaje. Lakini basi kama ni msaada kwa mkatoliki mwenzake Samora, vipi kuhusu Sahara Magharibi na Palestina? Vipi Afrika kusini, Zimbawe n.k.

Unachotakiwa ufahamu ni kuwa meli haikuwa hatari kama vile vijiji vilivyopakana na kambi za wakimbizi kule Mkimbizi Iringa, Dakawa na Mazimbu au maeneo ya kusini indi na Mtwara. Mbona hujaona hatari maeneo hayo? Wewe ulichokiona ni hatari ya waislam wazanzibarWickama ameto tafsiri ya kusengenya kama unakubaliana nayo basi ni tusi kama hukubaliani nayo kama Uislam usemavyo upo sahihi.
Hoja kama nilivyoielewa ni kuwa yale aliyokuwa anafanya Sheikh Yahya ni sehemu ya Uislam? Awe amemfanyia Nyerere, Obote au mwingine swali linabaki je ni Uislam ndivyo usemavyo? Hapa utusaidie maana unaweza kuwa na ufahamu zaidi yetu, endapo huna jibu basi liacje suala hili kama lilivyo maana litazua mengine yasiyohitajikaKumbe ajali ilikuwepo! kuna habari hapa kuwa IGP alikimbia nawe unathibitisha kuwa ajali ilikuwepo. Kwani nini kilitokea hasa? na kwanini Nyerere huyo huyoaliyemsulubu Hamza ampe ulaji?

Nguruvi3,

Nakusalim ndugu yangu. Mbona unawatia aibu wenzio,wao walidhani yakuwa wewe ndo Shujaa wa kumwingia Zali la Mentali,naona unatoa excuse ati humtaki "hana maana". Inakuwaje leo uko kiwanjani uchague wapinzani wa kuwakaba...tafadhali Mzee Vunja Mifupa,punguza hadaa za kijitu kizima!

Kuhusu kutaka kunijibu mimi ni kwamba huwezi na wala mantiki zangu hutazifikia asilan,labda tu itaishia mimi nawe kulumbanana na haina haja tufikie huko,maana wewe ni Uncle wangu kutoka Tarime!ahaha!! Kwa hiyo ilobaki,kama dasturi yangu narejea kuwa msikivu mtiifu wa Sheikh Mohammed.

Pia nachelea kumkera Maalim wangu Sheikh Mohammed,maana kwa ustaarabu alonao, hapendi sisi Wanafunzi wake tulomkubali kwa dhati kunena mengi hapa jamvini. Na jana alinikanya kiduchu hapa jamvini. Kwa hili nakufahamisha yakuwa nitakua kimya mpaka itakapolazim kunyoosha tena maneno Insha Allah.

Mfahamishe Mag3,yakuwa ile bayana yangu haikuwa na matusi asilan, na wala yale si maneno mughali kwa mwenye kujua kutumia kiswahili kwa hiba na madaha. Au zile Istilahi na Lahaja zimemsumbua kiduchu!? Basi Wallahi nitakie saana radhi kwake na naomba anisamehe. Najua kuna wengine walinitukana ati kwanini nimeandika kiarabu!?ahaha!!

Kwaheri nakuachia mtaalam mwenzio Mchimba Chumvi!ahaha!!

Insha Allah.

 

[Wickama]

Wickama,
Alamsiki bi Nuur.
Wewe umeeleza yako na mimi nimeeleza yangu.

Historia ya Sheikh Hassan bin Amir na Nyerere nimeieleza vizuri
katika kitabu changu na kwingi hapa nchini katika mialiko huombwa
kukizungumza hiki kisa.

Mie namjua vyema Dr. Ziddy na hivi sasa mimi na yeye tunafanya
utafiti mmoja.

Namfahamu vizuri sana...

Ila nitakupa kitu uelewe historia za Zanzibar.
Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar yalifanywa na ASP na Umma Party.

Hivi ndivyo tunavyoaminishwa.

Makomredi hadi leo hata mmoja hajanyanyua kalamu kuandika
vipi walipindua serikali.

Iko siku niko London mimi, Babu na Ahmed Rajab na nilimhoji sana
Babu kuhusu mapinduzi na nikamuomba aandike.

Aliniahidi kuwa ataandika.

Kaondoka duniani hakuacha historia ya Umma Party na mapinduzi ya
Zanzibar.

Historia iliyiandikwa ''walisahau'' kueleza habari za jeshi la Wamakonde
kotoka Kipumbwi lililokuwa likiratibiwa na Mohamed Omar Mkwawa na
Victor Mkello.

Hizi ndizo historia zetu.
Zimejaa matundu.

Taratibu utakujajua.

Mzee Ms, baada ya Salaam. Nashukuru kwa maneno mazuri. Haya ya kina Babu na Wazenj na Mapinduzi mimi wala siyazungumzi (angalau kwa leo). Infact moja ya kitu nachotamani kitokeze kwenye tume ya kina Waryoba ni kuwa tupige kura ya kubaki au tusibaki na muungano na kama tunabaki nao uwe ni upi. Sioni taabu kukuambia ikitokea fursa hiyo, mimi ni mmoja wa watakaopiga kura ya kuuvunja. Kikubwa ni kuwa i would rather live alone rather than with a bitter and unhappy neighbor. The sooner mabwana hawa wakipewa chao nitashukuru. Then they can fulfill their "tarnished" dreams. Mimi nasubiri fursa ya kura. Kuhusu suala la wewe kuandika issues za Sheikh na Nyerere lazima niwe mkweli sijasoma umeandika nini. Lakini tangu ukomae na ukatoliki wake, then kuhamia kwenye Kupishwa chumba alae na Ally, then Nyerere kukopa hela za mboga kama part ya "struggle against the British colonialism" i will seriously treat your coverage on him with caution. And you can easily see why. Shukran.

 

[gombesugu]

Gombesugu, nakusalimu ndugu yangu. Bandiko lako limejaa hamaki hasira na kila aina ya tashtiti. Una haki ya kuelezea hisia zako lakini basi busara itangulie. Umetukana watu kwa lugha ya kiarabu.Hapa utusaidie maana unaweza kuwa na ufahamu zaidi yetu, endapo huna jibu basi liacje suala hili kama lilivyo maana litazua mengine yasiyohitajikaKumbe ajali ilikuwepo! kuna habari hapa kuwa IGP alikimbia nawe unathibitisha kuwa ajali ilikuwepo. Kwani nini kilitokea hasa? na kwanini Nyerere huyo huyoaliyemsulubu Hamza ampe ulaji?

Nguruvi3,
Nakutumia bayana hii fupi kukwambia mie sikutukana na wala sikuzungumza "Kiarabu" asilan. Ni sawa vile mtu asojua mambo vizuri ati akamtuhumu Mwingereza kuwa katukana kwa kutumia ki-French au ki-Latin!?

Lakini napenda kuchukua fursa hii kwako binafsi, na wengineo nyoote mlojihisi dhuluma imekinza mioyoni mwenu kutokana na ile bayana yangu. Labda nilikua na muhma wala si hamaki asilan,na ndo udhaifu wa kibinadamu.

Kuhusu hiyo "ajali",nisingependa tuirudie tena...kwa sababu kadhaa na hishma ya wahusika ambao mimi ni watu wangu wa karibu. Lakini kama utatumia fikra,usomi ulonao na mantiki na pia kuondoa Udini na Ukabila;basi ni muhimu saana ujiulize. Hivi ni kwanini Nyerere aliamua kumuweka chini ya Surveillance IGP wake mwenyewe takriban kwa miaka kadhaa. Bila ya huyo IGP kushukiwa au kufanza lolote baya,na bila ya kufuata ushauri wa Marehemu Mzee Mzena ambae alipinga saana jambo lile!? Mzena alimfahamisha Nyerere implications na consequences za jambo hilo,na je IGP akipata fununu itakuwaje na tutatoa justification gani!? Vipengele vya Sharia vilipoletwa,Nyerere hakutaka kabisa kusikia. Bahati nzuri kwa Nyerere,IGP hakujua hii kitu mpaka siku ile alipopatwa na "ajali" na kwenda kukutana na Nyerere na baada yake ndio akagundua "tambara" zima. Tuwache haya mambo tafadhali,huwezi jua jinsi Mzee Mzena na Hamza Aziz walivyokua kikaribu na kuheshimiana kikazi. Lakini baada ya haya kutokea palikua na friction na indifference kubwa baina yao...pia iliathiri "makundi fulani" ndani ya Idara zao. "Funika Kombe Mwanaharasha apite"...wewe ni mtu mzima tuyaache haya mambo,hao woote ni Wazee wetu soote ok!

Msalimie Mag3,natumai nae pia amenisamehe kwa kile "Kiarabu" cha kwenye bayana.
Ahsanta.

 

[Wickama]

Toa darsa mwanangu toa! historia hii walikuwa hawaijui hawa!

Ohhhh, Kadogooo: Salama ndugu yangu? Sort of missed your posting. It is a pleasure kukusoma. Haya lete stori.

 

[gombesugu]

Gombesugu,
Kaka yangu basi inatosha.

Mzena ni marehemu.

Wakati niko shule nilikuwa karibu sana na wanae.
Tukisoma shule moja.

Sheikh Mohammed,

Asalaam Alaykum Al Akhiy.

Nipokelea bayana yangu hii dhaifu kwako.

Nimekufahamu na nimesikitika. Hawa jamaa kila tunapowaambia kuwa hawa watu woote sisi ni Wazee wetu,nafikiri hawafahamu asilan kuwa tunamaanisha nini.

Ndo maana mimi tangia nilipongia nalikubali kuwa chini yako ili nikusikive kwa utuvu na nitape Ilm. Nikaonekana ati ni Mfuasi wa Madrasa sitaki kutumia maarifa na wala "Historia ya Tanzania" ati siijui!?ahaha!!

Kuna wakti ulizungumzia na kujiuliza Zohal gani ilowasibu hawa jamaa. Sina hakika lakini najua pana ile "Zohal Sumaku" ambayo ni mughali kukutoka ikishaganda. Au pia pana "Kisirani Shida",nayo pia ni bahri nyingine.

Leo nasafiri nakwenda pale Westerplatte Danzig(najua unaijua kwa uzuri historia ya pahala hapa,hasa kunako wiki ya mwanzo ya WWII),kwa weekend na family hapa...Insha Allah tarejea siku ya Jumanne Penye uhai na majaaliwa.

Lile neno Shangingi,wala si neno baya wala si matusi asilan. Naona jamaa hapo limewakera lakini nishiwataka radhi. Hili neno asili yake khasa ni Wamasai. Ni neno la fahari kubwa kwa Wamasai kuitwa Sangiki...lakini Insha Allah tuyaache maana nayo pia ni bahri nyingine.

Nakutakia Kheir na fanaka na mapumziko mema ya W'end Insha Allah.



Ahsanta