Iran inamiliki Strait of Hormuz kisheria na kijiografia (legally & geographically grounded claim).
Strait of Hormuz siyo “international waters” kwa maana rahisi. Katika sehemu yake nyembamba zaidi, njia yote ya maji iko ndani ya territorial seas za Iran na Oman kila moja ikiwa na sovereign 12-nautical-mile zone.
Iran haijawahi kuridhia (ratify) mfumo wa United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) na haikubali zile “transit passage rules” ambazo US wanalazimisha. Ironically, hata US yenyewe haijawahi kuridhia UNCLOS. Badala yake, Iran inatumia mfumo wa zamani wa innocent passage chini ya Geneva Convention on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Zone ya mwaka 1958, ambao unawapa coastal states mamlaka ya kisheria (legal authority) kudhibiti, na inapobidi kwa sababu za usalama, kuzuia au kusimamisha usafiri wa meli ndani ya maji yao.
Hii inampa Iran msingi imara wa kisheria (solid legal basis) wa kuweka strict control, kutoa warning shots, au kuzuia baadhi ya meli hasa zile zinazohusishwa na aggressors kama United States au Israel kama response kwa kile kinachoelezwa kama American naval blockade.
Licha ya kuwa strait iko shared na Oman
lakini kila nchi inatekeleza full sovereignty juu ya territorial waters zake za 12-nautical-mile.
Sera ya Oman upande wake haimfungi Iran upande wa kaskazini. Iran haiko katika hali ya “controlling the whole strait illegally.” Kile inachofanya ni regulating traffic ndani ya territorial waters zake yenyewe, exactly kama international law inavyoruhusu chini ya innocent-passage regime ambayo inaifuata.
Naval blockade ya Marekani dhidi ya bandari na meli za Iran ndiyo inachukuliwa kama actual aggression hapa. Iran inajibu hatua hiyo ndani ya maji yaliyo literally kwenye doorstep yake
Kwa kifupi: Iran haifanyi piracy katika “open sea.” Inadai kuwa inatekeleza haki zake kamili za kisheria na kisovereign kudhibiti na kulinda Strait dhidi ya uwepo wa kijeshi wa Marekani.
Baada ya ceasefire ya hivi karibuni, Iran imeingia katika phase mpya ya full sovereign management. Sasa inafanya active vetting ya kila vessel ikiomba taarifa kamili kuhusu crew, cargo, na destination na wakati huo huo ikizuia hostile au military shipping na ku-prioritise friendly traffic. Iran pia inaweka transit tolls (zinazofikia hadi $2 million kwa supertanker), zikilipwa kwa non-dollar currencies, jambo linaloonyesha attempt ya kubadilisha geographic advantage kuwa direct economic leverage.
Hapa ndipo ugomvi na US ulipo
US inapinga hali hii na inasisitiza kuwepo kwa absolute right of passage. Lakini, kisheria na kijiografia, taifa lenye sovereignty linatumia haki zake juu ya maji yaliyo karibu kabisa na mipaka yake.
Trump na wenzake wanaweza kusema “violation” na kutoa vitisho vya mashambulizi kadiri anavyotaka, lakini hoja hii inasisitiza kuwa ramani (the map), sheria (the law), na jiografia (geography) vinaegemea upande wa Iran na kwamba hali hiyo haitabadilishwa na rhetoric pekee.
Tukichukulia mfano wa Strait of Malaca
Strait of Malacca inadhibitiwa na Indonesia, Malaysia na Singapore. Nchi zote tatu zime-ratify hiyo UNCLOS na zimekubali transit-passage regime. Pia zinashirikiana kupitia joint traffic separation scheme.
Strait of Gibraltar is a different legal case altogether. Strait of Gibraltar inapakana na Spain upande wa kaskazini na Morocco upande wa kusini (pamoja na eneo la Gibraltar chini ya United Kingdom). Lakini tofauti kuu ni kwamba njia hii inaunganisha two major bodies of water i.e Mediterranean Sea na Atlantic Ocean na ni mojawapo ya the world’s most important international chokepoints.
Kisheria (legally speaking), nchi zote zinazozunguka Strait of Gibraltar zimekubali United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Hii inamaanisha transit passage regime applies fully hapa. Under this regime, ships na aircraft wana right ya continuous and expeditious passage bila kuzuiwa hata kama wanapita ndani ya territorial waters.
Hii ni fully internationalized strait under modern law, siyo eneo la unilateral sovereign control
Strait of Hormuz iko tofauti. Iran haijawahi kuratify UNCLOS na imekuwa consistently ikikataa transit-passage rules ambazo US inalazimisha. Badala yake, inatumia mfumo wa zamani wa innocent passage chini ya Geneva Convention on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Zone, ambao unawapa coastal states haki wazi (clear right) ya kudhibiti au kuzuia shipping pale ambapo usalama wao unahatarishwa.
Oman inaweza kufanya inachotaka upande wake. Iran inafanya inachotaka upande wake
