Ukweli kuhusu waasisi wa TANU na harakati za kupigania uhuru

Ukweli kuhusu waasisi wa TANU na harakati za kupigania uhuru

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Inavyoelekea umuhim wa somo la Historia huujui ndugu yangu.
lengo la Historia ni kujua tulipotoka na kama kuna mambo ya kujifunza huko. Lengo la Kuu la Bro.Mohammed Said ni kuweka historia ambayo haijawekwa wazi. Historia ya Tanganyika imemfanya Nyerere as Saints....so far muhim ni kuondoa Imbalances zilizopo. Muslim hawahitaji kuonewa huruma, waislam tunataka HAKI itendeke kwa watu wote. bila kujali background yao...

Historia hii inapowekwa wazi ni kuwa kama imbalance hii ikiendelea haitoleta matunda mazuri kwa taifa letu.

Unataka tuweke wazi historia? Mbona hamzunguzii chama cha All Muslim National Union of Tanganyika ( AMNUT) kilichoanzishwa na Ramadhan Mashado Plantan, mmoja wa waasisi wa TANU, mwaka 1958. Kwanini basi hao waislamu mnaodai kuwa udini ndiyo uliowaongoza hawakukimbilia hiki chama? badala yake mnang'ang'ania EAMWS, ambacho mwanzishi wake H.H. Aga Khan alikuwa rafiki mkubwa wa Sir Edward Twining! Ukaribu huu, ndiyo uliochangia kwa waislamu wa TANU wa wakati ule kustukia EAMWS kuwa haikuwa kwa maslahi ya watanganyika walio wengi. Ndio, walikataa kurubuniwa kwa pesa kama walivyokataa fikra za udini.

Mnasahau kuwa muislamu Zuberi Mtemvu alianzisha chama chake cha Africam National Congress kwa kukataa kujumuika na wale wasio weusi! Kwake yeye muarabu, mhindi na mzungu hawakuwa na haki katika nchi hii. Waislamu wenzake, hao mnaowatetea, mbona walimtema.

Mnasema kanisa halikuchangia mapambano ya uhuru wakati mnasahau wakristu kibao waliojitolea mhanga bila kutengwa na kanisa lao! Kwa vile mnazungumzia kanisa kama institution basi nitajieni institution yeyote ya kiislamu iliyoshiriki katika mapambano ya kudai uhuru! Waislamu kama vile wakristu waliingia kama individuals, na si wawakilishi wa dini zao. lakini pamoja na hayo, katika waliomlipia safari Nyerere kwenda Marekani mwaka 1955, walikuwemo Padri William Collins, Al Nevin, na John Considina, wa kanisa katoliki. Safari yake ya pili ilifadhiliwa kwa kiasi kikubwa na MaryKnollers ( jumuia ya kikatoliki) ambao bila shaka walijua anaenda kufanya nini New York. Si tu walimsaidia kwa gharama bali walimwezesha kukutana na Eleanor Roosevelt, na kutembelea vyuo vikuu vya Marekani kama Wellesley College kupigia debe uhuru wa Tanganyika. Nitajieni hapa jumuia ya kiislamu (si watu binafsi) iliyofanya hivyo!

Mnaukazania ukatoliki wa Nyerere lakini mnasahau kuwa hakuwa mkatoliki wa kuzaliwa. Aliingia ukatoliki baada ya kuanza shule. Mama yake mpaka anafariki alikuwa anaenda kutambika.

Msitake kupotosha historia kwa sababu zenu binafsi.

Amandla........
 
Rais ni muislamu,, Waziri wa fedha ni muislamu na Mkaguzi Mkuu wa Hesabu za Fedha za Serikali ni muislamu na wote waliona Kighoma Malima ana matatizo, wewe bado unaona mkono wa wakatoliki! Lugha ya Kighoma Malima kuwa alikuwa na maelezo ni bravado, maana hao waliomchoma walitumia vitabu. Na si peke yake aliyeunguzwa na scandal hiyo, naibu Katibu Mkuu wake nae alitoswa! Uozo uliokuwepo wizara ya fedha wakati wa Kighoma Malima ulikuwa wazi kwa kila mtu ambaye hakuvaa miwani ya udini. Hao waislamu wenzake wasingemtosa kama wangeona kuwa ameonewa! Uwezo wa lugha ya kiingereza na kiswahili si ishara ya integrity. Kighoma Malima was a mediocre Finance Minister and very likely corrupt also. Kumgeuza mtu kama huyu kuwa martyr katika vita ya kuwatetea waislamu ni matusi kwa watanzania.

Amandla.......

Safi sana Mkuu FM.
Kuona kila jambao linalotokea nchini katika miwani ya udini mwisho wake si mzuri kwa Taifa letu. Inajengwa hoja ambayo kimsingi ni chuki dhidi ya Ukristo na si dini nyingine.
Niliwahi kusem hapa , for every action there is a reaction in an opposite direction.
Mwisho wa haya malimbano si kujenga ni kuhalalisha matatizo zaidi.
Mwalimu aliwahi kusema kuwa mtu akikudanganya, nawe wajua unadanganywa , na yeye anayekudanganya anajua kuwa anakudanganya kwa masilahi yake, basi mtu huyo anakudharau.
Dharau ambazo hazikubaliki.
 
Mnasema Nyere aliwatosa waislamu baada ya kupata uhuru. Hii hapa listi ya Kabineti ya kwanza ya Tanzania, mwaka 1964:

  1. Julius Nyerere ( mkristu) President
  2. 1st Vice President and Minister for Zanzibar Affairs: Abeid Karume (muislamu)
  3. 2nd Vice President and Minister of Defence and National Service: rashid Kawawa ( muislamu)
  4. Minister of State for Economic Planning, President's Office: Nsilo Swai ( Mkristu)
  5. Minister of Stae : Abdulrahman Babu ( muislamu)
  6. Minister of State : Amir Jamal ( Hindu)
  7. Minister of State: Aboud Jumbe (muislamu)
  8. Minister of State: Lawi Nangwanda Sijaona ( muislamu)
  9. Minister of State: Bhoke munanka ( mkristu)
  10. Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Animal husbandry: Said Maswanya (muislamu)
  11. Minister of Commerce and Cooperation: Jeremiah Kasambala (mkristu)
  12. Minister of Transport and Buildings: ( George Kahama)
  13. Minister of Finance.: Paul Bomani ( mkristu)
  14. Minister of Foreig n Affairs: Oscar Kambona (mkristu)
  15. Minister of Internal Affarirs: Job Lusinde ( mkristu)
  16. Minister of lands, Settlement and Water: Tewa Said Tewa
  17. Minister of industries and Mines: kassim Hanga (muislamu)
  18. Minister of Education: Solomomn Nkya Eliufoo (mkristu)
  19. Minister of Health: Dr. derek Bryceson ( mkristu)
  20. Minister of Labour: Michael Kamaliza (mkristu)
  21. minister of Development and Culture: Amir Abeid (muislamu)
  22. Minister of Housing and Local Government: Austin Shaba (mkristu)
  23. Minister of Law: Hassan Moyo
  24. Minister of Information and Tourism: idris Abdulwahid (muislamu
Huo ubaguzi wa kidini uko wapi? Kuna wakristu na waislamu pamoja na mhindu. Kuna mzungu na mhindi. Kuna mlemavu. Au mlitaka kabineti yote iwe ya waislamu ndio mngeridhika?

Mnawalaumu wakristu kwa kutokuwepo mahakama ya kadhi wakati Waziri wa sheria wa wakati ule alikuwa muislamu na hakuona haja ya kuanzisha mahakama hiyo!

Mtu ukitawaliwa na chuki dhidi ya sehemu ya jamii basi bila shaka mtaona mkono wake katika kila jambo. Hata pale ambapo kuna sababu nyingine zinazochangia udumavu wa hali yako wewe utamng'ang'ania mchawi mmoja maana ni rahisi kumlaumu mwengine kuliko kukubali mapugufu yako!

Napenda kutoa shukrani kwa godfrey mwakikagile na kitabu chake Nyerere: End of an Era ambako nimetoa mengi lakini tafsiri inabaki ya kwangu.

Amandla......
 
Nimekuwa nikiufuatilia mjadala bila kuchangia hoja tangu mwanzo hadi sasa.

Lazima nikiri mimi si bingwa wa historia ya uhuru wa Tanganyika bila shaka nimefyonza elimu kubwa sana naweza kusema bila kuuma uma maneno nimevutiwa sana na michango ya Ndugu FM,LG na mohamed Said.Tafadhali sana endelezeni mjadala kwa faida wanajamvi na watanzania kwa ujumla.

Mungu awabariki kwa kutumia muda na ujuzi/kipaji/uwezo wenu bila choyo.
 
Haki ipi ndugu yangu?....hata mimi muislam lakini sioni mapungufu yoyoye kikatiba katika haki zangu....wako Wakristu wengi tu amabao wamechangia mengi katika kuleta Uhuru na maendeleo ya nchi hii na hawamo katika hiyo historia uitakayo...sasa mbona huwataji?

Na ndicho hiki tunachpinga wengine. Kudai kuwa kuna institutionalised ubaguzi dhidi ya waislmu ni upotoshaji na uchochezi wa hali ya juu. Kuwaepo na baadhi ya wakristu au waislamu ambao ni wabuguzi hakumaanishi kuwa ni institutionalised. Mbona kuna baadhi ya watu wa makabila tuliyonayo wanatoa upendeleo kwa makabila yao? mbona kuna wanaume ambao wanapendelea zaidi wanaume wenzao; watu warefu wasiopenda wafupi; wahindi wasiopenda watu weusi na watu weusi wasiopenda wahindi n.k. Vitu hivi viko duniani kote lakini kudai kuwa ati kuna Catholic Christian Movement ambayo lengo lake kubwa ni kugandamiza waislamu ni uzandiki wa hali ya juu! Ni kama vile baadhi ya wakristu wanapoona mkono wa Iran katika kila mapungufu ya muislamu ( achilia mbali kuwa wengi wa waislamu ni wasunni na sio washia)! mawazo kama haya yanaweza kuangamiza utaifa tulioachiwa na hao waliotutangulia, waislamu, wakristu, wahindu, wasio na dini n.k. Ni hatari sana sana.

Amandla.......
 
Katika The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924 - 1968) The Untold Story of the Muslim Struggle Against British Colonialism in Tanganyika, [/I][/I]Minerva Press London 1998, niemandika hivi na hii ni tafasiri yake:


Siasa za kikoloni zilikuwa zikibadilika na kwa hivyo zilihitaji damu changa zenye mawazo na mbinu mpya ili kuongoza harakati za kudai uhuru wa Tanganyika. Serikali ya kikoloni ilikuwa kila kukicha inabadili mitindo, hila na mbinu za ukandamizaji ili kuendeleza utawala wake. Ukitazama mwelekeo wa siasa na mazingira ya wakati ule, uongozi wa wazee katika TAA, kwa hali yao na kutokana na mambo yaliyokuwa yakiwakabili, walikuwa hawana uwezo wa kukabiliana na changamoto ya ukoloni. Lakini pamoja na yote hayo, wazee hawakutaka kuachilia madaraka. Jambo hili lilizusha mvutano baina ya wazee na wanasiasa vijana waliosomeshwa na himaya ya Waingereza. Vijana hawa walikuwa akina Abdulwahid na Ally Sykes, Tewa Said Tewa, Stephen Mhando, Dossa Aziz, James Mkande, na wale madaktari wanne - Joseph Mutahangarwa, Luciano Tsere, Michael Lugazia, Vedasto Kyaruzi na wengineo. Haya yalikuwa ni mapambano baina ya kizazi kipya na kile cha kale.

Katika mvutano huu wa madaraka kwa upande wa vijana waliokuwa wakiinukia alikuwepo kijana wa Kidigo kutoka Tanga aliyesomea Makerere, Hamza Kibwana Mwapachu. Mwapachu alikuwa ameajiriwa na Idara ya Maendeleo ya Jamii kama 'Assistant Welfare' Officer (Msaidizi wa Ustawi wa Jamii), Ilala Welfare Centre mjini Dar es Salaam. Historia ya Mwapachu katika siasa inaanza Makerere College, Uganda ambako alijihusisha na mambo ya siasa wakati alipokuwa mwanafunzi. Mwaka wa 1947 Mwapachu akiwa Tabora alichaguliwa kuwa katibu wa African Association, Julius Nyerere akiwa naibu wake. Huu ulikuwa ndiyo wakati Wasomi wa Makerere walikuwa wameanza kujishughulisha na chama. Mwapachu na Abdulwahid walikuwa na usuhuba mkubwa. Mwaka wa1950 Mwapachu alikuwa na umri wa miaka thelathini na mbili na Abdulwahid alikuwa na umri wa miaka ishirini na sita, mdogo kwa Mwapachu kwa miaka sita. Vijana hawa wawili walikuja kugeuza mwelekeo wa TAA na wakaingiza ndani ya chama hicho aina mpya ya uongozi uliokuwa haujapata kuonekana katika historia ya Tanganyika. Lakini wote wawili walifariki dunia katika ujana wakiwa na umri wa miaka arobaini na nne tu. Na wote wawili wakaja kusahauliwa na historia. Hakuna kati yao ambaye hii leo jina lake linahusishwa na historia ya Tanganyika ingawa walikuwa karibu sana na Julius Nyerere.

Vijana wa Makerere walipokuwa wakifikiria jinsi ya kuleta mageuzi ya kisiasa nchini Tanganyika kupitia TAA, Abdulwahid alikuwa tayari amejijengea katika msingi wa siasa mjini Dar es Salaam. Wasomi wa Makerere walikuwa wanakuja Dar es Salaam, baadhi yao kwa mara ya kwanza, kuanza kazi serikalini katika taaluma mbali mbali. Wengi wao walikuwa Wakristo walioelimishwa na wamishionari. Vijana hawa walikuwa na hadhari sana kuhusu siasa. Walikuwa mbali na makwao na walikuwa ndiyo kwanza wanaanza maisha. Walikuwa na matarajio ya kufaidika kutoka serikali ya kikoloni kutokana na nafasi zao kama watumishi wa serikali. Juu ya hayo walitegemea vitu kama mkopo wa kununua magari na kupewa nyumba nzuri ya kuishi katika sehemu makhsusi Wazungu walizowatengea Waafrika kama hawa. Nyumba hizi zilikuwa bora kuliko zile za matope na makuti za wanyeji wengi. Kwa waliobahatika wangeweza kwenda Uingereza kwa mafunzo. Waliamini kwamba kujishughulisha na siasa ilikuwa sawa na kuipinga serikali na jambo hili lingehatarisha kazi zao. Wengi walihisi kuwa kuwa na mawazo ya kutaka kupambana na serikali ya kikoni ilikuwa ni jambo la hatari. Hawa walikuwa vijana wasomi wa Kikristo waliokuja Dar es Salaam kufanya kazi kisha wapate uhamisho wa kwenda sehemu nyingine. Walikuwa wamesomeshwa ili wawe watiifu kwa serikali na Kanisa. Hawa wasomi wa Makerere hawakutegemewa waje kuwa watu wasiokuwa na shukurani kiasi cha kuuma mkono uliokuwa ukiwalisha. Kwa watu kama hawa haikuwa rahisi kwao kuweza kuhisi ile dhuluma iliyokuwepo kutokana na ukoloni kiasi cha kutaka kuingia katika siasa na kuupiga vita utawala wa Waingereza nchiniTanganyika.

Abdulwahid alikuwa na kipaji cha kuongoza, alikuwa mtu wa kupendeka, mwenye tabia nzuri, mtu wa kuaminika na hakuwa mbinafsi. Kwa muda mfupi Abdulwahid aliwachota wasomi wa Makerere kwa fikra zake, wakamwamini na taratibu akawatumbukiza ndani ya siasa za Dar es Salaam. Abdulwahid alikuwa na uhusiano mzuri na Bohra Muslim Community wakati huo ikiwa chini ya uongozi wa Abdulkarim Karimjee ambaye alikuwa vilevile Meya wa Dar es Salaam. Karimjee alikuwa akifahamiana na Abdulwahid kwa miaka mingi. Katika miaka ya katikati ya 1930, Karimjee alikuwa mgeni wa heshima aktika sherehe za kufangua shule ya Al Jamiatul Islamiyya. Kijana aliyesoma hotuba ya makaribisho alikuwa Abdulwahid. Vilevile Abdulwahid alifahamiana na V. M. Nazerali wa Ismail Council na mjumbe wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria akiwakilisha wafanya biashara wa Kiasia. Hizi jumuiya mbili za Waislam zilikuwa na nguvu sana kiuchumi lakini hazikuwa na uwezo mkubwa katika ulingo wa siasa chini ya Waingereza. Lakini muhimu ni kuwa Waislam hawa ambao wazee wao walitokea India walikuwa na uhusiano mzuri na Waislam wazalendo na waliwasabilia Waafrika mali yao waitumie katika kuendeleza Uislam. Kinyume ilivyotarajiwa, mshikamano huu baina ya ndugu hawa, baada ya uhuru udugu huu ulionekana kuwa ni tishio dhidi ya kanisa. Kanisa lilihofu kuwa mali ilivyo mikononi mwa Waasia ikiwa itawekwa mikononi mwa Waislam hususa katika elimu na huduma nyingine za jamii, itashindana na wamishionari ambao chini ya ukoloni walihodhi ukiritimba katika nyanja hizo. Kanisa lilihofu jambo kama hili likitokea lingeathiri nguvu yao. Viongozi wawili wa Kiislamu, Chifu Abdallah Said Fundikira na Tewa Said Tewa ambao walijaribu kuwaunganisha Waislam weusi, Waismailia na Mabohora kwa kupitia East Africa Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) chini ya ulezi wa Agha Khan, hawakunusurika chini ya serikali ya Nyerere. Miaka mingi baadaye ndipo ilifichuliwa kuwa Kanisa la Katoliki liliutazama Uislamu na Ukomunisti kama maadui wakubwa wa Kanisa nchini Tanganyika. Ili kukabiliana na tisho hili, mpango maalum ilibidi utekelezwe kwa kuwatumia Wakristo serikalini kuwahujumu Waislam pamoja na viongozi wao. Tutaeleza huko mbele kwa undani mashaka yaliyokuja wasibu Waismailia na kiongozi wao Aga Khan baada ya uhuru kwa ajili ya Uislam.

Uhusiano wa Abdulwahid na jumuiya zote hizi na uongozi wake uliimarisha matumaini yake kuongoza na kuigeuza TAA kutoka chama cha siasa kilichojificha na kuwa chama cha siasa kilicho wazi katika malengo na madhumuni yake. Abdulwahid alikuwa kijana mashuhuri na alijulikana takriban na kila mtu Dar es Salaam. Ilikuwa kawaida akija mtu pale mjini kutoka bara alichukuliwa na wenyeji wake hadi nyumbani kwa Abdulwahid kwenda kujulishwa kwake na kwa njia hiyo ëkutolewa ukumbi.í Hapo alipewa mwelekeo wa siasa na kukaribishwa katika harakati. Huu ndiyo ule wakati vijana hawa walianzisha Wednesday Tea Club, kikundi cha vijana wasomi. Vijana hawa walikutana kila Jumatano jioni kujadili siasa huku wakinywa chai.
Nyumba ya Abdulwahid ilikuwa vilevile sehemu ya kukutania hawa vijana wasomi pamoja wa wake zao, kwa kula pamoja na kuburudika. Halikadhalika Abdulwahid alikuwa na uhusiano mzuri na machifu wengi wa Tanganyika. Machifu hao wakiwa Dar es Salaam kuhudhuria Baraza la Kutunga Sheria, Abdulwahid alichukua fursa hiyo kuwakaribisha nyumbani kwake kwa chakula cha mchana au usiku na wakati mwingine aliwafanyia dhifa. Baadhi yao walikuwa Chifu Haruna Msabila Lugusha wa Sikonge, Mtanganyika wa kwanza kufuzu kama bwana shamba, Chifu Thomas Marealle wa Marangu, kwa sababu Abdulwahid alizoea kumtania kwa kumwita Marealle ëKing Tomí. Waingereza walitaka Waafrika waamini kuwa ufalme ni wao pekee, Wazungu ndiyo walikuwa na mfalme, malkia, wana na mabinti wa mfalme. Waafrika wangeweza kuwa na machifu tu. Chifu David Kidaha Makwaia wa Shinyanga na wengine vilevilewaliweza kuwa wageni wa Abdulwahid nyumbani kwake.

Abdulwahid aliwakumbusha vijana wenzake kwamba hakuna kati yao aliyekuwa na wadhifa wowote katika TAA, ambapo mijadala yote iliyokuwa ikifanyika nyumbani kwake juu ya Tanganyika ilipostahili kufanyika. Abdulwahid, akikumbuka ahadi iliyowekwa mwaka 1945 kule Imphal nchini Burma ya kuunda chama cha siasa, mara nyingi sana alijadiliana na marafiki zake Mwapachu, Dossa Aziz na kakake mdogo wake Ally kuhusu kutekeleza ile azma ya kuunda chama cha siasa ambacho kingewajumuisha watu wote wa Tanganyika. Inasemekana Mwapachu na wengine wachache kama Stephen Mhando walikuwa na shauku sana na wazo hili lakini vijana wengi, hususan wale waliokuwa watumishi serikalini walikuwa na mashaka iliyojaa hofu kuhusu wazo hilo.

Ofisi ya Mwapachu pale Ilala ikawa kituo cha mijadala ya siasa nyakati za mchana. Jioni vikao hivyo vya majadiliano vilihamia Tanga Young Comrades Club. Hiki klikuwa kilabu maarufu cha kukutana, hasa kwa vijana maarufu na muhimu katika mji wa Dar es Salaam. Kilabu hiki kilikuwa New Street, Karibu na makao makuu ya TAA. Mijadala ya siasa nyumbani kwa Abdulwahid au katika ofisi ya Mwapachu Ilala au Tanga Club kidogo kidogo ikawa inaingia katika nadharia ya vile vijana wangeweza kuitoa TAA kutoka kwa wazee wale, ambao kwa hakika vijana waliwaona kama makapi ya utawala wa Kijerumaini. Wakati ule mwaka 1949, Mwalimu Thomas Plantan ndiye aliyekuwa rais wa TAA. Katibu wake alikuwa Clemet Mohammed Mtamila.

Si kwamba Tanganyika wakati ule ilikuwa na uhaba wa maswala ambayo yangeweza kuamsha mijadala ya siasa. Kulikuwa na mambo kadhaa ambayo kama yangetumiwa kwa ustadi na uongozi wa TAA, shida hizo zingeweza kuleta kwa watu hisia za manungíuniko na chuki dhidi ya serikali ya kikoloni. Unahitaji tu kuzipitia tahariri za Mashado Plantan katika gazeti la Zuhra ili kuweza kufahamu mambo yalivyokuwa nchini Tanganyika katika miaka ya 1950. Naye Mwalimu Thomas Plantan na damu yake ya Kizulu ya kupenda vita, baada ya kuwa yupo kwenye nchi yenye amani, aliielekeza banduki yake porini kuwinda wanyama. Hakuwa na muda kama rais wa TAA kushughulika na siasa. Uhodari wake katika kuwinda bado hadi leo unaweza kushuhudiwa nyumbani kwake Mtaa wa Masasi, Mission Quarters. Kuta za nyumbani kwake zimeshamiri mafuvu ya vichwa vya wanyama aliowaua huko porini. Kwa sabau alitumia wakati wake mwingi porini akiwinda, hakuwa na muda wa kuitisha mikutano au kushughulikia mambo ya TAA. Makao Makuu ya TAA mjini Dar es Salaam yalikuwa kama vile yamegubikwa na usingizi mzito. Barua kutoka matawini hazikuwa zikijibiwa. Baya zaidi, hakukuwepo na mawasiliano yoyote na Baraza la Udhamini la Umoja wa Mataifa, mjini New York ambalo ndilo lilikuwa likiitawala Tanganyika kama nchi ya udhamini. Hali ya wazee wa TAA ilikuwa na sura nyingi. Schneider alikuwa amekwishaonyesha chuki yake dhidi ya Waingereza na kwa ajili hiyo akawekwa kizuizini wakati wa Vita Vya Pili. Mashado Plantan alikuwa na gazeti lake Zuhra ambalo lilikuwa ndiyo sauti ya African Association. Lakini watu hawa walikuwa wazee na wamechoka. Hawakuwa na jipya katika siasa.

Walipochoshwa na uongozi huu wa wazee na walipoona hakuna lolote la maana liliokuwa siku moja wakati wa alasiri, Abdulwahid na Mwapachu bila ya kumshauri mtu yeyote wakitokea Tanga Club, New Street, na kuivamia ofisi ya TAA na kufanya mapinduzi kwa kumtoa msobe msobe Clement Mtamila ofisini kwake. Abdulwahid alikuwa bingwa wa ngumi wa Tanganyika na Kenya katika kikosi chake wakati wa vita. Hakupata tabu sana kumtoa nje ya ofisi Mtamila. Baada ya vurugu wazee walisalimu amri na wakaamua kuitisha uchaguzi makao makuu ya TAA. Mwezi Machi mwaka 1950, katika Ukumbi wa Arnatouglo, kijana wa Kihaya, Dr Vedasto Kyaruzi alichaguliwa kuwa rais na Abdulwahid Sykes katibu wake. Walipokichukua uongozi, TAA ilikuwa na shilingi themanini na saba pekee katika Barclays Bank. Huu ndiyo ulikuwa mwisho wa wazee, kuongoza TAA. Vilevile mwanzo wa uzalendo nchini Tanganyika.taifa.

Kuanzia siku ile, majina ya Abdulwahid na mdogo wake Ally na lile la Mwapachu yalianza kuhusishwa na makao makuu ya TAA na siasa zilizokuwa zikiibuka za uzalendo Tanganyika. Alikuwa sasa anajiondoa kutoka kivuli cha baba yake na kuwa mwanasiasa kutokana na mafanikio yake binafsi. Abduliwahid alikuwa anaendeleza ile sifa ya baba yake ya kuwa mtumishi wa umma na jamii yake. Taratibu aliaanza kujijengea himaya yake mwenyewe akisaidiana na 'wasomi wa Makerere'. Baadhi ya wanasiasa wakongwe wengine washirika wa marehemu baba yake kama Schneider, Mashado Plantan na Clement Mtamila walimuunga mkono yeye na Kyaruzi katika kuipa TAA uhai mpya.
 
Mnasema Nyere aliwatosa waislamu baada ya kupata uhuru. Hii hapa listi ya Kabineti ya kwanza ya Tanzania, mwaka 1964:

  1. Julius Nyerere ( mkristu) President
  2. 1st Vice President and Minister for Zanzibar Affairs: Abeid Karume (muislamu)
  3. 2nd Vice President and Minister of Defence and National Service: rashid Kawawa ( muislamu)
  4. Minister of State for Economic Planning, President's Office: Nsilo Swai ( Mkristu)
  5. Minister of Stae : Abdulrahman Babu ( muislamu)
  6. Minister of State : Amir Jamal ( Hindu)
  7. Minister of State: Aboud Jumbe (muislamu)
  8. Minister of State: Lawi Nangwanda Sijaona ( muislamu)
  9. Minister of State: Bhoke munanka ( mkristu)
  10. Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Animal husbandry: Said Maswanya (muislamu)
  11. Minister of Commerce and Cooperation: Jeremiah Kasambala (mkristu)
  12. Minister of Transport and Buildings: ( George Kahama)
  13. Minister of Finance.: Paul Bomani ( mkristu)
  14. Minister of Foreig n Affairs: Oscar Kambona (mkristu)
  15. Minister of Internal Affarirs: Job Lusinde ( mkristu)
  16. Minister of lands, Settlement and Water: Tewa Said Tewa
  17. Minister of industries and Mines: kassim Hanga (muislamu)
  18. Minister of Education: Solomomn Nkya Eliufoo (mkristu)
  19. Minister of Health: Dr. derek Bryceson ( mkristu)
  20. Minister of Labour: Michael Kamaliza (mkristu)
  21. minister of Development and Culture: Amir Abeid (muislamu)
  22. Minister of Housing and Local Government: Austin Shaba (mkristu)
  23. Minister of Law: Hassan Moyo
  24. Minister of Information and Tourism: idris Abdulwahid (muislamu
Huo ubaguzi wa kidini uko wapi? Kuna wakristu na waislamu pamoja na mhindu. Kuna mzungu na mhindi. Kuna mlemavu. Au mlitaka kabineti yote iwe ya waislamu ndio mngeridhika?

Mnawalaumu wakristu kwa kutokuwepo mahakama ya kadhi wakati Waziri wa sheria wa wakati ule alikuwa muislamu na hakuona haja ya kuanzisha mahakama hiyo!

Mtu ukitawaliwa na chuki dhidi ya sehemu ya jamii basi bila shaka mtaona mkono wake katika kila jambo. Hata pale ambapo kuna sababu nyingine zinazochangia udumavu wa hali yako wewe utamng'ang'ania mchawi mmoja maana ni rahisi kumlaumu mwengine kuliko kukubali mapugufu yako!

Napenda kutoa shukrani kwa godfrey mwakikagile na kitabu chake Nyerere: End of an Era ambako nimetoa mengi lakini tafsiri inabaki ya kwangu.

Amandla......

FM,
Corrections...Amir Jamal ni muisalamu wa Shi'ite(Shia) Ithnasheri sect...thanks
 
Ngongo: Ahsante kwa dua yako nami nasema Amin kwa sote. Alhamdulliah hapana shaka ikiwa mjadala ni hoja kwa hoja (hapana kejeli, ghadhabu, kukashifiana, lugha kali na matusi) nakuhakikishia starehe na Insha Allah nitawajuvya mengi ambayo hayapo katika historia rasmi kama ilivyoandikwa na CCM katika kitabu chao "Historia ya TANU 1954 - 1977" kilichoandikwa na Chuo cha Kivukoni na vingine vilivyoandikwa na Abdu Kandoro, Edward Barongo, Illife, na Kirilo na Seaton.
 
Hali ya hivi sasa ni kama hivi:

Betrayal of Ideals
On 5 th November, 1985, before he stepped down as president, Nyerere delivered an emotional speech to elders of Dar es Salaam. Most of them were former members of TANU-the townsman who supported Nyerere during the struggle for independence Nyerere acknowledged the role of Muslims in those difficult days. Nyerere told his audience that the imbalances between Muslims and Christians which his government had inherited from the British were rectified under his rule:

"And they (Muslims) gave us chance through our education policies, to correct the imbalances which we have done. I am now in the happy position of sometimes not knowing whether a new member of Parliament, a Minister, or a Principal Secretary in our government ministries, is a Muslim or a Christian or neither unless their first name happens to give it away. And even that is not a sure guide in Tanzania, for we have Christians with Muslim names, Muslims with Christian names. This religious tolerance and freedom is your creation; what I have done is to speak up for those values on your behalf."

The speech was a farce. The truth is that three decades after independence Muslim are not better off than they were under colonialism. Sivalon has revealed that the Church has been able to create its own lobby which controls 75% of the seats in the parliament. Among these seats 70% are held by Catholics and the rest are divided among Muslims and Christian denominations.
 
Taasisi nyingi za Kiislam zilishiriki katika kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika lakini kwa uchache wa nafasi na kwa kuongeza ladha ya majadiliano inabidi twende awamu baada ya awamu. Kwa sasa tusome hiki kisa cha Iddi Faizi Mafongo aliyekuwa Mweka Hazina wa Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tangnayika na TANU. Nina picha ya Iddi Faizi Mafongo akiwa na Nyerere, Sheikh Mohamed Ramia, Saadan Abdu Kandoro na Haruna Taratibu (wote ni marehemu) waliyopiga Dodoma Railway Station mwaka 1956 wakiwa katika harakati za kueneza TANU. Nimejaribu kuitundika ukumbini tustaladhi nayo nimeshindwa. Kwa sasa tumwangalie Iddi Faizi Mafongo yeye na nduguye Iddi Tosiri ndiyo waliomjulisha Nyerere kwa Sheikh Mohamed Ramia ambae (wao ni kaka yao) Khalifa wa Tariqa Quadiriyya, Bagamoyo. Hiyo Tariqa Quadiriyya ni moja ya taasisi kubwa za Kiislam hapa nchini hadi leo. Murid wa tariqa hiyo walikuwa ndiyo wanachama wa mwanzo wa TANU kote walipokuwa Waislam katika Tanganyika. Sasa na tumwangalie Iddi Faizi Mafongo na mchango wake katika kupigania uhuru wa Tangnayika:

TANU ilihitaji takriban shilingi elfu kumi na mbili kumwezesha Nyerere kusafiri kwenda Umoja wa Mataifa, New York. Kamati ya Abdu Kandoro, Japhet Kirilo na Abbas Sykes ilikuwa imekusanya kiasi cha fedha kutoka majimboni ambacho kilitumika katika ile safari ya Ally na Phombeah kwenda kwenye Pan African Congress mjini Lusaka. Kilichosalia hakikutosha kumpeleka Rais wa TANU, Nyerere Amerika. Ilibidi fedha za ziada zitafutwe kutoka kwa wananchi ili kumwezesha Nyerere kufanya safari hiyo. John Rupia alichangia zaidi ya theluthi moja ya fedha zilizotakikana. Wanachama wengine walichangia kwa uwezo wao wote lakini TANU katika siku zile ikiwa bado changa ilikuwa maskini, kiasi hicho kilikuwa bado kiko nje ya uwezo wake. Ikitambua ule upungufu wa fedha za safari ya Nyerere, Idd Faiz aliyekuwa Mweka Hazina wa Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika (Umoja wa Waislam wa Tanganyika) aliombwa na uongozi wa Al Jamiatul Islamiyya kutoa fedha katika mfuko wa Al Jamiatul Islamiyya na kuzitia katika hazina ya TANU kukiwezesha chama kumpeleka Nyerere New York. Idd Faiz Mafongo huyo huyo ndiye aliyekuwa Mweka Hazina wa TANU vilevile. Hata pamoja na fedha zile kutoka Al Jamiatul Islamiyya hizo hazikuweza kukidhi haja.

Al Jamiatul Islamiyya haikuwa na jingine isipokuwa kumuomba Idd Faiz asafiri kwenda Tanga na kupata fedha zaidi kutoka huko. Mwalimu Kihere alikuwa tayari amekusanya fedha hizo na alikuwa anasubiri tu zije zichukuliwe na kupelekwa makao makuu. TANU ilipata habari kwamba yeyote ambaye angeenda Tanga kuchukua fedha hizo kwa ajili ya safari ya Nyerere angekamatwa. Kabla ya kuondoka, Oscar Kambona, Katibu Mkuu wa TANU, na John Rupia, Makamo wa Rais wa TANU, walikwenda kuonana na Idd Faiz nyumbani kwake Ilala kumuaga, kumtakia safari njema na kumpa maelezo kwa ufupi. Safari ya kwenda Tanga haikuwa na tatizo lolote, lakini katika wakati wa kurudi basi ambalo Idd Faiz alikuwamo lilisimamishwa njiani Turiani na makachero. Idd Faiz alikamatwa, akavuliwa nguo na kupekuliwa, lakini hakukutwa na fedha. Hili lilimshangaza na kumchanganya yule afisa aliyemkamata kwa sababu walikuwa na taarifa kwamba Idd Faiz alikuwa amechukua fedha kutoka kwa Mwalimu Kihere kule Tanga. Idd Faiz aliwekwa chini ya ulinzi na kupelekwa Dar es Salaam kwa usaili zaidi wakati wote akiwa analindwa na askari wenye silaha. Baadaye Idd Faiz aliachiliwa huru. Zile fedha za TANU zilifika makao makuu ya TANU Dar es Salaam, salama salimini. Zilizokuwa zimepewa kubeba msichana mdogo aliykuwa abiria ndani ya basi lile alimokuwa Idd Faiz.
 
Ukienda na "Magnificient 17" tutajikosesha raha. Tutapata starehe kama tutaanza na Kleist Sykes na kundi lake la African Association 1929 kisha tuje Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika 1933. Vyama vyote hivyo Kleist alikuwa katibu muasisi na Mzee bin Sudi akiwa rais. Ni juhudi hizi za vyama hivi viwili ndivyo vilivyoifanya kazi ya marehemu Abduwahid Sykes iwe nyepesi sana katika kuunda TANU kati ya 1950 na 1954 na kuweza TANU kuzungumza Umoja wa Mataifa 1955 na kabla ya hapo kumpeleka Japhet Kirilo na Earl Seaton. (Abdulwahid na Seaton wana kisa kizuri sana katika historia ya TAA) Umoja wa Mataifa katika kesi ya Mgogoro wa Ardhi ya Wameru. Nataka nikuibieni siri wana ukumbi. Historia hii yote marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes aliiandika akisaidiana na Dr Klerruu lakini Nyerere hakuipenda. Nawaachieni wana ukumbi mtegue kitendawili hiki. Mswada wa wa historia hiyo uko mahali lakini haijulikani wapi na nani anao. Juhudi zangu kuutafuta hazikufua dafu ingawa nilidokezwa kuwa uliibiwa katika maktaba ya TANU/CCM.
 
Ukienda na "Magnificient 17" tutajikosesha raha. Tutapata starehe kama tutaanza na Kleist Sykes na kundi lake la African Association 1929 kisha tuje Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika 1933. Vyama vyote hivyo Kleist alikuwa katibu muasisi na Mzee bin Sudi akiwa rais. Ni juhudi hizi za vyama hivi viwili ndivyo vilivyoifanya kazi ya marehemu Abduwahid Sykes iwe nyepesi sana katika kuunda TANU kati ya 1950 na 1954 na kuweza TANU kuzungumza Umoja wa Mataifa 1955 na kabla ya hapo kumpeleka Japhet Kirilo na Earl Seaton. (Abdulwahid na Seaton wana kisa kizuri sana katika historia ya TAA) Umoja wa Mataifa katika kesi ya Mgogoro wa Ardhi ya Wameru. Nataka nikuibieni siri wana ukumbi. Historia hii yote marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes aliiandika akisaidiana na Dr Klerruu lakini Nyerere hakuipenda. Nawaachieni wana ukumbi mtegue kitendawili hiki. Mswada wa wa historia hiyo uko mahali lakini haijulikani wapi na nani anao. Juhudi zangu kuutafuta hazikufua dafu ingawa nilidokezwa kuwa uliibiwa katika maktaba ya TANU/CCM.

Hebu tufahamishe Al Jamaiatul Ismaiyya fi Tanganyika ilichangia vipi kuanzishwa kwa TANU. Na wakati huo huo, tueleze sababu zilizowapelekea wakina Kleist Sykes na Mzee bin Sudi kuanzisha vyama viwili tofauti na kwa nini waliona haja ya kuanzisha Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika. Oh, na mwisho, nini hatma ya Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika. Kwa nini hakisikiki na nani aliyekiuwa. Na kwa nini AMNUT haikufanikiwa!

Amandla......
 
Ukienda na "Magnificient 17" tutajikosesha raha. Tutapata starehe kama tutaanza na Kleist Sykes na kundi lake la African Association 1929 kisha tuje Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika 1933. Vyama vyote hivyo Kleist alikuwa katibu muasisi na Mzee bin Sudi akiwa rais. Ni juhudi hizi za vyama hivi viwili ndivyo vilivyoifanya kazi ya marehemu Abduwahid Sykes iwe nyepesi sana katika kuunda TANU kati ya 1950 na 1954 na kuweza TANU kuzungumza Umoja wa Mataifa 1955 na kabla ya hapo kumpeleka Japhet Kirilo na Earl Seaton. (Abdulwahid na Seaton wana kisa kizuri sana katika historia ya TAA) Umoja wa Mataifa katika kesi ya Mgogoro wa Ardhi ya Wameru. Nataka nikuibieni siri wana ukumbi. Historia hii yote marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes aliiandika akisaidiana na Dr Klerruu lakini Nyerere hakuipenda. Nawaachieni wana ukumbi mtegue kitendawili hiki. Mswada wa wa historia hiyo uko mahali lakini haijulikani wapi na nani anao. Juhudi zangu kuutafuta hazikufua dafu ingawa nilidokezwa kuwa uliibiwa katika maktaba ya TANU/CCM.

Hebu nijuvye na Mustafa Songambele na uhusiano wake na Rashid Kawawa katika kuingia TANU....maana hujawataja hawa waislamu
 
Ahsante kwa swali lako. Sasa hapa shhida iko moja. Nikikuambia soma kitabu huwa hupendi unataka nikueleze yote hapa na hilo ni jambo gumu kidogo. Kwa kawaida unapotaka kujua jambo na kitabu kipo njia rahisi ni kusoma. Kwa ufupi Al Jamiatul Islamiyya kama jina lake linavyoonyesha ilianzishwa kama umoja wa Waislam. African Association ilianzishwa kama umoja wa Waafrika. Al Jamiatul Isamiyya ilikujapigwa marufuku na Mwalimu Nyerere 1968 alipoanzisha BAKWATA. Kuhusu AMNUT hiki ni kisa kirefu kidogo lakini Insha Allah nitajaribu lau kwa uchache kukieleza.
 
Baadhi ya Waislam katika TANU walisikitishwa na mwenendo mpya wa TANU kama Nyerere alivyokuwa akikipeleka chama baada ya ushindi wa kura tatu mwaka 1958. Uhuru ukiwa unakaribia kulikuwa na hisia kuwa Nyerere alikuwa anataka kuingiza katika TANU Wakristo kuja kushika nyadhifa zitakazojitokeza katika Tanganyika huru. Hapa ndipo Sheikh Suleiman Takadir akamshambulia Nyerere na kuwaonya Waislam kuwa Nyerere atakuja wageuka uhuru ukishapatikana na atawafanyia Waislam uadui mkubwa. Hiki ni kisa mashuhuri sana ambacho kila kinapohadithiwa huwatoa machozi baadhi ya Waislam na kumrehemu Sheikh Takadir ambae ingawa wakati ule alionekana msaliti sasa Waislam wanamuitikadi kama kiongozi shujaa.

Mwaka 1959, Ramadhani Mashado Plantan, mhariri hodari wa gazeti la Zuhra wakati mmoja gazeti hili likiwa ndiyo sauti ya TANU na wananchi wa Tanganyika, pamoja na kikundi kidogo cha Waislam akiwemo Saleh Muhsin walijiuzulu kutoka TANU na kuunda chama chao cha upinzani, All Muslim National Union of Tanganyika (AMNUT). Wanachama wengine waasisi walikuwa Abdallah Mohammed ambaye alichaguliwa kuwa rais na Plantan akiwa katibu. Plantan alijitolea chumba kimoja nyumbani kwake Kirk Street, Gerezani kama ofisi ya kwanza ya AMNUT. Mara tu baada ya kuundwa kwa AMNUT, ulizuka mgogoro katika uongozi na ofisi hiyo ilibidi ihamishwe kutoka nyumbani kwa Plantan hadi Libya Street, eneo lenye Wahindi wengi katikati ya mji. Uongozi mpya ulikuja madarakani na katibu mpya Abduwahid Abdulkarim. Abduwahid Abdulkarim, kijana mwenye umri wa miaka 25 alichaguliwa kuchukua nafasi ya Plantan. Abdallah Mohamed alibakia na cheo chake kama rais. AMNUT haikuweza kumudu kodi ya nyumba katika eneo lile la matajiri wa Kihindi. AMNUT ikaihamisha ofisi yake na kwenda Kariakoo, Narungíombe Street, karibu na msikiti wa Sheikh Idris bin Saad.

Lengo kuu la AMNUT lilikuwa ni kulinda haki na maslahi ya Waislam ambayo ilikuwa ikihisi yalikuwa hatarini katika serikali iliyoshikiliwa na Wakristo. Abdulkarim alikwenda Tabora kujaribu kutafuta kuungwa mkono AMNUT lakini matokeo yalikuwa ya kukatisha tamaa. Abdulkarim alichagua Tabora kwa sababu ilikuwa mahali penye athari kubwa ya Uislamu. Hata hivyo Abdulkarim alifanikiwa kupokea mwaliko kutoka kwa Ali Muhsin Al Barwani kiongozi wa Zanzibar Nationality Party (ZNP) ahudhurie mkutano wa kamati kuu na awakilishe suala la AMNUT. Mkutano huu ulifanyika katika ofisi ya ZNP Darajani huko Zanzibar. Ali Muhsin alimwambia Abdulkarim kwamba ZNP haiwezi kujifungamanisha na tatizo la Uislam kwa sababu ZNP haikuwa inaamini kama Ukristo una uwezo wa kuhatarisha Uislam hasa ukichukulia kuwa Waislam ni wengi nchini Tanganyika. Waislam wa Tanganyika walikataa kuiunga mkono AMNUT wakihisi sera zake zilikuwa za kuwagawa watu kwa misingi ya dini. Kwa ajili hii basi AMNUT haikuwa na maslahi ya wananchi.

Lakini pigo kubwa kwa AMNUT lilikuja kutoka kwa masheikh wa Tanga. Masheikh na waalimu wa Qurían mjini Tanga walitia sahihi azimio la pamoja kuipinga AMNUT. Azimio hilo lilisema kuwa AMNUT ingezua janga. Masheikh walisisitiza kwamba wataiunga mkono TANU mpaka uhuru upatikane kwa sababu wana imani na malengo yake. AMNUT ikikabiliwa na mashambulio kama hayo kutoka tabaka ambayo ilidai inawakilisha maslahi yao, chama hicho hakikuweza kustawi. Haukupita muda mrefu AMNUT ikafa. Mwaka 1960, Plantan sasa akiwa nje ya AMNUT na siasa, alitoa kauli moja iliyokuwa kama anatoa buriani kuteremsha pazia na kuaga jukwaa la siasa. Plantan aliwaambia Waislam kwamba hata kwa miaka mia moja hawataweza kuwafikia Wakristo. Baada ya kauli hiii hakuna kilichosikika kuhusu Ramadhani Mashado Plantan. Aliishi miaka ya mwisho ya maisha yake hapo Gerezani, akitumia wakati wake baina ya nyumba yake na msikiti wa jirani ambao alikuwa akiufagia kuuweka safi akisubiri mauti yaje akasimame mbele ya haki.

Nyerere alikubali ukweli kuwa kulikuwa na upogo baina ya Waislam na Wakristo hususan katika elimu ambayo itawazuia Waislam kushika nafasi za uongozi katika serikali ya wananchi. Nyerere aliwaomba Waislam waweke matumaini yao kwa TANU ambayo itaanzisha mabadiliko ya lazima kuwainua Waislam kwenye nafasi za usawa pamoja na Wakristo mara tu uhuru utakapopatikana. Lakini hili, Nyerere aliwakumbusha Waislam mara kwa mara kuwa linaweza kufanyika tu kwenye Tanganyika huru na siyo chini ya utawala wa Kiingereza. Waislam katika TANU, kwa upande wao, waliamini kwamba ilikuwa kinyume kwao kuanzisha chama cha kisiasa chini ya maslahi ya kikundi kimoja kama ndiyo lengo la kudai uhuru. Hili, wengi waliamini, lingesaidia kuunda vikundi vingi na kusababisha mfarakano. Kwa kweli madai yaliyokuwa yakitolewa na AMNUT hayakuwa madai ambayo yangetolewa kwa TANU katika wakati ule.

Vita vya mwaka 1947 kati ya India na Pakistan vilivyosababisha kupoteza maisha ya watu wengi, vilikuwa bado vinakumbukwa na watu wengi. Chanzo cha ugomvi huo kilikuwa ushindani baina ya Waislam na Wahindu. Kabla ya mwaka 1947 India na Pakistan zilikuwa nchi moja chini ya ukoloni wa Mwingereza. Waislam na Wahindu walipigania uhuru pamoja na walifarakana mara tu ilipokuwa wazi kuwa Uingereza ingetoa uhuru kwa India. Watu wengi nchini Tanganyika walihofia kwamba kuruhusu fikra kama zile zilizotolewa na Sheikh Takadir kuota mizizi kulikuwa kukaribisha ile hali ya India na Pakistan Tanganyika. Nyerere alionya kuwa hakutaka hali kama ile ije kuisibu Tanganyika.

Mwaka 1960, Plantan sasa akiwa nje ya AMNUT na siasa, alitoa kauli moja iliyokuwa kama anatoa buriani kuteremsha pazia na kuaga jukwaa la siasa. Plantan aliwaambia Waislam kwamba hata kwa miaka mia moja hawataweza kuwafikia Wakristo. Baada ya kauli hiii hakuna kilichosikika kuhusu Ramadhani Mashado Plantan. Aliishi miaka ya mwisho ya maisha yake hapo Gerezani, akitumia wakati wake baina ya nyumba yake na msikiti wa jirani Mtaa wa Lindi (zamani Kirk Street) ambao alikuwa akiufagia kuuweka safi akisubiri mauti yaje akasimame mbele ya haki.
 
Ahsante kwa swali lako. Sasa hapa shhida iko moja. Nikikuambia soma kitabu huwa hupendi unataka nikueleze yote hapa na hilo ni jambo gumu kidogo. Kwa kawaida unapotaka kujua jambo na kitabu kipo njia rahisi ni kusoma. Kwa ufupi Al Jamiatul Islamiyya kama jina lake linavyoonyesha ilianzishwa kama umoja wa Waislam. African Association ilianzishwa kama umoja wa Waafrika. Al Jamiatul Isamiyya ilikujapigwa marufuku na Mwalimu Nyerere 1968 alipoanzisha BAKWATA. Kuhusu AMNUT hiki ni kisa kirefu kidogo lakini Insha Allah nitajaribu lau kwa uchache kukieleza.

Bado unanijibu nusu nusu. Maswali ya msingi yaliikuwa kwa nini waasisi wa vyama hivyo viwili waliamua kuvitenganisha? Wao, kama waliweka mbele uislamu ( kama ambavyo ungependa tuwaelewe) si wangeanzisha chama kimoja tu cha waislamu? Na kwa nini waliona kuna haja ya kuwa na chama cha kuwaunganisha waislamu?

Amandla........
 
Babu yangu Salum Abdallah alikuwa na rafiki yake Abdallah Simba huyu mzee alikuwa akiishi Songea na alikuwa akija Dar es Salaam nami nikimuona. Ninachojua ni kuwa alikuwa na ujamaa na Songambele na yeye akija pale nyumbani kila huyu mzee akija kutoka Songea. Zaidi ya kuwa alikuwa mmoja wa wanachama wa TANU sikupata mengi kuhusu yeye katika nyaraka nilizoona au katika maelezo ya harakati. Ama kuhusu Kawawa ningependa wanaukumbi wasome hii book review ya kitabu chake "Simba wa Vita" niliyoandika lakini hakuna mhariri akiyependa kuichapa. Naamini kuna mengi ambayo si wengi wanayafahamu:

For the first time the literary community in Tanzania witnessed the writing of a biography of one of the leading personalities in the history of Tanganyika - "Simba wa Vita Katika Historia ya Tanzania Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa" written by Dr. John M. J. Magotti. This is something to rejoice about because there are no books written on any leader in Tanzania with the exception of a book on Mwalimu Nyerere by W. R. Duggan, and J. R Civille, Tanzania and Nyerere, (Orbis Book, Maryknoll New York, 1976), Portrait of a Nationalist: The Life of Ali Migeyo, (East African Publishing House, 1969) by G. Mutahaba and The Life and Times of Abdulwahid Sykes (1924-1968), (Minerva Press, London, 1998) by Mohamed Said. Tanzania is literary barren and as one can note the books mentioned above are far and wide apart from each other. Tanzania is not like Kenya or Nigeria where book writing is nothing out of ordinary.

But what is surprising though is the fact that there was a book "Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa" written by Abeid Hassan Sakara which was published in 1991. What is strange about this book is that it was not distributed in the bookshops and it has remained so until now. We have not been informed on why the book was withheld. We can now only speculate why the book is off the shelf. That years later another book on Kawawa should again be written is a puzzle. At the launching of the second book on Kawawa this surprising duplication was not addressed to though it is not uncommon for several writers to attempt to write on the same subject. But in a country where people do not write or read this is surely something to wonder about.

Biographies and memoirs usually contain very interesting facts, inside information and anecdotes which gives an insight into the actual personalities of the subject and all who happen to appear in the book. Politicians are like actors on stage and one does not see their real personalities until when he sees them in real life without costumes and other paraphernalia of the stage. One can only see that hidden personality in the pages of a book. The private life and other information on these leaders remains buried in heaps of personal memories deep in their hearts for a long time and in their papers until when they decide to pick up a pen and put words onto paper.

One has only to read "In Search of Identity" by Anwar Sadat to realise how Sadat suffered as Vice President living under Gamal Abdul Nasser's shadow. Outside Egypt none had heard about Sadat. Nasser had charisma which Sadat never had. The same can be said about Kawawa under Nyerere. Nyerere had such a striking personality and massive intellectual ability which Kawawa never had and this made Kawawa always to play second fiddle and at times unquestionably undertake the dirty work for Nyerere. Mwalimu Nyerere is reported to have said that he was the one who made the wrong decisions and Kawawa took the blame. The failure in implementation of the Ujamaa and villagisation policy has always been heaped on Kawawa and he dutifully and silently accepted the blame. This is the kind of theme one would have expected to read in the book to hear and feel the trauma from Kawawa himself. Magotti has completely let his readers down on that. A book must have a central theme which one can not only identify but follow to the end of the book moving from one page to the next. This is the boundary or area of demarcation. A good writer does not take his readers in a goose chase wondering from one topic to the other and in so doing groping in the labyrinth and maze of nothing wondering what it is all about.

When one finishes reading a book well written one can not resist but to go back to certain pages to read them over again and again. One may have known such stories and happenings in the life history of the subject but then the sources would have probably been gossip or mere hearsay. For instance in Kaggia's book it is interesting to read Kaggia's narration on his strained relations with Kenyatta soon after independence or in Sadat's book to read how Sadat during the Yom Kippur War in 1973 stopped Egypt's tanks to advance forward in Sinai leaving Hafidh Al Assad of Syria isolated to face Israel without Egypt's support. The reader is informed that the United States government was working furiously behind the scenes to prevent Israel from defeat. Such unknown information is what makes a book. A good writer does not write to tell his readers what they already know. While the title of Kawawa's book signifies war, battles and combat not in a single page can one read about military manoeuvres or confrontation or armed conflict not against the Portuguese during the struggle for liberation of Mozambique or during the Uganda War despite the fact that all those happenings took place while Kawawa was Minister of Defence. Kawawa's book by Magotti reads like a long CCM report – drab, dry and uninteresting.

It is not that Kawawa had nothing to tell. It is not that Kawawa's life history is one long uninteresting political career. Kawawa participated in the struggle for Tanganyika's independence as a trade unionist. Kawawa served under Mwalimu Nyerere for many years, one of the most able, charismatic and authoritarian leader Africa has known. Surely there must have been a lot of interesting stories to tell, of intrigues, trading of favours, shifting alliances, changing horses mid stream common in the murky game of politics. Kawawa was there when Nyerere defeated his opponents and enemies one by one playing his cards close to his chest putting them on the table just about the right time. Kawawa knew these people first hand some of them have passed on and some are still living. There is a lot of material which Kawawa if probed could have provided information to make his book interesting. The book carries nothing on relationship between Kawawa and Nyerere though the grapevine has reported that there were times the two did not speak to each other for days.

I do not know Mzee Kawawa well to the extent that I can pick up a pen and write about him. I can only comment on the book on him from notes and audio cassette I made when I was researching on the life of the late Abdulwahid Sykes. During that research I managed to get the mood and feeling of the times going through the papers in the custody of the Sykes family. Ally Sykes gave me a heap of old files and loose documents others dating back to 1950s. He told me to read those files and then after finishing we can sit down for interviews. This is how I met Kawawa. In one of the files I came across a hand written letter from Bukoba which Kawawa wrote to Ally Sykes in 1952. There were also other correspondences by Kawawa dating 1951. These documents have very interesting information. I wish to share this information with readers. Ally Sykes told me on tape reminiscing of the times he was working with Kawawa in the colonial civil service:

In 1951 I was elected General Secretary of TAGSA (Tanganyika African Government Servants Association). The association was formed in 1927 with the objective of promoting understanding between Her Majesty's Government and us African Servants. Thomas Marealle was president and Rashid Kawawa was committee member. The constitution of TAGSA provided for annual elections, and I was returned to office as secretary four times until October, 1954 when I had to resign after being transferred to Korogwe as punishment for being among the seventeen TANU founder members. The presidency always changed hands and Stephen Mhando and Dr. Wilbard Mwanjisi were at various times elected presidents. Among active members of TAGSA were Dr Michael Lugazia and Rashid Kawawa who was elected secretary to replace me. That experience put Kawawa in a good position for he was later elected to the post of General Secretary of Tanganyika Federation of Labour (TFL).

In August, 1951, when the United Nations Visiting Mission came to Tanganyika for the third time, both TAA and TAGSA submitted memoranda to the Mission. TAGSA submitted a memorandum to the Mission picking issue with the classification of the civil service according to race and fixing salaries accordingly. There was discrimination not only in recruitment policies but also in remunerations. No matter how qualified an African was his salary would be lower than that given to a European or Asian, even if they were employed at the same post. A European stenographer was paid more than an African graduate from Makerere College. TAGSA also petitioned against recruitment of Asian clerks from India since there were Africans in East Africa and Nyasaland who could easily fill those posts.

The two organisations submitted memoranda to the Visiting Mission on the basis that Britain was administering Tanganyika under articles 76 and 77 of the United Nations Charter established to promote political, economic and social advancement of the mandate territories. The trusteeship system under which Britain administered Tanganyika required it to encourage respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as for race, sex, language or religion. But Britain was flouting these articles shamelessly. TAGSA submitted a petition to the Visiting Mission to draw the attention of the United Nations to the problems of colonialism in Tanganyika.

The letter incensed the Chief Secretary and a few days later I received a letter from the government which was full of veiled threats, contempt, ridicule and intimidation. The conflict between TAGSA and the government was not to end there. In his inaugural speech to TAGSA members upon his election as president, Dr. Mwanjisi attacked the British and called them ‘uncivilised', emphasising in his speech the fact that human intelligence has nothing to do with race or skin pigmentation; and that all human beings were born equal and therefore subject to the same limitations. Dr. Mwanjisi called upon the government to allow civil servants to take part in politics. Dr Mwanjisi had touched a raw nerve by addressing himself to interracial problems facing Africans in Tanganyika. Committee member Kawawa wrote to me alerting me not to publish Dr. Mwanjisi's speech in the TAGSA journal without the approval of the executive committee.

Following these exchanges between TAGSA and the government, Dr. Mwanjisi, like Dr Kyaruzi before him, was transferred from Sewa Haji hospital in Dar es Salaam to Kingolwira Prison Hospital near Morogoro. Kawawa was transferred to Bukoba and I was transferred to Mtwara. The transfers of TAGSA leadership were a punishment for challenging the government. Dr. Mwanjisi and Kawawa accepted their transfers and left Dar es Salaam. I refused the transfer and remained behind to face the wrath of the government.

I must apologise for such a long quotation but I think it is necessary to quote Ally Sykes in full so that the reader gets a glimpse of state of politics in those days of nationalist and labour politics of which Kawawa occupied centre stage.

It is strange that Kawawa's book does not have references to his personal papers which are not only important to Kawawa's life history but to the history of Tanganyika as well. Magotti did not even interview Kawawa's contemporaries still living like Ally Sykes and Victor Mkello a fellow trade unionist now on his death bed. This was Magotti's greatest omission. Had he done that he would have come across Kawawa's other contemporaries and names of other patriots who Kawawa had worked with in TAGSA like Dr. Wilbard Mwanjisi, Dr. Michael Lugazia, Dr Kyaruzi and others. Kawawa's contemporaries are aware of the conflict and hatred between Dr. Mwanjisi and Nyerere which lasted many years forcing Dr. Mwanjisi to run away from Tanzania to seek employment in Kenya.

Dr Mwanjisii was a person known to both Nyerere and Kawawa. Efforts to mediate between the two did not bear any fruits. What was the reason for that conflict was it a case of personality clash or what? On the basis of these personalities he would have probed Kawawa to talk about them and it is obvious each name would have a story waiting to be told. This would have added flavour to the book. For instance Dr. Lugazia was an active member of TAA during that time when the association was drafting the TANU constitution. Hailing from Bukoba he wanted Bukoba to be one of the provinces represented at the TANU founding meeting in July 1954 but unfortunately Ali Migeyo who was the most active leader in the Lake Region was in prison and as a result of this TAA in Bukoba lost momentum. The story of Ali Migeyo is among the sad chapters in the history of Tanganyika's independence struggle. Migeyo who was a leading voice in the Lake Region was imprisoned by the colonial government for mobilizing the people against British colonialism. After independence Migeyo was detained by Nyerere's government for his political activities. It would have been very interesting to hear from Kawawa why Nyerere took the decision to imprison a fellow patriot and one of the leading figures who spearheaded the struggle for Tanganyika's independence. On the same breath it would have been interesting to know how he felt when in 1964 leaders in the trade union movement, patriots like Victor Mkello, Paul Pamba, Abdallah Mwamba, Hassan Khupe, Salum Abdallah and many others who he had worked with during the struggle for independence were detained and while in detention the government outlawed the trade unions they were leading and formed a new organisation NUTA lead by handpicked personalities within the TANU echelons.

There is an interesting in passing in which the book portrays Kawawa as a government servant working in the Mau Mau camps set up by the colonial government to detain Kenyans suspected of being Mau Mau living in Tanganyika. These camps were opened up soon after the declaration of emergence in Kenya when Kenyatta and other patriots the famous Kapenguria Six - Bildad Kaggia, Jomo Kenyatta, Kun'gu Karumba, Achieng Oneko, Paul Ngei and Fred Kubai were arrested. Among the Mau Mau detainees at Handeni Camp where Kawawa was working were two TANU members although they were Kenyans. These were Dome Okochi Budohi and Patrick Aoko. Budohi's TANU card was no. 6. Budohi and Aoko were arrested in 1955 soon after the formation of TANU. They were detained at the Central Police Station in Dar es Salaam and interrogated for six months. The two were kept in chains. Kawawa if propped could have talked about these Kenyan patriots who struggled for Tanganyika's independence and about his experiences with them in the Mau Mau camps and what became of them when both Kenya and Tanganyika were liberated from the British.

Budohi and Kawawa were both entertainers of their time, the cool, elegant young men of Dar es Salaam of 1950s. Budohi was a talented musician playing with the Skylarks Band and Kawawa was an actor. The band was very popular at that time as it was the only band which played popular western style music such as jazz, waltz, and the like. The band later changed its name to the Blackbirds and the band was a regular feature in the local radio station "Sauti ya Dar es Salaam when broadcasting began in Tanganyika in 1951. Kawawa like all other young men in Dar es Salaam was a regular patron when The Blackbirds played at Arnatouglo Hall during week ends. Budohi and Kawawa therefore knew each other very well. The two had acted together in a movie "Wageni Wema" let alone that both were budding young politicians. Kawawa surely must be having a lot of fond memories of those days long gone.

The times when Kawawa was acting in mid 1950s was the time which the British after World War Two had embarked on opening certain avenues to Africans particularly in music and other entertainment activities like broadcasting and film making. This was the time when an Englishman by the name of Hugh Tracey from Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) was making rounds in the colonies and in his travels he was recording African music. Tracey discovered Mwenda Jean Bosco from Belgian Congo (now DRC) and George Sibanda from Southern Rhodesia and recorded their music which came to be very popular in East Africa during the 1950s and early 1960s. This music was played in radio stations in British African colonies like Sierra Leone, Ghana and Nigeria.

George Sibanda acted in a movie which the theme is very similar to the one which Kawawa acted in "Muhogo Mchungu." The music in that movie was from the songs and guitar played by Sibanda and flute played by the legendary Spokes Mashiane the King of Kwela from Johannesburg, South Africa. This was the time when Peter Colmore discovered Frank Humplink in Moshi and recorded his music in Nairobi. One of Humplink's songs came to be TANU's clarion and was banned by the colonial government and had young Humplink arrested only to be released when Chief Thomas Marealle of the Chagga intervened with the British. It was the times when music played by Africans mingled with politics to the chagrin of colonialists. These are the stories of the times which Kawawa not only witnessed but was also a key player. This was not reflected in Magotti's book.

Some of the music, films, photographs and documents of those times are in the custody of the estate of the late Peter Colmore at his Muthaiga residence in Nairobi other documents and photographs are in the custody of Ally Sykes in Dar es Salaam. The movies which Kawawa made with the help of a South African company were in the custody of the Audio Visual Institute but for lack of proper facilities of film stowing the films have been damaged beyond repair. They cannot be put on a projector. This withstanding copies of the film must be in existence in some film libraries in South Africa were the films were processed and some copies must be lying somewhere in Britain.

The door is still open for researchers to enter and write about the life history of Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa because his biography is yet to be written. But I congratulate the author for writing this book because it is from this book that I derived the strength to write the little that I know on the times of Mzee Kawawa. Surely Kawawa has beaten all of them in Tanzania he has two books on his life but again his is a tale of two books and the book that never was.
 
Mohamed Said,


..African Affairs wameandika upande mwingine wa shillingi kuhusu sakata iliyopelekea Raisi Mwinyi kuunda Tume iliyomchunguza Prof.Kighoma Malima.


..binafsi nadhani ni makosa kudai kwamba matatizo yote ya Prof.Kighoma Malima yanatokana na hujuma za "Christian Lobby."


..kwa faida ya wasomaji, makala ya Tanzanian Affairs nimeiambatanisha hapa.



Tanzanian Affairs said:
The week before this issue went to press was a period of high drama in Dar es Salaam. Tanzanians were reeling from revelations produced earlier which had indicated the massive scale of tax avoidance which had been occurring in the country – it apparently amounted last year to about a quarter of the whole estimated annual revenue of the nation.


There had been some indication of trouble ahead in January 1994 when the Minister of Finance had had to introduce a drastic mini-budget to cover a serious shortfall in revenue collection. But people had to wait until November to be told the true extent of the losses to the national exchequer.

“I AM ORDERING A FULL INVESTIGATTON” – MWINYI
“Effective today I am ordering a full investigation into the rampant tax evasion that is taking place in this country – It has been brought to my notice that import tax and duty collection reveal a major loss of tax revenue both through fraudulent illegal practices and administrative leakages” – so began the official statement from President Ali Hassan Mwinyi.


He went on to explain that early in 1994 the government had contracted the services of two foreign pre-shipment agencies to assess and help collect import taxes in addition to their task of pre-shipment inspection. The information that the companies had provided indicated that the level of lost revenues for the past financial year was about TShs 70 billion which is almost a quarter of the total estimated tax revenue of TShs 292 billion.


The president went on: “I have ordered the Controller and Auditor General to immediately proceed with verifying the available data on importers and to carry out a complete audit of the bonded warehouses. The Attorney General will lead a full investigation into each case to determine whether a violation of the law has taken place and to prosecute offenders”.


“I want to make it absolutely clear that there will be no negotiation of the taxes to be paid he said. “Whatever the Controller and Auditor General verifies as the rightful tax will have to be paid in full. These actions will be conducted within the next three months. Government action will not stop there. There is evidence to suggest that there are illegal importers who completely evade the existing tax system. The channels used by these people are the transit routes, where goods declared to be heading to neighbouring countries are diverted en route and sold in the Tanzanian market without payment of taxes”.


The Societe General de Surveillance is understood to have handled 2,000 tax exemptions between January and October and in a 56-page report to the President had named prominent businessmen, companies, public institutions and civil servants who had not paid the required taxes.


The confusing signals earlier this year from Finance Minister Kighoma Malima on discretionary tax exemptions for new investors, which had damaged investor confidence and had had to be corrected later by the President, were also referred to in President Mwinyi’s latest statement. “There is evidence to suggest that there is significant abuse of the Investment Promotion Centre exemptions. Treasury discretionary exemptions need to be sharply curtailed. The abuses hurt the legitimate business community which is investing in this country and the abusers must be caught and prosecuted. No exemption will be effective in future unless it is gazetted and published in a newspaper”.


A few days later the first actions were reported. 18 containers destined for a company building three safari lodges were seized pending clarification from the company of the amount of tax exempt goods it had imported under investment promotion concessions. The containers were said to include enough carpets to cover ten football pitches – far more than needed for the three lodges.


Some businessmen claimed that it was necessary to evade tax because the rates were so high – up to 170% in some cases. The local press began to publish details of some of the other transactions likely to be investigated. Some companies had imported tax exempt oil for soap manufacture (under provisions for tax exemption for raw materials) but the quantities were so large that much of it had been tinned and sold as edible cooking oil. Another company had been allowed to import 20 tax exempt vehicles but instead of doing so it had imported thousands of new tyres which represented its main business. A vessel was said to be plying between Hong Kong and Zanzibar, offloading goods in Zanzibar which then found their way to the mainland.


To add to the general concern, on November 17th the Controller and Auditor General presented his 511-page report for 1992/93 which contained more bad news. TShs 418 million in cash and property had been embezzled and TShs 11.6 million of payments suspected to be dubious had been made. This compared with total losses of TShs 226 million in 1991/92.
 
Mohamed Said,


..African Affairs wameandika upande mwingine wa shillingi kuhusu sakata iliyopelekea Raisi Mwinyi kuunda Tume iliyomchunguza Prof.Kighoma Malima.


..binafsi nadhani ni makosa kudai kwamba matatizo yote ya Prof.Kighoma Malima yanatokana na hujuma za "Christian Lobby."


..kwa faida ya wasomaji, makala ya Tanzanian Affairs nimeiambatanisha hapa.

"Some businessmen claimed that it was necessary to evade tax because the rates were so high – up to 170% in some cases. The local press began to publish details of some of the other transactions likely to be investigated. Some companies had imported tax exempt oil for soap manufacture (under provisions for tax exemption for raw materials) but the quantities were so large that much of it had been tinned and sold as edible cooking oil. Another company had been allowed to import 20 tax exempt vehicles but instead of doing so it had imported thousands of new tyres which represented its main business. A vessel was said to be plying between Hong Kong and Zanzibar, offloading goods in Zanzibar which then found their way to the mainland.


To add to the general concern, on November 17th the Controller and Auditor General presented his 511-page report for 1992/93 which contained more bad news. TShs 418 million in cash and property had been embezzled and TShs 11.6 million of payments suspected to be dubious had been made. This compared with total losses of TShs 226 million in 1991/92."


Politicians were "paid" handsomely to facilitate the tax evasion.
Mtu akiwa msomi wa level ya Phd hafanyi mambo yake kihuni huni tu bila kuwa na malengo.
Hata Mwalimu alilalamika sana na hujuma uliyofanyika katika moja ya hotuba zake inayorudiwa rudiwa sana.
Hiyo bulungutu waliyolipwa hao politicians ilipokwa kutoka akaunti zao huko ulaya, na ndio mwanzo wa mfadhaiko, pressure na hatimaye kifo cha mwanasiasa maarufu huko majuu!!
 
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