Unless the international community acts soon, the ruling CCM will steal the October elections. Zanzibar will descend into crisis

[jmushi1]

For generations, Tanzania has been a beacon of peace and stability in a region characterised by civil unrest. It has stood out as a wise kid among more restless neighbours.

In 1979, for instance, the town of Moshi hosted critical Ugandan talks that led to elections in 1980. In 1993 and then 2000, Arusha was the site of peace negotiations that led to momentous accords in Rwanda and Burundi respectively. More recently, former Tanzanian presidents Jakaya Kikwete and Benjamin Mkapa have taken leading roles in mediation efforts around the continent. In fact, there are barely any countries nearby in which Tanzania has not played a vital part in resolving conflicts.

It is all the more alarming therefore that it is now Tanzania itself that is on the brink of crisis.

This potential is at its most severe in the semi-autonomous Zanzibar. In Tanzania’s general elections in October 2015, initial results suggested the opposition Civic United Front (CUF) had won on the island when the electoral commission – under pressure from the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) – suddenly annulled the process. The opposition claimed that alleged concerns over irregularities were fabricated and boycotted the re-run of the vote in 2016. The CCM candidate therefore won easily with 91.4% and presided over the island ever since, protected by state security forces.

With elections scheduled for October 2020, Zanzibar could erupt. Zanzibaris are known for resisting oppression and will not stand by if they believe their votes are being stolen again. This could lead to a security crackdown and spiralling unrest. It is therefore deeply worrying that the government is already trying to prevent voters on the island from registering and harassing opposition leaders in an attempt to tilt the playing field.

In November 2019, the ruling CCM deployed a range of tactics to subvert civic elections. Among other things, it blocked 96% of the opposition parties’ candidates from contesting seats, leaving it to win 99.77% of the votes according to the official results.

The government is ready to repeat these tactics and more. Its manipulation of the whole civic election process was the culmination of four years of oppressive policies in which it rode roughshod over political and civil rights. Its success in doing so – combined with opposition leaders’ failure to mount effective protests in response – will have emboldened it to do it all again in October 2020, unless they are stopped.

 

[jmushi1]

Silencing scrutiny
Since coming to office in 2015, President John Magufuli and the ruling party have embarked on a full-blown assault against any dissenters.

Its attack on the opposition began in 2016 when the president banned political rallies and meetings, arguing that the country’s focus should be on implementing the CCM manifesto. Since then, opposition politicians have faced unprecedented harassment. Two dozen have been jailed or are facing court cases (including myself), while the whole top leadership of the main opposition party Chadema is currently defending itself in court against charges of sedition.

Outspoken politicians have also been met by force. The vocal opposition figure Tundu Lissu is still in exile in Belgium after he was shot in broad daylight as he left parliament in September 2017. Meanwhile, several other politicians and activists have been temporarily abducted in the past few years, such as Mdude Nyagaliand my former personal assistant Raphael Ongangi. The police have also raided opposition gatherings and used arrests to break up public meetings.

Since 2015, the government has taken a similar approach to the media and freedom of expression by passing laws such as the Cybercrimes Act, Media Services Act and the Statistics Act. The clear intent of these repressive measures has been to criminalise dissent and make any form of criticism dangerous. At the same time, several journalists and activists have disappeared, faced harassment or been detained on trumped up charges. Erick Kabendera, a journalist for African Arguments and others, was arrested in July 2019 and eventually charged with money laundering, tax evasion and organised crime, offences which mean he cannot be granted bail.

Under these circumstances, the Tanzanian media has come to avoid coverage that goes against the government’s wishes, both through direct state pressure and self-censorship. Among other things, several opposition and civil society figures have become untouchables in the press, further eroding their ability to hold the government to account.

This lack of scrutiny has allowed the government’s actions to go unchallenged, not least in terms of the economy. Under President Magufuli, growth and foreign direct investment have slowed while poverty and debt have deepened. Much of Tanzania’s business community today lives in fear of government extortion through the threat of abduction, arrest on unbailable charges, or other forms of harassment. Meanwhile, the government itself has reportedly withheld up to $1.2 billion in VAT returns from manufacturers and exporters, leading many to suffer cash flow crises.

 

[jmushi1]

Time for external support
The last four years under President Magufuli have been hard on Tanzanians, but despite these challenges, they are not giving up. Citizens and civil society organisations are getting prepared to resist further state oppression, while opposition parties are working together to develop a common front. It will not be easy but the people are ready.

Even all this, however, will not be enough. Without the international community, our efforts will be rendered meaningless.

For too long, regional, continental and international partners have sat on their hands as they have watched a tragedy of despotism and abuse unfold. They have done little as Tanzania has moved to the brink of a crisis that could plunge east and central Africa into chaos. It is now time for them to act. With elections now just months away, it is critical that they apply the necessary pressure on the government to ensure the process is free and fair. They must stand up for Tanzanians so they can choose their own future without fear and avoid being forced into a one-party state against their choosing.

The only solution to Zanzibar’s recurring political crisis, which threatens to boil over, is a credible electoral process. The same is true of the mainland. In fact, for the good of not just Tanzania but the wider region and beyond, it is imperative that international partners support the people in ensuring their voices and votes count in October 2020.

 

[Uda]

Wambea wa kizungu

 

[mmh]

Mmeshaanza uchawi, kuwaita mabwana zenu aka mabeberu. Ya kwao yanawashinda wataweza yenu

 

[jmushi1]

Tanzania’s human rights record continued to deteriorate under President John Magufuli, who was elected into office in 2015. The government lifted some restrictions on the publication of independent statistics, but continued to restrict media and critics of the government, deregister civil society groups, arrest journalists, restrict civic space, and undermine the rights of women and of children.
World Report 2020: Rights Trends in Tanzania

 

[jmushi1]

Freedom of Expression and Media Freedoms


The Tanzanian government cracked down on media and civil society groups and individuals critical of the government. In February, the Ministry of Information, Culture, Arts and Sports suspended The Citizen newspaper for seven days for violating the Media Services Act, accusing the newspaper of publishing two biased articles. One was about United States lawmaker Bob Menendez raising concerns about “the gradual downward spiral of respect for civil liberties in Tanzania,” and another reported that the Tanzania shilling was falling against the US dollar.



On April 25, authorities at the Julius Nyerere International Airport in Dar es Salaam detained and eventually deported Wairagala Wakabi, director of the Ugandan-based Collaboration on International ICT Policy in East and Southern Africa (CIPESA), as he was on his way to receive a human rights award.



On July 29, 2019, six plainclothes policemen arrested high-profile investigative journalist Erick Kabendera at his home in Dar es Salaam. He was later charged with non-bailable offenses related to money laundering, tax evasion, and leading organized crime. Kabendera had written for several international publications critiquing Tanzanian politics, including The East African, The Guardian and The Times of London.

 

[fisi 2]

Unatuandikia kiingereza umetusomesha wewe?! Nyambafuuu

 

[jmushi1]

On August 22, police detained Joseph Gandye, a journalist with Watetezi TV, in Dar es Salaamfollowing a police summons. Gandye, had published an investigative piece on police brutality in Mafinga in Iringa in central Tanzania on August 9. On August 23, police released Gandye without having charged him.



In 2018, parliament passed the Electronic and Postal Communications (Online Content Regulations) giving the Tanzania Communications Regulatory Authority (TCRA) wide discretionary powers to license blogs, websites, and other online content. In January, the High Court in Mtwara quashed an application by the civil society organizations Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC), trustees of the Media Council of Tanzania, and the Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition, challenging the regulations.



At the close of 2018, Bob Chacha Wangwe appealed his 2017 conviction for publication of false information under the Cybercrimes Act for critiquing on Facebook the conduct of elections in Zanzibar in 2015. A Dar es Salaam court sentenced him to 18 months’ imprisonment or a fine of 5 million Tanzania shillings (US$2,175). In March, the High Court of Tanzania in Dar es Salaam upheld Bob Chacha Wangwe’s appealagainst his conviction, citing lack of evidence.

 

[jmushi1]

Unatuandikia kiingereza umetusomesha wewe?! Nyambafuuu

Legislative Reforms


In June, parliament amended the Statistics Act of 2015, which previously made it a crime to publish statistics not approved by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). The amended law removed the criminal offense of publishing independent statistical information and provided that every person has a right to collect and disseminate such information, including those different from the NBS’s.



In March, the East African Court of Justice held that the Media Services Act of 2016 violated protocols of the EAC treaty and called on the Tanzanian government to amend it to be in line with the treaty. Following this, the government expressed willingness to have a dialogue with media sector stakeholders on media laws but had not amended the law.

 

[mmh]

Wanachekesha sana hawa wauza ndumu, wazungu ndo kwanza wanaipandisha Tz rank za maendeleo hivi unategemea pompeo anasikiliza hizo drama!

 

[jmushi1]

Mmeshaanza uchawi, kuwaita mabwana zenu aka mabeberu. Ya kwao yanawashinda wataweza yenu

Government Opponents and Other Critics


The government has continued to restrict the political opposition. In January, Parliament passed amendments to the 2002 Political Parties Act, which granted broad powers to the Registrar of Political Parties to demand information from political parties, to suspend individual members of political parties, and required institutions or individuals to get approval from the Registrar to conduct civic education, or face criminal sanctions including imprisonment or fines.



Nine leaders of the main opposition party, Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema), are currently facing charges for sedition, incitement to violence, and holding an “illegal rally” in February 2018. On March 7, the High Court ordered that Chadema politicians Freeman Mbowe and Esther Matiko, who had been jailed since November 23, 2018, for failing to appear for a court hearing, be released and have their bail reinstated.



In May, armed men abducted Mdude Nyagali, a high-profile dissident and opposition activist, as he left work in Mbozi in western Tanzania on the evening of May 5, according to a statement from Chadema party. Nyagali was found on May 9, at Inyala, about 150 kilometers away from Mbozi, seriously injured and unable to speak. You

 

[jmushi1]

Wanachekesha sana hawa wauza ndumu, wazungu ndo kwanza wanaipandisha Tz rank za maendeleo hivi unategemea pompeo anasikiliza hizo drama!

Key international actors


The East African Court of Justice remains an instrumental institution on human rights in Tanzania, making key legal decisions on the treatment of individuals as well as the running of institutions.



In November 2018, the World Bank withheld $300 million (£232 million) of a $500 million loan to Tanzania, citing the ban on pregnant schoolgirls. In September, the World Bank approved a $450 million loan for food consumption and livelihoods, education, and health care in Tanzania, acknowledging the amendment of the Statistics Act and the government’s commitment to facilitate all girls to complete their education.



In August, the US Embassy in Dar es Salaam and the British High Commission expressed concern about due process and lengthy pretrial detention following the arrest of journalist Erick Kabendera.

 

[HIMARS]

Damu tu ndio italeta heshima maana watu watakuwa wanaogopana

 

[wangwafi]

Legislative Reforms


In June, parliament amended the Statistics Act of 2015, which previously made it a crime to publish statistics not approved by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). The amended law removed the criminal offense of publishing independent statistical information and provided that every person has a right to collect and disseminate such information, including those different from the NBS’s.



In March, the East African Court of Justice held that the Media Services Act of 2016 violated protocols of the EAC treaty and called on the Tanzanian government to amend it to be in line with the treaty. Following this, the government expressed willingness to have a dialogue with media sector stakeholders on media laws but had not amended the law.

Malizia kwa kulia sana ndio watakusikiliza wazungu

 

[mmh]

Cry baby your mother will come to feed you

 

[jmushi1]

Malizia kwa kulia sana ndio watakusikiliza wazungu

Mimi ni mleta taarifa tu, sijui ni kitu gani huelewi?

 

[jmushi1]

Cry baby your mother will come to feed you

I don’t get it.

 

[jmushi1]

Unatuandikia kiingereza umetusomesha wewe?! Nyambafuuu

Kwani umesoma mpaka la ngapi? Halafu elimu si bure? Au ni uvivu wako tu?!

 

[jmushi1]

Tanzania on U.S. Radar as Alleged Poisoning, Clampdown Shape October Election


An increasingly ugly run-up to Tanzania’s presidential elections in October has spurred international criticism of President John Magufuli’s administration and heightened fears the vote’s credibility will be compromised.



Several leaders of the main opposition Chadema party were convicted of unlawful assembly, rioting, sedition and other charges on March 10, and ordered to pay fines totaling 350 million shillings ($152,000) or be jailed. The case, which the opposition says is politically motivated, stems from political violence that erupted in the commercial hub of Dar es Salaam two years ago.

The court ruling came a day after the police announced a probe into the alleged poisoning of Philip Mangula, a Magufuli ally and vice chairman of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party. Mangula has been hospitalized since collapsing at a party meeting on Feb. 28.



The conviction of the opposition leaders “on spurious charges is more evidence of deteriorating political space and freedoms in Tanzania,” the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee said Wednesday on Twitter. “The government’s efforts to criminalize the opposition further undermines the possibility of democratic polls later this year.”

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