Ethiopia: Waziri Mkuu Abiy Ahmed atangaza hali ya dharura nchini kote

Ethiopia: Waziri Mkuu Abiy Ahmed atangaza hali ya dharura nchini kote

PM ni fala tu, Tigray walishaasi kwahiyo uamuzi wake wa kuingia makao makuu yao Mekele na kuliweka lile jimbo chini ya jeshi la serikali kuu ulikuwa uamuzi sahihi sana shida ni kwamba baadae akalitoa jeshi Mekele baada ya kelele za haki za binadamu kuanza na hiyo ikawapa nafasi TPF kujitanua hadi sasa wanampumulia mlangoni hajui cha kufanya. Binafsi naona uamuzi wa kutoka Mekele ulikuwa ni wa kipumbavu sababu huwezi kuleta demokrasia kwa madikteta.
Very true. Sijaelewa mpaka leo kwanini waliondoka Makelle na kuruhusu waasi kujikusanya upya.
Na kwanini jeshi lote la Ethiopia hasa la anga linashindwa wadhibiti waasi wanaacha wa-davance watakavyo!
 
Huu mradi haukuwa na shida yoyote ya maji mto naili kwa nchi ya Egypt,. Ni figisu za nchi za magharibi. Fuatilia kwa kina utanielewa nisemacho.
Hakuna figisu yoyote kutoka kwa yoyote ni ukabila tu ndio unaowasumbua toka enzi hata waethiopia wakiwa nje ya nchi yao wanabaguana hata hawaoani. Ilianza Eritrea wakajitenga, sasa ni Tigray, Oromo nao mbioni, Ogaden wao wanajijua ni wasomali licha wako Ethiopia na Afar jimbo lingine nao wanataka kujitenga it is a divided nation.

Ni udikteta tu ndo ulikuwa unaleta utulivu na Melez Zinawi aliweza kwa njia iyo. Hata Misri isingekuwa ubabe na udikteta wa Hosni Mubarak na sasa Abdel Fattah taifa lingegawanyika zamani.

Sometimes 1naungaga mkono utawala wa Paul Biya Cameroon na Paul Kagame.
 
Kwa Ethiopia Watigray ndio waliokwenda shule Zaid kuliko kabila lolote

Kupitia elimu walishika madaraka makubwa Zaid serikal ya shirikisho kila kitengo walitawala wao na walitengeneza connection kubwa kwa kupeleka watu wao maeneo mengi muhimu iwe ndan na nje ya nchi

Mfano n wa watiray n mkurugenz mkuu wa WHO Bwana Gebreyyesus hao jamaa wamejitawanya maeneo meng weng wapo jeshin majeneral wengi hivyo wana taarifa nyingi juu ya mipango ya nchi

Waoromo n kabila kubwa na kenye idad ya watu wengi ila hawajaenda shule kwa Sasa wameungana na Watigray kumwondoa bwana ABIY AHMED hawakubalian na Sera zake na kitendo Cha waoromo kuungana na Watigray ndio inampa mawazo makubwa Sana wazir mkuu

Anaona taratibu makabila makubwa yanaunga mapinduz ya kumtoa hvyo Hana jnsi atatoka TU

Mara nyingi serikal za majimbo hazina tija kwa waafrika lazma zilete shida baadae labda utawale kwa mkono wa chuma kwakuminya demokrasia lakn wazir mkuu akaruhusu demokrasia na ndicho kinachomtoa madarakan
 
Historia ya Ethiopia toka Mfalme wa mwisho kupinduliwa

Historia ya Ethiopia baada ya Mfalme Haile Sellasie kupinduliwa na jeshi la Ethiopia na dikteta kanali Mengistu Haile Mariam akishirikiana na baraza la maafisa vijana 100 jeshini lililojulikana kama 'Derg' kuanza kutawala Ethiopia

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File photo : Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam , Head of The Revolutionary Council

November 24, 1999 10:16AM EST

Ethiopian Dictator Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam​


Source : Displore


Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam headed the junta which in 1974 overthrew the government of Emperor Haile Selassie in a bloody coup. Known as the "Derg" or "Dergue," the "committee," the junta consisted of about a hundred junior officers drawn from all regions of Ethiopia. Proclaiming a revolutionary agenda for the country, the Dergue inaugurated its rule by sending some sixty senior officials of the emperor's government to the firing squad.

The emperor and the Patriarch of the dominant Ethiopian Orthodox church were both secretly killed in the months that followed. The Dergue's early victims included members of the group itself. Col. Mengistu emerged as its undisputed leader after orchestrating the physical elimination of rivals from within.

In 1976 Col. Mengistu gave a dramatic send-off to a campaign of terror that he officially dubbed the "Red Terror." He threw to the ground before a huge crowd in the capital Addis Ababa bottles filled with a red substance representing the blood of enemies of the revolution: the "imperialists," and the "counter-revolutionaries," as members of rival leftist groups were labeled by the Dergue. In particular, the campaign targeted students and young people suspected of membership in the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP).

Video courtesy of Adenyika Makinde :

Major Mengistu Haile Mariam At Solidarity Rally | 3 Days After Assassination Attempt | Sept. 1976

Thousands of young men and women turned up dead in the streets of the capital and other cities in the following two years. They were systematically eliminated mainly by militia attached to the "Kebeles," the neighborhood watch committees which served during the Dergue period as the lowest level local government and security surveillance units. The Kebeles required families to reimburse the administration for the price of bullets used to kill victims when they reclaimed their bodies for burial.

The process of eliminating the "counter-revolutionaries" was quite organized. Each neighborhood committee would meet to discuss how to eliminate individual suspects, and each member would sign on documents to confirm the decision reached at the meeting. Copies of the document would be sent to different levels of the administrations and the party apparatus. The centralized killing enterprise thus left mountains of documentary evidence of its crimes.

Cold war rivalries helped the Dergue to flourish and tighten its hold on power. It became the main client of the Soviet block in Africa, and received massive shipments of arms to help it counter serious challenges from several armed insurgencies by ethnic and regional liberation movements seeking to break away from centuries of centralized hegemony by Ethiopia's ruling elite. The counter-insurgency campaigns unleashed by the Dergue were characterized by widespread violations of international humanitarian law. Civilians were deliberately targeted and fell victims by the hundreds of thousands as a result of the indiscriminate violence against them.

When famine in 1984 hit areas in northern Ethiopia partially held by rebels of the Tigray and Eritrean People's Liberation Fronts (TPLF and EPLF respectively), Mengistu's government for a while blacked out information about the famine. It later used the disaster as a pretext to forcibly relocate hundreds of thousands of villagers from northern Ethiopia to areas in the south. The Dergue argued that its "villagization" campaign, as it came to be known, was meant to relocate people from food deficient areas to the fertile plains of the south. In reality, the move was meant to empty rebel-held areas form potential supporters. Again, victims of government action during the forced relocation were in the hundreds of thousands.

A 1991 Human Rights Watch report, "Evil Days: 30 years of war and famine in Ethiopia," gives a detailed account of this dark period in Ethiopia's recent history during which it is estimated that at least half a million civilians were killed as a result of the Dergue actions.

The Dergue was deposed in 1991 by the Ethiopian people's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a coalition of regional and ethnic rebel groups led by the TPLF. In the province of Eritrea the EPLF established a provisional government that steered the province to full independence by 1993, with the blessing and cooperation of its former ally the TPLF.

In 1992 the new government established a Special Prosecutor's Office (SPO) to investigate the widespread crimes committed during the Dergue period and prosecute those responsible for them. However, the trials on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity of the seventy-two top-ranking Dergue officials, including Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam, who had fled to Zimbabwe shortly before the fall of Addis Ababa to the EPRDF, are still pending. As for the majority of those detained in relation to their suspected role during the Dergue dictatorship, it was only in the first quarter of 1997 that the SPO announced their charging with criminal offences. In January 1997 the Office charged a total number of 5,198 people, of whom 2,246 were already in detention, while 2,952 were charged in absentia.

The vast majority of the defendants were charged with genocide and war crimes, and faced alternative charges of having committed aggravated homicide and wilful injury. All charges were based on the Ethiopian penal code of 1957. New additional trials of Dergue era defendants opened before the Federal High Court in Addis Ababa during March 1997. However, a serious crisis in the Ethiopian judiciary has left federal courts with a backlog of thousands of "ordinary cases." These court proceedings are now running into constant delays. Many of the defendants were in pre-trial detention for almost six years before they were first brought to court.

The SPO subdivided the defendants in three groups by degree of responsibility: policy and decision makers; intermediary level officials who relayed orders, but initiated some decisions on their own; and the hands directly involved in committing the crimes. Mirroring the Dergue's preferred mode of operation, the SPO had structured the prosecutions by committee, leading to 172 cases, each of multiple defendants. There is no special tribunal hearing the Dergue cases. They are heard in both the central and regional courts of Ethiopia's decentralized federal court system. The SPO opted to prosecute the central authorities, such as the central politburo of the Dergue, in the central court system, and prosecute cases of other suspects in regions where they operated.

As the leader of the Dergue, Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam is already being tried in absentia, together with his closest collaborators. But the manner in which the trials are being conducted has caused serious concerns to Human Rights Watch. In particular, excessive delays in the investigative phase led to the pretrial detention of hundreds of suspects for years at length. Additionally, Ethiopian law provides for the death penalty. Two Dergue officials were sentenced to death in absentia this month in these trials. Trial lawyers repeatedly complained about due process flaws in that their access to their detained clients was rendered difficult because of restrictions imposed by the government. The government was also slow in providing legal representation to some of the defendants.

Source : Ethiopian Dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam

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Kwa Ethiopia Watigray ndio waliokwenda shule Zaid kuliko kabila lolote

Kupitia elimu walishika madaraka makubwa Zaid serikal ya shirikisho kila kitengo walitawala wao na walitengeneza connection kubwa kwa kupeleka watu wao maeneo mengi muhimu iwe ndan na nje ya nchi

Mfano n wa watiray n mkurugenz mkuu wa WHO Bwana Gebreyyesus hao jamaa wamejitawanya maeneo meng weng wapo jeshin majeneral wengi hivyo wana taarifa nyingi juu ya mipango ya nchi

Waoromo n kabila kubwa na kenye idad ya watu wengi ila hawajaenda shule kwa Sasa wameungana na Watigray kumwondoa bwana ABIY AHMED hawakubalian na Sera zake na kitendo Cha waoromo kuungana na Watigray ndio inampa mawazo makubwa Sana wazir mkuu

Anaona taratibu makabila makubwa yanaunga mapinduz ya kumtoa hvyo Hana jnsi atatoka TU

Mara nyingi serikal za majimbo hazina tija kwa waafrika lazma zilete shida baadae labda utawale kwa mkono wa chuma kwakuminya demokrasia lakn wazir mkuu akaruhusu demokrasia na ndicho kinachomtoa madarakan
Tuzo ya Nobel ilimtoa mstarini.
 
Hakutoka kwa hizo unazosema haki za binadam .Jeshi lake lilipigwa vibaya na wanajeshi wengi walipoteza maisha akaamua kuondoka.Mhimu tambua vita ni uchumi na mwenye uchumi mzuri lazima ashinde vita.Watigirey Wana uchumi mkubwa Sana pia wabasapoti kutoka mataifa ya magharibi hivo basi wanaludi Tena kuiongoza Ethiopia.
 
Acha porojo mtu wa haki wapi
Namuonea huruma abbiy Ahmed alianza vizuri ...uongozi Africa ni kitu kigumu Sana...na pia alikuwa ni mtu wa haki ukiwa mtu wa haki hauwezi kudumu mfano magufuli.ghadafi...wenye nguvu duniani hawataki kuona viongozi wapenda haki na wenye maono mazuri wanataka viongozi wababaishaji ukiwa mkweli na mpenda haki ..Kuna raisi alikuwa wa Zambia alikuwa anaitwa Michael sata naye hakudumu ..Kuna mawili la ufe kabla ya wakati au utapata misukosuko ya Vita ...pole Sana abbiy Ahmed nakushauri kimbia mapema maana yake kifo chako hakipo mbali ..kimbia usife kijana...ghadafi aliambiwa akapuuzia matokeo yake Yuko kwenye udongo Sasa hivi ....kimbia ikiwezekana hata kesho...
 
23 October 2021
GEOPOLITICS : NILE WATERS, FOREIGN POWERS, INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATIONS AND "TRAITORS" , ARE BLAMED




Source : EBC

Dr Abiy Ahmed waziri mkuu wa Ethiopia (kulia) mwenye mavazi ya kijeshi, akiwa na kiongozi wa Eritrea rais Isaias Afwerki ambaye kihistoria rais Isaias Affwerki ana uzoefu wa kuwa kamanda wa mstari wa mbele ktk mapambano ya kijeshi yaliyopelekea Eritrea kujitenga toka kuwa jimbo la Ethiopia na kuwa nchi kamili iliyopo Pembe ya Africa .

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Inaonekana kuna msuguano mkali baina ya taasisi ya Usalama wa Taifa nchini Ethiopia na Jeshi huku pia ukabila ukichochea kutokuaminiana. Waziri Mkuu Dr. Dr Abiy Ahmed anajaribu kurudisha imani ya jeshi lililogawanyika kwa kujiweka karibu nalo lakini jeshi kama taasisi inayojitegemea sana kimfumo wa utawala bado linaweweseka kupitia u-camarade kuwa huyu siyo mwenzetu toka Idara ya Usalama wa Taifa inayojibainisha na kuegemea siasa zaidi ya chama cha Dr Abiy Ahmed kujaribu kubaki madarakani. Na vyama vya kisiasa Ethiopia vinamuelekeo wa ukabila zaidi.

Dr Abiy Ahmed waziri mkuu akila selfie na askari vijana katika kucheza abracadabra a.k.a "kiini macho" cha kukubalika mbele ya wadau na wananchi


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Mtifuano baina ya maafisa vijana wa kijeshi na wale wa vyeo vya juu wazee jeshini ni wa kihistoria nchini Ethiopia

04 April 2016

Mass Atrocity Monday : The Ethiopian Red Terror​


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Photo: Mengistu Haile Mariam (far left) with senior army officers.

You’d be forgiven for not knowing that in 1992, Ethiopia’s transitional government established a Special Prosecutor’s Office to investigate and try members of the military junta it had toppled. Or that over the course of 14 years, the Red Terror trials (as they were known) led to the convictions of more than 1,000 individuals, including 55 high-level regime officials. Or that the Derg’s leader, Mengistu Hailemariam, was convicted on genocide charges in absentia and
sentenced to death (on appeal) in 2008.

Despite the scale and scope of these trials, Ethiopia barely figures in the transitional justice literature. But it should. Not only is it a rare early (and African!) example of a fully domestic program of prosecutions for international crimes, it highlights many of the challenges of pursuing justice in a society gutted by decades of massive human rights violations and struggling to form functional institutions.

Here are some details:

The Derg seized power in the confusion following the 1974 overthrow of Ethiopia’s monarchy. They quickly launched a program of harsh reprisals against those associated with the imperial regime. Hundreds were arrested and 60 former officials were summarily executed without trial. The deposed Emperor himself was quietly murdered and buried under the floor of his former palace. But there was far worse to come.

In 1977, when the youth committees of the leftist Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) organized a protest calling for civilian rule, the Derg cracked down. In the “May Day Massacre” and its immediate aftermath, over a thousand young people were gunned down; many of them left lying in the streets. The regime famously required family members collecting their corpses to pay for the bullets used to kill them.

The May Day Massacre was only the beginning—what one historian describes as “the dress rehearsal” for the bloodshed that followed. The Red Terror began as a systematic attempt to wipe out threats to the regime, and ended in chaos. The agents of the campaign were unfettered in their mandate to liquidate members of the EPRP and its leftist rival Ma’ison. Local-level revolutionary defense squads were given carte blanche to kill anyone suspected of anti-regime sentiments. No one was safe.

The Red Terror’s death toll is still uncertain. It’s clear that by 1980, tens of thousands were dead or disappeared, and countless others were imprisoned. Credible estimates go as high as half a million dead, and experts on the era speak of a “lost generation” of Ethiopians.

The Derg finally collapsed in 1991, overthrown by a coalition of rebel forces called the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The transitional government faced the challenge of reconstituting the Ethiopian state after decades of brutal authoritarian rule and internal conflict.

The decision to institute a program of mass prosecutions was not an obvious one in the early 1990s. The international criminal tribunals were not yet established, and relevant precedents from other domestic jurisdictions were few and far between. (Very few. Argentina, Greece, and Nicaragua had all tried past regime leaders on purely domestic charges, and Bangladesh had legislated, but never created, an International Crimes Tribunal.)

The choice of a criminal justice approach perhaps reflects the need Ethiopia’s new leaders felt to both signal a sharp break with the past and put the Derg firmly beyond the pale. Although the regime had committed massive and systematic atrocities, they were not the only actors guilty of human rights violations over the course of 17 years of competing and overlapping rebellions and counter-insurgencies. Widespread participation in violence and abuses had created resentments that could tear the new political order apart. One of the most urgent tasks was therefore to “establish a common and uniform interpretation of the Derg era, by fixing memory and institutionalizing a view of the past conflict“, a priority expressed in the limitation of the Special Prosecutor’s mandate to regime crimes.

Along with the sensitive political context, the Red Terror trials faced a number of difficulties that are common to transitional settings: the lack of resources to pursue trials in a speedy manner, the absence of a skilled judiciary following lustration of Derg officials, and the evidentiary challenges of investigating atrocities many years after the fact. Nevertheless, they ground on for nearly a decade and a half, with almost no attention or assistance from the international community. They’re overdue for a look
Source : 4 April 2016 Mass Atrocity Monday, 4/4/2016: The Ethiopian Red Terror
 
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