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Yepi merkezi nao wana chawa?
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TATHIMINI YA HUKUMU YA KESI YA BANDARI
Kimantiki WALIOSHINDA ni wa WALALAMIKAJI kwani Mahakama Kuu imekiri Mkataba wa IGA una mapungufu kadhaa;
1. Umevunja Sheria za Natural Wealth and Resources, Sura za 449 na 450 za 2017 ambazo zimekataza Migogoro juu ya uwekezaji kwenye rasilimali isipelekwe Nje ya Nchi na isitumie sheria za nje kutatua Migogoro hiyo.
IGA imesema Migogoro itatatuliwa Afrika Kusini na sheria za Uingereza ndizo zitatumika.
2. Mahakama imeshangaa inakuwaje IGA inatumia sheria za Uingereza na mgogoro utapelekwa Afrika Kusini wakati HGA zitatumia sheria za ndani na mahakama za ndani.
3. Mahakama imekiri Tangazo la Bunge la saa 23 kualika maoni ya Wananchi ulikuwa ni muda mfupi sana na kwamba inaondoa mantiki ya Public Constitution.
4. Mahakama imekiri pia Dubai haina Legal Personality katika Sheria za Kimataifa (Montevideo Convention na Vienna Convention) kwani inakosa Sovereignty.
5. Mahakama imetilia mashaka imekuwaje Dubai amesaini IGA wakati haina kigezo muhimu cha Sovereignty.
6. Mahakama imeshangaa inakuwaje Mkataba wa IGA umekosa ukomo wa muda wake.
7. Pia Mahakama imekiri kwamba kitendo cha IGA kusema haitawezekana kujitoa hata kama kuna Uvunjifu mkubwa wa Masharti yake, kwamba ni dosari kubwa na kwamba inakiuka hata Vienna Convention ambayo Serikali ilijikita sana kuutumia kama rejea kujenga hoja kwamba IGA ni International agreement.
B: Katika Public Interests Litigation and Advocacy, sisi tumeshinda zaidi kwa sababu hizi;
1. Uwepo wa Kesi hii Mbeya, imehamisha Mjadala wa Kitaifa kuelekeza macho yote Mbeya. Wananchi kutoka kona zote za Nchi wamekuwa wamifuatilia yanayojiri Mahakama Kuu - Mbeya.
2. Kesi hii imewafanya Wakazi wa Mbeya waliofika Mahakamani kupata uelewa mkubwa zaidi (Awareness) juu ya Undani wa Mkataba huo na tafsiri ya Vifungu vyake kadiri ya Hoja za Pande mbili katika mnyukano ndani ya Mahakama.
3. Kesi hii imehamisha Mamlaka za Nchi kuelekeza macho na masikio yake Jijini Mbeya. Katika ya uwepo wa kesi hii Mbeya, Makamu wa Rais Dr. Mpango amefika Mbeya, Waziri Mkuu Majaliwa amefika Mbeya na Rais amefika Mbeya pia.
Hii imeenda sambamba na Mawaziri wengi kufika jijini Mbeya pamoja na Viongozi wengine wakubwa katika Taasisi za Umma, bila kusahau Mkutano mkubwa wa Kanda wa CCM kukutanisha Mikoa mitano na Viongozi wake wote wa Chama na Serikali, umefaika Mbeya.
SPIKA wa Bunge Tulia Ackson pia ameendelea kufanya mikutano mingi sana katika Kata mbalimbali za Jiji la Mbeya, akijitetea na kufafanua mambo kadhaa yaliyopelekwa Mahakamani.
4. Kesi hii imethibitisha Wasiwasi wa Watanzania katika mkataba wa IGA na rasmi Mahakama imeungana na Wananchi kuonyesha dosari zote zilizoibua Mjadala miongoni mwa Watanzania.
Kwa Kesi hii na Hukumu ya Mahakama, wale waliosema Mkataba wa IGA uko "perfect" hauna dosari na unafaa kwa kila namna, wamekanushwa rasmi.
5. Kesi hii na Hukumu yake zimesaidia kuonyesha kwamba Waliofungua Kesi, Mawakili wao pamoja na Watanzania waliounga mkono kesi hiyo, walikuwa na Nia njema na wamekuwa na hoja zenye mashiko kuliko waliobeza na kuwatukana.
Aibu imfikie RC JUMA HOMERA wa Mkoa wa Mbeya na wengine waliojaribu kutumia nguvu nyingi kuutasaka Mkataba wa IGA na kuutetea kwamba ni Mkataba bora. Mahakama imewapiga breki rasmi. Wajitathimini!
6. Kesi ya Bandari imesaidia kurejesha Umoja na Ushikiano wa Wananchi katika jambo linalowahusu. Watu wamechangia hela zao kusaidia kesi hiyo kuanzia mwanzo hadi mwisho. Utanganyika umeimarika na kuthibitika kwa mara nyingine baada ya G55.
Dosari za Muungano zimeendelea kuonyeshwa katika uwazi zaidi kipindi hiki.
7. Kesi hii imesaidia kuondoa Matabaka na migawanyiko ya Jamii ya Watanzania kisiasa na kidini. Kesi hii imewavuta Wananchi katika UTANZANIA wao bila kuangalia dini zao wala itikadi za kisiasa. Waliochangia na kutoa maoni yao hawakujizuia kwa sababu za tofauti za namna hiyo.
Watu walisimama kwa mantiki ya Kulinda Rasilimali zao!
KWAHIYO, Serikali imeshinda KISIASA Walalamikaji/Wananchi wameshinda KISHERIA na KIMANTIKI.
C: Kesi hii imedokeza Hoja muhimu ya UHURU WA MAHAKAMA nchini Tanzania;
1. Imekumbusha Kauli ya Hayati Rais JPM aliyesema Mihimili mmoja (Executive) ni mkubwa zaidi umejichimbia mizizi chini zaidi na una nguvu dhidi ya mihimili mingine.
2. Imekumbusha pia Kauli ya JAJI MKUU wa Tanzania, Mhe. Prof. IBRAHIM JUMA alipotamka mbele ya umma kwamba, Mahakama zetu Tanzania zinapotoa Hukumu ziangalie Mihimili mingine inasema nini au inataka nini.
3. Imeonyesha jinsi ambavyo Mahakama ya Tanzania inaiogopa Serikali na Bunge, na haijavaa ipasavyo Mamlaka yake chini ya Ibara ya 107A.
Mahakama yetu inatoa AMRI kwa kesi zinazohusu mashauri/Kesi binafsi, ila haipo tayari kuvaa viatu vyake kutoa Amri dhidi ya Mihimili mingine inapotenda makosa au dosari katika majukumu yake.
4. Imeibua hoja kwamba Mfumo wetu wa Check and Balance ni KILEMA na hauna afya kwa maendeleo ya nchi yetu.
5. Imekumbusha umuhimu wa Kuanzisha Taasisi imara katika mfumo wa Check and Balance katika Mihimili yetu mitatu (Bunge, Serikali na Mahakama).
6. Imesaidia kuwaonyesha Watanzania kwamba kuna wakati ni rahisi Mihimili yote kula njama (collusion) kulindana katika Maovu ya Watawala na Wawakilishi wa Wananchi.
7. Imesaidia kuonyesha tatizo la msingi la Watawala wetu wanapoenda Kuzungumza na Kuingia mikataba, wanajiongoza kama vile Nchi yao haina Sheria na wanajiongoza bila mipaka kiasi kwamba wanaweza kusaini mikataba inayokiuka Sheria za Nchi yetu. Hii ni dosari ya hatari sana.
Kesi hii imewakumbusha Wanasiasa Viongozi wetu kwamba nchi hii ina Katiba na Sheria, wasijisahau sana wakatiririka bila mipaka.
8. Imeibua tahadhari kwa Watanzania kwamba kuna "Mentality" ya Watawala wetu kwamba wanaweza kuvunja Sheria na Katiba yetu kwa Mgongo wa kuwa Wamesaini Mkataba wa Kimataifa ambao hautakiwi kupimwa au kuhojiwa kwa Sheria za ndani ya Nchi yetu.
Mentality hii ilijengewa Utetezi mkubwa sana na Mawakili wa Serikali katika Hoja zao ndani ya Mahakama. Hii ni hatari sana.
Kesi hii inawakumbusha Mawakili wa Serikali kuwakumbusha Viongozi wetu Mipaka yao katika kila tendo na hatua ndani au nje ya nchi, wajue Katiba na Sheria zetu ndio Kipimo chao na Kioo cha Kujitazama.
Mawakili wa Serikali wawakumbushe Viongozi wetu kwamba Sheria za Kimataifa au International Agreement sio Kichaka cha Kukanyaga na kutweza Katiba na Sheria zetu.
D: Zaidi ya yote, Tanzania imeshinda dhidi ya Mikataba yenye sura za ugandamizaji katika Ulimwengu wa Ushindani wa Kibiashara na Ujasusi wa Maendeleo ya Kibepari;
1. Watanzania kupitia Kesi hii ya Mkataba wa Bandari, wamepata nafasi ya kukumbushana juu ya Uwepo wa Matabaka ya Dunia ya Kwanza na ya Pili, na Setting ya Uchumi wa Dunia kati ya Matabaka hayo.
2. Watanzania wamejikumbusha kwamba Wazungu na Waarabu wanapokuja kwetu, sio Wajomba au Shangazi zetu wanaokuja kwa lengo au mantiki ya kutuletea Maendeleo, bali wamekuja kusaka Utajiri kwaajili ya Maendeleo yao.
3. Watanzania wamejikumbusha kwamba katika Matabaka ya Dunia, tunapokutana na jamii ya Matabaka hayo tunahitaji kuwa Makini zaidi, kusimama na maslahi ya Taifa sio kuwapa Imani watu ambao sio ndugu zenu.
4. Tumejikumbusha kwamba, tunaposaini Mikataba tushiriki kuandika katika Ukamilifu ili Mambo muhimu yote yawepo na Mkataba unatakiwa Kujitetea wenyewe bila kusubiri Mikutano ya Chama kuzunguka nchi nzima kuutetea ubora au wema wake.
5. Tumejikumbusha pia kwamba Serikali ni WATU, ni Binadamu. Wanakosea na kupitiwa kama Binadamu wengine. Kwenye Mkataba wa IGA Serikali ilitereza na isimame upya kwa makini ili Tanzania ipate vitu bora kutoka huko Duniani.
6. Watanzania wamepata kujua TABIA ya DP WORLD huko duniani, pale inapokutana na Mataifa ya Matabaka ya juu (Sweden, UK, USA) na inapokutana na Mataifa ya tabaka la chini kama Tanzania, Djibouti, Somalia, nk.
Hii itasaidia kuongeza umakini zaidi tunapodili na watu wa aina hiyo kwa kujifunza kwa wenzetu wanyonge na wenye nguvu.
Hii itasaidia kuwachambua na kuwachunguza kabla ya kuingia kwenye Mikataba.
SISI NI TAIFA MOJA.
KESI HII IMETUMIKA KAMA NJIA YA KUREKEBISHANA KWA NIA MOJA YA KUJENGA TAIFA LA TANZANIA.
Hatuhitaji kutazamana usoni kwa Chuki, Hasira au Nia ovu na kutakiana mabaya.
Penye marekebisho muhimu tukarekebishe IGA ili kuweka nyaraka bora kwa maendeleo yetu sote.
Adv. Livino Ngalimitumba
Kimantiki WALIOSHINDA ni wa WALALAMIKAJI kwani Mahakama Kuu imekiri Mkataba wa IGA una mapungufu kadhaa;
1. Umevunja Sheria za Natural Wealth and Resources, Sura za 449 na 450 za 2017 ambazo zimekataza Migogoro juu ya uwekezaji kwenye rasilimali isipelekwe Nje ya Nchi na isitumie sheria za nje kutatua Migogoro hiyo.
IGA imesema Migogoro itatatuliwa Afrika Kusini na sheria za Uingereza ndizo zitatumika.
2. Mahakama imeshangaa inakuwaje IGA inatumia sheria za Uingereza na mgogoro utapelekwa Afrika Kusini wakati HGA zitatumia sheria za ndani na mahakama za ndani.
3. Mahakama imekiri Tangazo la Bunge la saa 23 kualika maoni ya Wananchi ulikuwa ni muda mfupi sana na kwamba inaondoa mantiki ya Public Constitution.
4. Mahakama imekiri pia Dubai haina Legal Personality katika Sheria za Kimataifa (Montevideo Convention na Vienna Convention) kwani inakosa Sovereignty.
5. Mahakama imetilia mashaka imekuwaje Dubai amesaini IGA wakati haina kigezo muhimu cha Sovereignty.
6. Mahakama imeshangaa inakuwaje Mkataba wa IGA umekosa ukomo wa muda wake.
7. Pia Mahakama imekiri kwamba kitendo cha IGA kusema haitawezekana kujitoa hata kama kuna Uvunjifu mkubwa wa Masharti yake, kwamba ni dosari kubwa na kwamba inakiuka hata Vienna Convention ambayo Serikali ilijikita sana kuutumia kama rejea kujenga hoja kwamba IGA ni International agreement.
B: Katika Public Interests Litigation and Advocacy, sisi tumeshinda zaidi kwa sababu hizi;
1. Uwepo wa Kesi hii Mbeya, imehamisha Mjadala wa Kitaifa kuelekeza macho yote Mbeya. Wananchi kutoka kona zote za Nchi wamekuwa wamifuatilia yanayojiri Mahakama Kuu - Mbeya.
2. Kesi hii imewafanya Wakazi wa Mbeya waliofika Mahakamani kupata uelewa mkubwa zaidi (Awareness) juu ya Undani wa Mkataba huo na tafsiri ya Vifungu vyake kadiri ya Hoja za Pande mbili katika mnyukano ndani ya Mahakama.
3. Kesi hii imehamisha Mamlaka za Nchi kuelekeza macho na masikio yake Jijini Mbeya. Katika ya uwepo wa kesi hii Mbeya, Makamu wa Rais Dr. Mpango amefika Mbeya, Waziri Mkuu Majaliwa amefika Mbeya na Rais amefika Mbeya pia.
Hii imeenda sambamba na Mawaziri wengi kufika jijini Mbeya pamoja na Viongozi wengine wakubwa katika Taasisi za Umma, bila kusahau Mkutano mkubwa wa Kanda wa CCM kukutanisha Mikoa mitano na Viongozi wake wote wa Chama na Serikali, umefaika Mbeya.
SPIKA wa Bunge Tulia Ackson pia ameendelea kufanya mikutano mingi sana katika Kata mbalimbali za Jiji la Mbeya, akijitetea na kufafanua mambo kadhaa yaliyopelekwa Mahakamani.
4. Kesi hii imethibitisha Wasiwasi wa Watanzania katika mkataba wa IGA na rasmi Mahakama imeungana na Wananchi kuonyesha dosari zote zilizoibua Mjadala miongoni mwa Watanzania.
Kwa Kesi hii na Hukumu ya Mahakama, wale waliosema Mkataba wa IGA uko "perfect" hauna dosari na unafaa kwa kila namna, wamekanushwa rasmi.
5. Kesi hii na Hukumu yake zimesaidia kuonyesha kwamba Waliofungua Kesi, Mawakili wao pamoja na Watanzania waliounga mkono kesi hiyo, walikuwa na Nia njema na wamekuwa na hoja zenye mashiko kuliko waliobeza na kuwatukana.
Aibu imfikie RC JUMA HOMERA wa Mkoa wa Mbeya na wengine waliojaribu kutumia nguvu nyingi kuutasaka Mkataba wa IGA na kuutetea kwamba ni Mkataba bora. Mahakama imewapiga breki rasmi. Wajitathimini!
6. Kesi ya Bandari imesaidia kurejesha Umoja na Ushikiano wa Wananchi katika jambo linalowahusu. Watu wamechangia hela zao kusaidia kesi hiyo kuanzia mwanzo hadi mwisho. Utanganyika umeimarika na kuthibitika kwa mara nyingine baada ya G55.
Dosari za Muungano zimeendelea kuonyeshwa katika uwazi zaidi kipindi hiki.
7. Kesi hii imesaidia kuondoa Matabaka na migawanyiko ya Jamii ya Watanzania kisiasa na kidini. Kesi hii imewavuta Wananchi katika UTANZANIA wao bila kuangalia dini zao wala itikadi za kisiasa. Waliochangia na kutoa maoni yao hawakujizuia kwa sababu za tofauti za namna hiyo.
Watu walisimama kwa mantiki ya Kulinda Rasilimali zao!
KWAHIYO, Serikali imeshinda KISIASA Walalamikaji/Wananchi wameshinda KISHERIA na KIMANTIKI.
C: Kesi hii imedokeza Hoja muhimu ya UHURU WA MAHAKAMA nchini Tanzania;
1. Imekumbusha Kauli ya Hayati Rais JPM aliyesema Mihimili mmoja (Executive) ni mkubwa zaidi umejichimbia mizizi chini zaidi na una nguvu dhidi ya mihimili mingine.
2. Imekumbusha pia Kauli ya JAJI MKUU wa Tanzania, Mhe. Prof. IBRAHIM JUMA alipotamka mbele ya umma kwamba, Mahakama zetu Tanzania zinapotoa Hukumu ziangalie Mihimili mingine inasema nini au inataka nini.
3. Imeonyesha jinsi ambavyo Mahakama ya Tanzania inaiogopa Serikali na Bunge, na haijavaa ipasavyo Mamlaka yake chini ya Ibara ya 107A.
Mahakama yetu inatoa AMRI kwa kesi zinazohusu mashauri/Kesi binafsi, ila haipo tayari kuvaa viatu vyake kutoa Amri dhidi ya Mihimili mingine inapotenda makosa au dosari katika majukumu yake.
4. Imeibua hoja kwamba Mfumo wetu wa Check and Balance ni KILEMA na hauna afya kwa maendeleo ya nchi yetu.
5. Imekumbusha umuhimu wa Kuanzisha Taasisi imara katika mfumo wa Check and Balance katika Mihimili yetu mitatu (Bunge, Serikali na Mahakama).
6. Imesaidia kuwaonyesha Watanzania kwamba kuna wakati ni rahisi Mihimili yote kula njama (collusion) kulindana katika Maovu ya Watawala na Wawakilishi wa Wananchi.
7. Imesaidia kuonyesha tatizo la msingi la Watawala wetu wanapoenda Kuzungumza na Kuingia mikataba, wanajiongoza kama vile Nchi yao haina Sheria na wanajiongoza bila mipaka kiasi kwamba wanaweza kusaini mikataba inayokiuka Sheria za Nchi yetu. Hii ni dosari ya hatari sana.
Kesi hii imewakumbusha Wanasiasa Viongozi wetu kwamba nchi hii ina Katiba na Sheria, wasijisahau sana wakatiririka bila mipaka.
8. Imeibua tahadhari kwa Watanzania kwamba kuna "Mentality" ya Watawala wetu kwamba wanaweza kuvunja Sheria na Katiba yetu kwa Mgongo wa kuwa Wamesaini Mkataba wa Kimataifa ambao hautakiwi kupimwa au kuhojiwa kwa Sheria za ndani ya Nchi yetu.
Mentality hii ilijengewa Utetezi mkubwa sana na Mawakili wa Serikali katika Hoja zao ndani ya Mahakama. Hii ni hatari sana.
Kesi hii inawakumbusha Mawakili wa Serikali kuwakumbusha Viongozi wetu Mipaka yao katika kila tendo na hatua ndani au nje ya nchi, wajue Katiba na Sheria zetu ndio Kipimo chao na Kioo cha Kujitazama.
Mawakili wa Serikali wawakumbushe Viongozi wetu kwamba Sheria za Kimataifa au International Agreement sio Kichaka cha Kukanyaga na kutweza Katiba na Sheria zetu.
D: Zaidi ya yote, Tanzania imeshinda dhidi ya Mikataba yenye sura za ugandamizaji katika Ulimwengu wa Ushindani wa Kibiashara na Ujasusi wa Maendeleo ya Kibepari;
1. Watanzania kupitia Kesi hii ya Mkataba wa Bandari, wamepata nafasi ya kukumbushana juu ya Uwepo wa Matabaka ya Dunia ya Kwanza na ya Pili, na Setting ya Uchumi wa Dunia kati ya Matabaka hayo.
2. Watanzania wamejikumbusha kwamba Wazungu na Waarabu wanapokuja kwetu, sio Wajomba au Shangazi zetu wanaokuja kwa lengo au mantiki ya kutuletea Maendeleo, bali wamekuja kusaka Utajiri kwaajili ya Maendeleo yao.
3. Watanzania wamejikumbusha kwamba katika Matabaka ya Dunia, tunapokutana na jamii ya Matabaka hayo tunahitaji kuwa Makini zaidi, kusimama na maslahi ya Taifa sio kuwapa Imani watu ambao sio ndugu zenu.
4. Tumejikumbusha kwamba, tunaposaini Mikataba tushiriki kuandika katika Ukamilifu ili Mambo muhimu yote yawepo na Mkataba unatakiwa Kujitetea wenyewe bila kusubiri Mikutano ya Chama kuzunguka nchi nzima kuutetea ubora au wema wake.
5. Tumejikumbusha pia kwamba Serikali ni WATU, ni Binadamu. Wanakosea na kupitiwa kama Binadamu wengine. Kwenye Mkataba wa IGA Serikali ilitereza na isimame upya kwa makini ili Tanzania ipate vitu bora kutoka huko Duniani.
6. Watanzania wamepata kujua TABIA ya DP WORLD huko duniani, pale inapokutana na Mataifa ya Matabaka ya juu (Sweden, UK, USA) na inapokutana na Mataifa ya tabaka la chini kama Tanzania, Djibouti, Somalia, nk.
Hii itasaidia kuongeza umakini zaidi tunapodili na watu wa aina hiyo kwa kujifunza kwa wenzetu wanyonge na wenye nguvu.
Hii itasaidia kuwachambua na kuwachunguza kabla ya kuingia kwenye Mikataba.
SISI NI TAIFA MOJA.
KESI HII IMETUMIKA KAMA NJIA YA KUREKEBISHANA KWA NIA MOJA YA KUJENGA TAIFA LA TANZANIA.
Hatuhitaji kutazamana usoni kwa Chuki, Hasira au Nia ovu na kutakiana mabaya.
Penye marekebisho muhimu tukarekebishe IGA ili kuweka nyaraka bora kwa maendeleo yetu sote.
Adv. Livino Ngalimitumba
Njia za kuzuia au kukaribisha maandamano yasiyo na kikomo
When Dictators Fall: Preventing Violent Conflict During Transitions from Authoritarian Rule
Conflict Prevention and Management
UN Photo/Albert González Farran
EXPECTED END DATE:2020•03•25PROJECT STATUS:Completed
UNU-CPR RESEARCHERS: Adam Day, Luise Quaritsch
EXTERNAL RESEARCHERS: Dirk Druet
Why does one country peacefully transition out of authoritarian rule while another falls into violent conflict, and what can the UN do to influence pathways away from violence?
This paper concerns the transitions out of entrenched authoritarian rule, the often volatile moments when new leadership comes into power.
Some transitions take place peacefully, largely within constitutional order, but others may descend into civil unrest or even escalate into all-out civil war. In support the UN’s prevention mandate, this project is driven by the question, why does one country peacefully transition out of authoritarian rule while another falls into violent conflict, and what can the UN do to influence pathways away from violence?
This project draws on scholarship around authoritarianism and neo-patrimonial States as well as original research by United Nations University Centre for Policy Research into entrenched political systems. It identifies four key factors that may influence whether a transition tends to result in violent conflict
Entrenched authoritarian systems are those where a leader or group has centralized power and resources in a manner that limits meaningful political and economic inclusion, instrumentalizes key State institutions, reduces democratic space and often allows a specific individual to remain in power well beyond typical constitutional limits.
- past forms of rule (democratic or authoritarian);
- the way in which a political system transitions (e.g. through a coup, election, death, transfer of power or popular uprising);
- the fate of the individual leader, including questions of personal property and accountability for human rights abuses; and
- economic performance and the degree of inequality within a given society.
In exploring a comprehensive set of cases over the past 30 years, this project also makes some broader (and often counter-intuitive) findings about the role of violence in such transitions.
The transitions that occurred with the lowest levels of violence were in systems with some of the poorest governance indicators. In fact, countries at various points on the governance scale witnessed transitions that brought about dramatic and sustained change in the distribution of power with little or no violence, a finding which suggests that the quality of governance may not be directly linked to violence levels in transitions.
In contrast, two factors did appear to correlate with relatively high levels of violence: those involving foreign intervention, and transitions triggered by public uprisings. The significant rise in frequency of popular uprisings as the dominant form of transition in recent decades has meant that transitional moments have become more prone to large-scale violence. These findings raise significant questions about the role of external actors in transitional processes, and how the international community might engage before, during and after changes in leadership.
These trends in transitions present a complex and interrelated set of challenges for the UN, which often must balance its prevention mandate alongside respect for sovereignty and host State consent. The UN is often poorly placed to ramp up its prevention activities in entrenched authoritarian systems, in part because national leadership tends to be strongly resistant to engagement on politically sensitive subjects.
Additionally, these systems tend to have weak and/or highly politicized institutions, raising dilemmas for UN efforts to build institutional capacity as a hedge against violent conflict. UN leverage over the political leadership in-country is frequently constrained, given that authoritarian leaders tend to be isolated and less susceptible to traditional forms of pressure (e.g. sanctions or moral pressure). That said, there is strong evidence from this project’s case studies that the UN has engaged in creative and impactful practices in transitional settings, helping to reduce the risks of violence and building bridges towards longer-term outcomes.
Based on these findings, the paper offers twelve conclusions and recommendations for the UN when confronted with transitional moments from entrenched authoritarian rule. READ THEM
Source : When Dictators Fall: Preventing Violent Conflict During Transitions from Authoritarian Rule - United Nations University Centre for Policy Research
767 Third Avenue, 35th Floor
New York, NY 10017
United States
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theconversation.com
Balozi Dr. Mehmet Güllüoğlu mtaalamu wa kufanya kazi katika sehemu zenye migogoro dunia atumie uzoefu wake kuhakikisha mradi huu wa SGR reli mpya unafanikiwa azma yake na kuwa suala la DP World toka UAE kuchukua bandari ya Dar es Salaam haifanyi Turkey kuweka mpinyo Yapi Merkezi isusue mradi huu kiaina kutokana na tofauti baina ya Turkey na UAE kugombania ushawishi Tanzania
He worked as a volunteer doctor in Palestine (West Bank and Gaza), Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Qatar, Kenya and Somalia. He worked as a director at Istanbul Provincial Health Directorate and Yeryüzü Doktorları Association.
Currently a Ph.D. student in the Public Health program at Istanbul University School of Medicine, Mehmet Güllüoğlu was also the General Manager of the Turkish Red Crescent between the years 2013 and 2017.
During his service as the General Director of the Turkish Red Crescent, Güllüoğlu led efforts to ensure that three million Syrian guests live in the most humane conditions in our country and played an important role in the implementation of the Migration Services Directorate established within the Red Crescent and many other projects. Dr. Mehmet Güllüoğlu has been involved in all the humanitarian operations in Somalia, Syria, Pakistan and Gaza conducted by the Red Crescent and worked to increase the awareness about such activities by the international humanitarian actors as especially the International Federation of Red Crescent-Red Cross Societies.
Appointed in August 2017, Dr. Mehmet Güllüoğlu currently serves as the Head of the Disaster and Emergency Management Department of the Ministry of Interior in Turkey and is also a member of the Social Policy Board of the Presidency
Mehmet Güllüoğlu
Head, Disaster and Emergency Management Presidency (AFAD)
Having graduated from Marmara University Faculty of Medicine, Dr. Mehmet Güllüoğlu successfully completed various training programs such as Family Medicine, Humanitarian Aid and European Union projects and participated in numerous humanitarian activities within the scope of non-governmental organizations.He worked as a volunteer doctor in Palestine (West Bank and Gaza), Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Qatar, Kenya and Somalia. He worked as a director at Istanbul Provincial Health Directorate and Yeryüzü Doktorları Association.
Currently a Ph.D. student in the Public Health program at Istanbul University School of Medicine, Mehmet Güllüoğlu was also the General Manager of the Turkish Red Crescent between the years 2013 and 2017.
During his service as the General Director of the Turkish Red Crescent, Güllüoğlu led efforts to ensure that three million Syrian guests live in the most humane conditions in our country and played an important role in the implementation of the Migration Services Directorate established within the Red Crescent and many other projects. Dr. Mehmet Güllüoğlu has been involved in all the humanitarian operations in Somalia, Syria, Pakistan and Gaza conducted by the Red Crescent and worked to increase the awareness about such activities by the international humanitarian actors as especially the International Federation of Red Crescent-Red Cross Societies.
Appointed in August 2017, Dr. Mehmet Güllüoğlu currently serves as the Head of the Disaster and Emergency Management Department of the Ministry of Interior in Turkey and is also a member of the Social Policy Board of the Presidency
14 August 2023
Tanzania arrests lawyer and politician amid port backlash
AFPCopyright: AFP
The ports are to be run by a UAE company under a deal that was approved in JuneImage caption: The ports are to be run by a UAE company under a deal that was approved in June
Tanzanian police have arrested a lawyer and an opposition politician, accusing them of incitement and planning to organise nationwide protests aimed at bringing down the government.
Boniface Anyasile Mwabukusi and Mpaluka Nyagali have both denied wrongdoing through a lawyer.
It comes after 22 people who'd criticised parliament for approving a port management deal between Tanzania and an Emirati company were arrested or threatened, according to Human Rights Watch.
The deal has been criticised by activists, citizens and opposition politicians, who see it as Tanzania’s government selling off their country, but the government denies this.
Critics are particularly concerned that the agreement failed to specify when the Emirati management of the ports would end.
Tanzanian activist Maria Sarungi-Tsehai told the BBC's Newsday programme that the human rights situation in the country has been worsening and there had been a lot of pushback from citizens over the port deal, which has leading to crackdowns.
"It's never been this bad" where "mainly citizens who are not politicians" were being targeted, she said.
She said the two arrested had been involved in a case at a regional court seeking to stop an Emirati firm from running Tanzania's ports - which they lost - and were moving the case to a higher court for an appeal when they were arrested
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