Hamza Mwapachu, Abdulwahid Sykes na Chief Michael Lukumbuzya

Hamza Mwapachu, Abdulwahid Sykes na Chief Michael Lukumbuzya

Hapo kwa Cecil Matola naona kuna hoja ya msingi imeachwa... Historia inaanzia kwa katibu bila kumtaja Rais wa chama!?
Sahar,
Ikiwa wewe unaona kuna jambo muhimu ningeliandika kuhusu
Cecil Matola na mimi nimeliacha itakuwa vyema wewe liandike
lijulikane.

Hakuna ubaya wowote.

Lakini katika utafiti wangu katika historia ya African Asssociation
watu ambao wana mambo ya kueleza ni Kleist Sykes kwa kwanza
kuacha nyaraka za AA na pia kuandika maisha yake na kubwa kwa
ile sifa ya kuwa yeye ndiye alikuwa mfadhili mkuu na alishika nafasi
ya ukatibu kuanzia kuasisiwa kwa chama hadi alipofariki ukitoa 1933
alipojiuzulu.

Yupo Erika Fiah.

Huyu ukitaka kumjua soma tahariri zake katika gazeti, ''Kwetu.''
Inasemakana huyu ndiye Marxist wa kwanza Tanganyika.

Yuko Mashado Ramadhani Plantan.

Yeye alikuwa na gazeti la ''Zuhra,'' na ndiyo likaja kuwa sauti ya TANU
kuanzia 1954 hadi TANU ilipoanzisha gazeti lake, ''Sauti ya TANU.''

Yuko Mzee bin Sudi.

Yeye na Kleist baada ya kuasisi AA waliasisi Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi
Tanganyika 1933.

Sijakutana na chochote ''extraordinary,'' kwa Cecil Matola lakini hii
haina maana hakuna.

Sasa ikiwa lipo kubwa alilofanya Cecil Matola basi andika tulisome.
 
Kimsingi ile ya TANU ambayo haikumtaja Abdul tayari imekosolewa na kwa mujibu wa MS ameandika ili kuweka sawa historia. Hivyo sikutegemea nae afanye makosa yaleyale... Kwa kutomtaja Rais Matola kinagaubaga.
Sahar,
Mtapata tabu sana na historia hii.
 
Sahar,
Mtapata tabu sana na historia hii.


Sina shida na unachoandika Mkuu, Nimefaidika na mengi tu... Doubt yangu ilibaki hapo tu kwa Cicil Matola kama Rais wa Chama... Na ikiwa unasema hujaona cha mno cha kuandika kumhusu basi sina neno. Hata hivyo Sipo katika nafasi ya kupata tabu kama unavyo bashiri mkuu...
 
Kimsingi ile ya TANU ambayo haikumtaja Abdul tayari imekosolewa na kwa mujibu wa MS ameandika ili kuweka sawa historia. Hivyo sikutegemea nae afanye makosa yaleyale... Kwa kutomtaja Rais Matola kinagaubaga.
Sahar,
Kisa cha kichwa cha ''gramophone,'' kilichokwama kwenye sahani
ya santuri.

hamuwezi kusema lolote au kuuliza habari za Seaton na Budohi
au Upeka?

Au mlikuwa mnajua historia zao?

Hamtaki kujua ilikuwaje historia ya TANU ikaandikwa na Abdul
Sykes
na Dr. Klerruu?

Mnataka mimi niseme tu Cecil Matola alikuwa rais muasisi wa
AA.

Hii itakutosheni.

Hili kwenu ni kubwa kuliko hayo yote niliyokuwekeeni hapo juu.

Itakuwaje nikikuelezeni kuwa Budohi ndiyo alikuwa kiungo cha
Abdul na Kenyatta 1950 katika TAA?

Itakuwaje nikukelezeni kuwa hotuba ya Nyerere UNO ilitoka katika
kichwa cha Seaton 1950 kupitia TAA Political Subcommittee?

Nyie ndiyo mnadhani mtaweza kuandika historia ya TANU ipambane
na niliyochapa miaka 18 iliyopita?
 
Sina shida na unachoandika Mkuu, Nimefaidika na mengi tu... Doubt yangu ilibaki hapo tu kwa Cicil Matola kama Rais wa Chama... Na ikiwa unasema hujaona cha mno cha kuandika kumhusu basi sina neno. Hata hivyo Sipo katika nafasi ya kupata tabu kama unavyo bashiri mkuu...
Sahar,
Ahsante.
 
Sahar,
Kisa cha kichwa cha ''gramophone,'' kilichokwama kwenye sahani
ya santuri.

hamuwezi kusema lolote au kuuliza habari za Seaton na Budohi
au Upeka?

Au mlikuwa mnajua historia zao?

Hamtaki kujua ilikuwaje historia ya TANU ikaandikwa na Abdul
Sykes
na Dr. Klerruu?

Mnataka mimi niseme tu Cecil Matola alikuwa rais muasisi wa
AA.

Hii itakutosheni.

Hili kwenu ni kubwa kuliko hayo yote niliyokuwekeeni hapo juu.

Itakuwaje nikikuelezeni kuwa Budohi ndiyo alikuwa kiungo cha
Abdul na Kenyatta 1950 katika TAA?

Itakuwaje nikukelezeni kuwa hotuba ya Nyerere UNO ilitoka katika
kichwa cha Seaton 1950 kupitia TAA Political Subcommittee?

Nyie ndiyo mnadhani mtaweza kuandika historia ya TANU ipambane
na niliyochapa miaka 18 iliyopita?


Mzee Mohamed ... Kama nilivyoandika hapo juu nimejifunza mengi kupitia Uzi huu na nyinginezo...
 
Mkuu kwanza nikushukuru kwa kulileta hili jamvini. Wengi hawaelewi kwanini tunahoji, tuna challenge na kutoa maoni kuhusiana na maandiko ya Mohamed

Wengine tulijiuliza sana kuhusu historia ya kivukoni hata kabla ya MS hajatoa kitabu. Tulijiuliza , Dar ilikuwepo, AA ilikuwepo TAA ilikuwepo iweje historia ianzie katikati?

Kwamba, Nyerere alizaliwa ButiAma na kuhamia Dar es Salaam, role ya wenyeji wa mji huu mkuu wa nchi ilikuwa nini? Haikuelezwa na kutuacha na maswali

MS alipotoa kitabu , wengine tulivyosoma miaka mingi version zote za kiingereza na Kiswahili. TUliona hoja za upande wake tukaziweka katika uzani

Mwaka 2010 tulikuwa na mjadala wa miezi takribani 4 kuhusiana na kitabu chake

Ni hivi karibuni wengi wameacha kuchangia nikiwemo kwavile hakukuwa na jipya

Kinachoturudisha katika mjadala ni hizi jitihada za 'kumharamisha' Nyerere kwa lazima, ili kujenga daraja si la kuunganisha umma bali kutoa ufa miongoni mwa makundi ya jamii

Utakumbuka baada ya kitabu cha kwanza, MS ameendelea na vingine kama vile '...Christian Hegemony' na ndiye 'muasisi kama si mpiga debe' wa maneno kama mfumo kristo n.k. Maneno yanayoleta utengano na si utangamano katika jamii ile ile

Hoja za MS kwa haraka zinaonekana kusahihisha historia ambalo ni sawa,halina makosa.

Hadi leo watu wanaandika historia ya miaka 200 ya US seuse sisi wa 50

Ni wajibu wa wanazuoni kuonyesha mapungufu yasiyo onyeshwa na watangulizi

Tatizo si historia ya MS. Hakuna shaka anayoeleza ni kweli yalikuwepo.

Utakaaje uwepo wa AA au TAA ? Utakataa vipi kuwa vyama hivyo vilikuwa na viongozi na wafuasi? Utakataa vipi kuwepo kwa harakati za uhuru?

Utakataa vipi uwepo wa Matola. Kleist, Sudi, Kyaruzi n.k.?

Tatizo linalojitokeza ni kuwa masahihisho yanafanywa kwa makosa kama ilivyo Kivukoni.

Kwa mfano, tukikubali historia ilimwacha nje Abdul Sykes, tukaandika historia na kumwacha nje Cecil Matola, tunasahihisha makosa?

Tukisema Abdul aikwenda Burma na kurudi na fikra mpya, halafu tukasahau Nyerere alikuwa na fikra akiwa mbali na alishiriki akiwa huko huko tunasahihisha historia?

Tukiifanya historia kama sehemu ya dini tukijua ni ya Watanganyika tunasahihisha historia? Tukiwakweza watu kwa interest zetu na si historia, tunasahihisha historia

Kubwa Zaidi tukiandika historia ili kuligawa taifa na kuleta mifarakano kwa maneno na mjina ya historia , tunasahihisha historia?

Tukipotosha umma kwa kuficha ukweli au kupuuza wahusika tunasahihisha historia?

Leo tumefika mahali historia ya Taifa haitambuliwi kwa michango ya kila upande, tuna ibinafsisha kwa familia moja kwa interest zetu, tunasahihisha historia?

Tunaposingizia watu na si historia kama vile kumfanya Nyerere ni 'mhalifu' na si serikali, huku wengine wakifichwa kwa jina la serikali na si majina yao, tunatenda haki?

Tunapoingalia historia kwa jicho huyu mwislam na yule mkristo, tunasahihisha historia au tunapanda mbegu za historia nyingine?

Tunapopanda chuki na kubagua viongozi, la Nyerere ni Nyerere la Mwinyi ni serikali na la Kikwete ni serikali tunajenga utaifa au tunabomoa misingi ya utaifa?

Mkuu, hatupingi historia, na haiwezekani kupinga historia, tunakataa upotoshaji, unafiki, urongo, chuki na fitna kuchomekwa katikati ya historia

Nadhani utakuwa umenielewa na wengine.
Mkuu Nguruvi mimi nimekuelewa sana na nimekufuatilia sana lakini kwa umri wangu ulivyo mdogo nikiri nimejifunza mengi kwa maalim Mohamed Said. Kuna mnakasha mmoja niliusomaga sana na ulikuwa mrefu sana kuhusu hii historia aloandika maalim. Nakumbuka nilikuwa mgeni ila nilifaidi sana michango ya maalim Mohamed Said na challenge toka kwako mkuu Nguruvi, alikuwepo Mag, Yeriko na wengineo wengi kuwataja kwa uchache. Kikubwa nikwamba historia yetu inamapungufu na kupitia maalim nimejua mengi ambayo sikupata kuyajua au kuyasikia inawezekana yana mapungufu lakini nashukuru kwamba yalinipa mwanga nijue nianzie wapi.
 
Mkuu Nguruvi mimi nimekuelewa sana na nimekufuatilia sana lakini kwa umri wangu ulivyo mdogo nikiri nimejifunza mengi kwa maalim Mohamed Said. Kuna mnakasha mmoja niliusomaga sana na ulikuwa mrefu sana kuhusu hii historia aloandika maalim. Nakumbuka nilikuwa mgeni ila nilifaidi sana michango ya maalim Mohamed Said na challenge toka kwako mkuu Nguruvi, alikuwepo Mag, Yeriko na wengineo wengi kuwataja kwa uchache. Kikubwa nikwamba historia yetu inamapungufu na kupitia maalim nimejua mengi ambayo sikupata kuyajua au kuyasikia inawezekana yana mapungufu lakini nashukuru kwamba yalinipa mwanga nijue nianzie wapi.
Kolorama,
Kitu cha kusikitisha ni kuwa wamepindisha historia kwa khiyana
na hasad.

Kwa nini iwe hawa ndiyo waliofanya haya yote?
 
Kolorama,
Kitu cha kusikitisha ni kuwa wamepindisha historia kwa khiyana
na hasad.

Kwa nini iwe hawa ndiyo waliofanya haya yote?
Maalim Mohamed Said ndo maana nikasema si bahati mbaya. Ila naomba umelizie hilo darsa hapo juu kuhusu historia ya TANU ahsante nakutakia mfungo mwema
 
Nguruvi3,
Ndiyo nakuambia huna moja unalojua katika historia hii.
Mohamed kujua majina ya watu au kuishi nao si sababu ya kujua historia au kuzuia challenge.

Nina hoja ambazo huwezi kujibu na kila mara umekuja na mlolongo wa maelezo kama si mapicha ya vacation .

Kutokuja si kosa, kosa kubwa ni kukaa na kumeza tuu bila kujua unameza nini.

Unajua MS mimi nakufahamu sana si hapa jamvini.

Wewe ni miongoni mwa wenye grandiosity na hupenda kusikilizwa na kusifiwa.
Kwa upande mwingine una inferiority complex kubwa ndiyo maana hutaki challenge

Nipo na fulani, nimekula na fulani, nilizungumza na fulani ni signs and symptoms za inferiority complex

Eleza jamvini, iko wapi rasimu ya katiba ya Sykes aliyoandika au kukopi popote duniani?

Liambie jamvi kabla ya Kambarage kusema sasa TANU, nani mwingine aliwahi kutumia neno hilo katika mikutano?

Na lifahamishe jamvi, Cecil Matola anaondakaje katika historia na Kleist anaziba nafasi yake?

Mwisho, ulikataa kueleza jamvi kwanini Abdul sykes hakushika wadhifa baada ya uhuru

Tumeonyesha kwa kutumia maneno yako kuwa Sheik Amir ndiye king maker.
Alitumia mikutano ya siri katika nyumba za ibada dhidi ya Nyerere.
Nyerere akamuondoa haraka sana

Abdul akaingiwa na depression kwasababu king maker hayupo, popularity hakuna katika politics kutokana na elimu duni. Akasusa serikali ya Nyerere hadi anafariki.

Haya hutaki kuyasema wala watu kusikia, unataka wameze hadithi,ngano na tamthilia bila kutafuna! not on our watch
 
Mohamed kujua majina ya watu au kuishi nao si sababu ya kujua historia au kuzuia challenge.

Nina hoja ambazo huwezi kujibu na kila mara umekuja na mlolongo wa maelezo kama si mapicha ya vacation .

Kutokuja si kosa, kosa kubwa ni kukaa na kumeza tuu bila kujua unameza nini.

Unajua MS mimi nakufahamu sana si hapa jamvini.

Wewe ni miongoni mwa wenye grandiosity na hupenda kusikilizwa na kusifiwa.
Kwa upande mwingine una inferiority complex kubwa ndiyo maana hutaki challenge

Nipo na fulani, nimekula na fulani, nilizungumza na fulani ni signs and symptoms za inferiority complex

Eleza jamvini, iko wapi rasimu ya katiba ya Sykes aliyoandika au kukopi popote duniani?

Liambie jamvi kabla ya Kambarage kusema sasa TANU, nani mwingine aliwahi kutumia neno hilo katika mikutano?

Na lifahamishe jamvi, Cecil Matola anaondakaje katika historia na Kleist anaziba nafasi yake?

Mwisho, ulikataa kueleza jamvi kwanini Abdul sykes hakushika wadhifa baada ya uhuru

Tumeonyesha kwa kutumia maneno yako kuwa Sheik Amir ndiye king maker.
Alitumia mikutano ya siri katika nyumba za ibada dhidi ya Nyerere.
Nyerere akamuondoa haraka sana

Abdul akaingiwa na depression kwasababu king maker hayupo, popularity hakuna katika politics kutokana na elimu duni. Akasusa serikali ya Nyerere hadi anafariki.

Haya hutaki kuyasema wala watu kusikia, unataka wameze hadithi,ngano na tamthilia bila kutafuna! not on our watch
Nguruvi3,
Kuishi na watu si muhimu nani kakwambia?
Unadhani ningeyajua je haya kama nisingezaliwa na watu hawa?

Ukiona sikujibu elewa kuwa uungwana unanizuia.
Kuna vitu malezi yetu yanatukataza kusema.

Si kama sina majibu.

Sijameza kitu ingia katika nyaraka na vitabu nilivyosoma ndipo
utajua.

Angalia ''bibliography,'' katika kitabu cha Abdul Sykes.
Umesema kweli napenda kusifiwa kwani huruhusu?

Habari ya ''complex...''
Umenifurahisha sana.

Unataka document ya Abdul Sykes.

Wanajamvi,
Naomba msaada wenu.

Nguruvi3 kanambia nilete document ya Abdul Sykes na mimi
naleta haya hapo chini.

Someni na mtuamue maana Nguruvi3 hili kwake ni jambo zito.
Mwiba umemkwama kooni.

Hebu someni hapo chini:

''Britain was administering Tanganyika under articles 76 and 77 of the Charter of the United Nations. As the administering authority, Britain was expected to establish and promote political, economic and social advancement of Tanganyika until such time as its people were ready for self-rule. In spite of this international commitment, the British were more interested in safeguarding their own colonial interests and those of other minorities but-not those of the indigenous African majority. [1] In order to pre-empty African reaction to this injustice, in 1949 Governor Twining invited proposals from prominent individuals, welfare societies and from Native Authorities,[2] as to how Tanganyika should be governed. The TAA political committee submitted a memorandum to the Constitutional Development Committee which was signed by the entire executive: Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdulwahid Sykes, Vedasto Kyaruzi, Hamza Mwapachu, John Rupia, Stephen Mhando and Said Chaurembo. [3] In his annual report for 1950, Abdulwahid was to write:

''For the welfare of the Africans and to safeguard the interests of this Association and those of the African community as a whole, this Association has arranged for an advocate to stand by and to advise the Association on the technical side of the law. This advocate is Mr. E.E. Seaton of Moshi. He has from time to time written to the Association on various political subjects, and helped a great deal with his advices when this Association was compiling its memorandum on constitutional development.'' [4]


[1] For a detailed discussion on the subject see Cranford Pratt, The Critical Phase in Tanzania 1945-1968, Cambridge University Press, London, 1976, pp. 29-31.

[2] Ibid p. 30.

[3]The author was for the first time informed of the existence of this document by one of Mwapachu's children, Juma Volter Mwapachu. He was informed that Mwapachu took great pride in having participated in the drafting of this document. In her book Listowel mentioned this document and its historical significance to the political history of Tanganyika. But it was Pratt who analysed the document in detail. The document was first consulted by Pratt in 1959 in a file of the Committee on ‘Constitutional Development Report/and Despatches to the Secretary of State’ no. 1146-6, Dar es Salaam Secretariat Library. Although this file is available at the Tanzania National Archives, the document is missing. The author was informed that a microfilm of the document was available but that too could not be traced. For more information on loss of historical documents see M. Said, ‘In Praise of Ancestors Revisited’ in Africa Events, London March, 1989, pp. 50-51.

[4] Annual Report of the secretary of TAA, ibid.

Wanamajlis,
Nakupeni na hii zawadi kutoka kwa Juma Mwapachu:

''There is more to the freedom struggle which some of us do not seem to have the inclination to talk or write about.

For example, did you know that Abdul Sykes and the name you read in this Mtemvu story, Ali Mwinyi Tambwe went to Ukerewe Island where Hamza Mwapachu was 'exiled' by Governor Twining in March 1953 to discuss the candidacy of Julius Nyerere as new President of Tanganyika African Association as a prelude to the re-constitution of TAA into TANU in July 1954?

I still recall the visit vividly. I was a standard three pupil then and together with my brother Bakari had to sleep in the sitting room leaving our bedroom to the two guests.

Abdul Sykes was then President of TAA and the TAA leadership plus Dar-based political activists who were predominantly Moslems wanted Abdul Sykes to retain the Presidency.

Abdul was eager to secure Hamza's position on the matter given the fact that it was Hamza who introduced Nyerere to the TAA leadership in Dar back in 1949 before Nyerere left for Edinburgh University.

Since 1945 Hamza was firmly committed to the view that Nyerere was the best person to lead Tanganyika to independence.

For two reasons: First, he knew Nyerere as a very close friend from Makerere between 1943 and 1945 and was seized of his intellectual capacity.

Second, because after his two years stint in Wales as a mature student at the University of South Wales, Cardiff, and coming close to Fabian Society British friends, Hamza was of the firm belief that the Colonialists would be more amiable to dealing with a Christian leader than a Muslim one.

Abdul agreed with Hamza and whilst he had to stand in opposition to Nyerere because of Party electoral rules, he voted for Nyerere to be President of TAA in July 1953.

So here is another piece of history that some of you are unaware of.''

JV.

Nguruvi3,

Pole sana ndugu yangu.
Hebu soma vizuri na kwa utulivu.

Aliyeshika nafasi ya Kleist 1933 ni Erika Fiah.
Halafu unalalamika sikujibu.

Mengine hayo sitakujibu nimekuambia ukitaka kujua ugomvi wa
Nyerere na Sheikh Hassan bin Amir fungua uzi.

Utajua kama Abdul Sykes alihusika au hakuhusika.
Uwanja huu hautoshi.
 
Wanajamvi,
Naomba msaada wenu.

Nguruvi3 kanambia nilete document ya Abdul Sykes na mimi
naleta haya hapo chini.

Someni na mtuamue maana Nguruvi3 hili kwake ni jambo zito.
Mwiba umemkwama kooni.

Hebu someni hapo chini:

''Britain was administering Tanganyika under articles 76 and 77 of the Charter of the United Nations. As the administering authority, Britain was expected to establish and promote political, economic and social advancement of Tanganyika until such time as its people were ready for self-rule. In spite of this international commitment, the British were more interested in safeguarding their own colonial interests and those of other minorities but-not those of the indigenous African majority. [1] In order to pre-empty African reaction to this injustice, in 1949 Governor Twining invited proposals from prominent individuals, welfare societies and from Native Authorities,[2] as to how Tanganyika should be governed. The TAA political committee submitted a memorandum to the Constitutional Development Committee which was signed by the entire executive: Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdulwahid Sykes, Vedasto Kyaruzi, Hamza Mwapachu, John Rupia, Stephen Mhando and Said Chaurembo. [3] In his annual report for 1950, Abdulwahid was to write:

''For the welfare of the Africans and to safeguard the interests of this Association and those of the African community as a whole, this Association has arranged for an advocate to stand by and to advise the Association on the technical side of the law. This advocate is Mr. E.E. Seaton of Moshi. He has from time to time written to the Association on various political subjects, and helped a great deal with his advices when this Association was compiling its memorandum on constitutional development.'' [4]


[1] For a detailed discussion on the subject see Cranford Pratt, The Critical Phase in Tanzania 1945-1968, Cambridge University Press, London, 1976, pp. 29-31.

[2] Ibid p. 30.

[3]The author was for the first time informed of the existence of this document by one of Mwapachu's children, Juma Volter Mwapachu. He was informed that Mwapachu took great pride in having participated in the drafting of this document. In her book Listowel mentioned this document and its historical significance to the political history of Tanganyika. But it was Pratt who analysed the document in detail. The document was first consulted by Pratt in 1959 in a file of the Committee on ‘Constitutional Development Report/and Despatches to the Secretary of State’ no. 1146-6, Dar es Salaam Secretariat Library. Although this file is available at the Tanzania National Archives, the document is missing. The author was informed that a microfilm of the document was available but that too could not be traced. For more information on loss of historical documents see M. Said, ‘In Praise of Ancestors Revisited’ in Africa Events, London March, 1989, pp. 50-51.

[4] Annual Report of the secretary of TAA, ibid.

Wanamajlis,
Nakupeni na hii zawadi kutoka kwa Juma Mwapachu:

''There is more to the freedom struggle which some of us do not seem to have the inclination to talk or write about.

For example, did you know that Abdul Sykes and the name you read in this Mtemvu story, Ali Mwinyi Tambwe went to Ukerewe Island where Hamza Mwapachu was 'exiled' by Governor Twining in March 1953 to discuss the candidacy of Julius Nyerere as new President of Tanganyika African Association as a prelude to the re-constitution of TAA into TANU in July 1954?

I still recall the visit vividly. I was a standard three pupil then and together with my brother Bakari had to sleep in the sitting room leaving our bedroom to the two guests.

Abdul Sykes was then President of TAA and the TAA leadership plus Dar-based political activists who were predominantly Moslems wanted Abdul Sykes to retain the Presidency.

Abdul was eager to secure Hamza's position on the matter given the fact that it was Hamza who introduced Nyerere to the TAA leadership in Dar back in 1949 before Nyerere left for Edinburgh University.

Since 1945 Hamza was firmly committed to the view that Nyerere was the best person to lead Tanganyika to independence.

For two reasons: First, he knew Nyerere as a very close friend from Makerere between 1943 and 1945 and was seized of his intellectual capacity.

Second, because after his two years stint in Wales as a mature student at the University of South Wales, Cardiff, and coming close to Fabian Society British friends, Hamza was of the firm belief that the Colonialists would be more amiable to dealing with a Christian leader than a Muslim one.

Abdul agreed with Hamza and whilst he had to stand in opposition to Nyerere because of Party electoral rules, he voted for Nyerere to be President of TAA in July 1953.

So here is another piece of history that some of you are unaware of.''

JV..
Mohamed unahangaika sana na hoja yangu.

Sijakuambia ulete document, nimekuambua ulete draft au rasimu au katiba ya chama chochote cha siasa aliyoandika au kukopi Abdul Sykes kabla ya Nyerere

Hapa ndipo unaweza kuona jinsi unavyolaghai umma.
Ms hii si katiba ya chama chochote kilichowahi kuwepo wakati wa Klesit Sykes au mwanawe.

Nimekuleza kuwa Nyerere ndiye mtu wa kwanza kuandika katiba ya chama cha siasa.
Ukasema alikopi. Nikakujibu hata kama alikopi lakini ndiyo iliyokuwa katiba ya kwanza ya chama cha siasa kilichowahi kuwapo Tanganyika.

Mohamed Said hutumia njia za kubadilisha maneno ili kuficha madhaifu yake

Kama mtakumbuka Mohamed katika bandiko hili alisema Katiba ya chama cha TAA ILIIBWA DODOMA katika Microfilm na hawajui iko wapi.

Leo anatuletea hiyo kama ndiyo ile iliyoibwa katika microfilm na kwamba ndiyo katiba ya chama. Sina uhakika huyu mzee anajua anaandika nini na kama anajua maana ya katiba

Haya ni maandishi tu ambayo hata wewe unaweza kuyaweka na huwezi kuyatumia popote kama ndiyo katiba ya chama aliyoandika Abdul Sykes. Hivi kweli maongezi yanaweza kuwa katiba! Real mtu analeta kama ushahidi bila chembe ya aibu

Kama ndiyo katiba iliyoibiwa na ndiyo katiba iliyoandikwa na Abdul Sykes basi kuna kila sababu za kaumini kwanini 'watu wa kivukoni walisema chama cha starehe'

Kuna kila sababu za kujua kwanini ilichukua miaka 20 Nyerere kuja kuikomboa nchi

Miaka 50 wafuasi wake kama MS wanaamini hii ndiyo katiba ya TAA!!! Mungu wangu!

MS kama huna hoja kaa kimya, unajibiasha sana mzee wangu.
Hivi huna hata aibu kusema hii ndiyo katiba ya TAA aliyoandika Abdul Sykes

Nadhani wanajamvi mnaweza kuona kwanini tupo hapa.
Kwa wengine hili wanaliona ndio katiba ya TAA masikini yarabi!

Hadi utakapoleta katiba aliyoandika au kukopi kutoka eneo lolote duniani, Abdul Sykes na Baba yake, hawakuwahi kuandika nyaraka yoyote inayoitwa katiba .

Abdul Sykes aliona katiba kupitia kwa Julius Kambarage Nyerere ambaye ni mtu wa kwanza kuandika katiba ya chama na ku transform siasa za juu ya madema kuwa modern politics na katika institution ya TANU ambayo kabla yake hakuna aliyewahi kuitamka hadharani.

MS hii ndiyo katiba ya TAA aliyoandika Abdul Sykes. Kwanini unajidhalilisha hivi
 
Kolorama,
Kitu cha kusikitisha ni kuwa wamepindisha historia kwa khiyana
na hasad.

Kwa nini iwe hawa ndiyo waliofanya haya yote?

Sasa tunaelekea kule unakotaka tuelekee.
"Khiyana na hasad"

Soon utaleta story za EAMWS. Baadaye christian hegemony, NECTA halafu utatulia kwa mmanyema mwenzio Kighoma Ali Malima...
 
"Mohamed Said, post: 16572612, member: 12431"]Nguruvi3,
Kuishi na watu si muhimu nani kakwambia?
Unadhani ningeyajua je haya kama nisingezaliwa na watu hawa?
Mohamed Said, hakika kuna mambo yanatia maudhi si kwasababu nyingine bali pale yanapotoka.
Wewe ni mzee na hutakiwi kuwa tricky za mjidala za kitoto kiasi hiki.
Wapi nimeandika kuishi na watu si muhimu?

Onyesha hapa jamvi lione, kama hutaonyesha basi tambua unaukejeli umri wako na heshima
Ukiona sikujibu elewa kuwa uungwana unanizuia.Kuna vitu malezi yetu yanatukataza kusema.
Wewe jnayeweza kumkashfu Nyerere unasababu za kunisitiri mi

Unataka document ya Abdul Sykes
.Hapa ndipo panaonyesha jinsi usivyoweza mjadala na usivyoelewa.

Hivi mtu anaweza kuomba document tu bila kusema document gani na wewe ukatoa tu bila kujua ameombwa nini!!!

Hakuna mahali nimeomba document , nilichokiomba ni katiba ya kuandika au ya kukopi ya Abdul Sykes au Baba yake au ukoo mzima kama wanayo.

Hadi sasa hukuweza kuleta na kusingizia zimeibiwa Dodoma.

Ukweli, hakuna mahali Abdul aliandika katiba tukujia elimu yake ya darsa la 10. Ni fact

Kitu kinachoitwa katiba Abdul Sykes amekiona kutoka kwa Nyerere.

Sasaunasema Nyerere alikopi, well, iwe hivyo au la bado alikuwa anajua nini kinatakiwa.

Ingalikuwa rahisi,Abdul Sykes angekopi ziku nyingi. Hawakuweza kwasababu hawakujua namna ya ku transform chama kuwa institution, yeye na baba yake.

Waiendesha chama kwa umaarufu na hilo si jambo baya.

Ukweli upo pale pale hawakuwahi kuandika katiba asilani hadi anfariki
Nguruvi3 kanambia nilete document ya Abdul Sykes na mimi
naleta haya hapo chini.
Husemi nimeomba document gani, na kwa jinsi usivyoweza au usivyojua unaleta documents,yaani ukiombwa unatoa tu bila kujua umeombwa nini, real mzee!

Kwamba mtu anaweza kusema MS naomba document nawe ukaingia kabatini na kuleta document usiyojua ni ipi! it doesbn't make sense at all rather than telling us more

Mohamed kilichotakiwa si document ni katiba au rasimu aliyoandika Abdul Sykes!

Micro film imeibiwa Dodoma haijibu hoja na ni njia za mkato za kukwepa ukweli, tunataka ushahidi kuwa Abdul Sykes aliwahi kuandika katiba ya chama kabla ya Julius Nyerere! period
Someni na mtuamue maana Nguruvi3 hili kwake ni jambo zito.
Mwiba umemkwama kooni.
Mwiba upi umekwama? Mwiba umekwama kwako ndiyo maana unaleta document yoyote na kusema ni katiba ya TAA! Pathetic

Sasa wanajmvi someni katiba ya TAA aliyoandika Abdul Sykes probably kwa msaada wa nyaraka za baba yake Kleist Sykes.

Someni katiba ya chama hapa chini kaa ilivyoletwa na Alama Mohamed Saidi

Katiba ya Abdul Sykes- Mohamed Said
''Britain was administering Tanganyika under articles 76 and 77 of the Charter of the United Nations. As the administering authority, Britain was expected to establish and promote political, economic and social advancement of Tanganyika until such time as its people were ready for self-rule. In spite of this international commitment, the British were more interested in safeguarding their own colonial interests and those of other minorities but-not those of the indigenous African majority. [1] In order to pre-empty African reaction to this injustice, in 1949 Governor Twining invited proposals from prominent individuals, welfare societies and from Native Authorities,[2] as to how Tanganyika should be governed. The TAA political committee submitted a memorandum to the Constitutional Development Committee which was signed by the entire executive: Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdulwahid Sykes, Vedasto Kyaruzi, Hamza Mwapachu, John Rupia, Stephen Mhando and Said Chaurembo. [3] In his annual report for 1950, Abdulwahid was to write:

''For the welfare of the Africans and to safeguard the interests of this Association and those of the African community as a whole, this Association has arranged for an advocate to stand by and to advise the Association on the technical side of the law. This advocate is Mr. E.E. Seaton of Moshi. He has from time to time written to the Association on various political subjects, and helped a great deal with his advices when this Association was compiling its memorandum on constitutional development.'' [4]


[1] For a detailed discussion on the subject see Cranford Pratt, The Critical Phase in Tanzania 1945-1968, Cambridge University Press, London, 1976, pp. 29-31.

[2] Ibid p. 30.

[3]The author was for the first time informed of the existence of this document by one of Mwapachu's children, Juma Volter Mwapachu. He was informed that Mwapachu took great pride in having participated in the drafting of this document. In her book Listowel mentioned this document and its historical significance to the political history of Tanganyika. But it was Pratt who analysed the document in detail. The document was first consulted by Pratt in 1959 in a file of the Committee on ‘Constitutional Development Report/and Despatches to the Secretary of State’ no. 1146-6, Dar es Salaam Secretariat Library. Although this file is available at the Tanzania National Archives, the document is missing. The author was informed that a microfilm of the document was available but that too could not be traced. For more information on loss of historical documents see M. Said, ‘In Praise of Ancestors Revisited’ in Africa Events, London March, 1989, pp. 50-51.

[4] Annual Report of the secretary of TAA, ibid.

Halafu katiba ya Abdu Sykes inaendelea hapa kama ilivyoletwa na Mwapachu katika kuongeza nguvu umuhimu wa katiba ya Abdul Sykes
''There is more to the freedom struggle which some of us do not seem to have the inclination to talk or write about.

For example, did you know that Abdul Sykes and the name you read in this Mtemvu story, Ali Mwinyi Tambwe went to Ukerewe Island where Hamza Mwapachu was 'exiled' by Governor Twining in March 1953 to discuss the candidacy of Julius Nyerere as new President of Tanganyika African Association as a prelude to the re-constitution of TAA into TANU in July 1954?

I still recall the visit vividly. I was a standard three pupil then and together with my brother Bakari had to sleep in the sitting room leaving our bedroom to the two guests.

Abdul Sykes was then President of TAA and the TAA leadership plus Dar-based political activists who were predominantly Moslems wanted Abdul Sykes to retain the Presidency.

Abdul was eager to secure Hamza's position on the matter given the fact that it was Hamza who introduced Nyerere to the TAA leadership in Dar back in 1949 before Nyerere left for Edinburgh University.

Since 1945 Hamza was firmly committed to the view that Nyerere was the best person to lead Tanganyika to independence.

For two reasons: First, he knew Nyerere as a very close friend from Makerere between 1943 and 1945 and was seized of his intellectual capacity.

Second, because after his two years stint in Wales as a mature student at the University of South Wales, Cardiff, and coming close to Fabian Society British friends, Hamza was of the firm belief that the Colonialists would be more amiable to dealing with a Christian leader than a Muslim one.

Abdul agreed with Hamza and whilst he had to stand in opposition to Nyerere because of Party electoral rules, he voted for Nyerere to be President of TAA in July 1953.

So here is another piece of history that some of you are unaware of.''

JV.
Hapa mnaweza kuona 'katiba' aliyoandika Abdul Sykes kama ilivyoletwa na Mohamed Said. Please MS usimdhalilishe Abdul kiasi hicho.
Tafadhali sana uwezo wako usilete adha na fadhaa kwa familia nzima.

Kama huna hoja , kukaa kimya ni busara kuliko kuendelea kumdhalilisha Abdul.

Mtu akisoma hiyo kama ndiyo katiba ya kuunga unga vipande vigine kutoka kwa mwapachu na maongezi kuwa katiba ni dhalili ya juu sana. Kwamba hiyo ndiyo katiba aliyoandika Abdul Sykes ni aibu ! si kwa aliyeandika bali wewe uliyeileta hapa bila kujali dhalili yake!
 
Mohamed unahangaika sana na hoja yangu.

Sijakuambia ulete document, nimekuambua ulete draft au rasimu au katiba ya chama chochote cha siasa aliyoandika au kukopi Abdul Sykes kabla ya Nyerere

Hapa ndipo unaweza kuona jinsi unavyolaghai umma.
Ms hii si katiba ya chama chochote kilichowahi kuwepo wakati wa Klesit Sykes au mwanawe.

Nimekuleza kuwa Nyerere ndiye mtu wa kwanza kuandika katiba ya chama cha siasa.
Ukasema alikopi. Nikakujibu hata kama alikopi lakini ndiyo iliyokuwa katiba ya kwanza ya chama cha siasa kilichowahi kuwapo Tanganyika.

Mohamed Said hutumia njia za kubadilisha maneno ili kuficha madhaifu yake

Kama mtakumbuka Mohamed katika bandiko hili alisema Katiba ya chama cha TAA ILIIBWA DODOMA katika Microfilm na hawajui iko wapi.

Leo anatuletea hiyo kama ndiyo ile iliyoibwa katika microfilm na kwamba ndiyo katiba ya chama. Sina uhakika huyu mzee anajua anaandika nini na kama anajua maana ya katiba

Haya ni maandishi tu ambayo hata wewe unaweza kuyaweka na huwezi kuyatumia popote kama ndiyo katiba ya chama aliyoandika Abdul Sykes. Hivi kweli maongezi yanaweza kuwa katiba! Real mtu analeta kama ushahidi bila chembe ya aibu

Kama ndiyo katiba iliyoibiwa na ndiyo katiba iliyoandikwa na Abdul Sykes basi kuna kila sababu za kaumini kwanini 'watu wa kivukoni walisema chama cha starehe'

Kuna kila sababu za kujua kwanini ilichukua miaka 20 Nyerere kuja kuikomboa nchi

Miaka 50 wafuasi wake kama MS wanaamini hii ndiyo katiba ya TAA!!! Mungu wangu!

MS kama huna hoja kaa kimya, unajibiasha sana mzee wangu.
Hivi huna hata aibu kusema hii ndiyo katiba ya TAA aliyoandika Abdul Sykes

Nadhani wanajamvi mnaweza kuona kwanini tupo hapa.
Kwa wengine hili wanaliona ndio katiba ya TAA masikini yarabi!

Hadi utakapoleta katiba aliyoandika au kukopi kutoka eneo lolote duniani, Abdul Sykes na Baba yake, hawakuwahi kuandika nyaraka yoyote inayoitwa katiba .

Abdul Sykes aliona katiba kupitia kwa Julius Kambarage Nyerere ambaye ni mtu wa kwanza kuandika katiba ya chama na ku transform siasa za juu ya madema kuwa modern politics na katika institution ya TANU ambayo kabla yake hakuna aliyewahi kuitamka hadharani.

MS hii ndiyo katiba ya TAA aliyoandika Abdul Sykes. Kwanini unajidhalilisha hivi
Nguruvi3,
Vyama ambavyo Abdul Sykes alikuwa ni TAA na TANU.
Unanidai katiba yake.

Katiba ya African Association imeandikwa Abdul ana miaka mitano.
Katiba ya TANU nimekueleza walikopi katiba ya CPP ya Nkrumah.

Hujaridhika na maelezo haya.
Sina zaidi la kuongeza katika hilo.

Mimi kwako wewe kuamini kuwa katiba ya TANU kaandika Nyerere
hakunishughulishi kwa sasa kwa kuwa watu wanasoma historia
niliyoandika na mtu ana uhuru wa kuamini apendacho.

Tanzania ni nchi huru hutoshitakiwa kwa kusema kuwa Nyerere peke
yake alianzisha TANU, akajipeleka mwenyewe UNO nk. nk.

Ikiwa hivyo ndivyo ulivyosomeshwa shule nani wa kukulaumu?

Kuhusu Constitutional Developent Committee na lile document sijui ni
wapi lilinyofolewa.

Ukweli ni kuwa nakala yake Dodoma haipo wala Tanzania National
Archive Dar es Salaam halipo.

Hii haikuwa katiba ya TAA hebu punguza ghadhabu uweze kusoma
vizuri.

Kumbe hata historia ya TAA huijui unataka kuweka ligi na mimi?
Nani anajifedhehesha?

Ungelichukua muda ukamsoma Listowel au Pratt yote haya ungeyakuta
lakini kama ulivyopata kusema wewe hutaki vitabu.

Sasa sikiza hivi vitabu vyote viko Maktaba ya Chuo Kikuu Cha Dar es
Salaam nenda kasome kwanza kisha ndiyo rejea hapa jamvini.

Mimi kujiabisha katika uwanja huu hapana ndugu yangu.

Historia hii naijua na ndiyo maana sikukaa kimya miaka hiyo yote hadi
hii leo.

Wa kufunga mdomo si mimi.

Wa kufunga mdomo ni wewe kwa kuwa huna moja jipya unaloleta hapa
ila kuuliza maswali na mimi kukujibu.

Je, ulikuwa unaijua safari ya Nansio ya Abdul Sykes na Ally Mwinyi
Tambwe
kwenda kupata kauli ya Hamza Mwapachu kuhusu Nyerere.?

Hiyo ndiyo historia ya TANU.
Lakini kuna jambo ambalo si wengi wanalijua.

Ally Mwinyi Tambwe alikuwa ''mole,'' wa Waingereza.

Mazungumzo yale kati ya Abdul Sykes na Hamza Mwapachu yote yalifika
Special Branch.

Wakati ule mwaka wa 1953 Ally Mwinyi Tambwe alikuwa ndiye katibu wa
Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika.

Nguruvi3,
Umemsikia Juma Mwapachu?
Huna lolote la kusema au na yeye hajui kitu?
 
Sasa tunaelekea kule unakotaka tuelekee.
"Khiyana na hasad"

Soon utaleta story za EAMWS. Baadaye christian hegemony, NECTA halafu utatulia kwa mmanyema mwenzio Kighoma Ali Malima...
Nanren,
Umemzulia babu yangu uongo kuwa alifungwa kwa chokochoko za Uislam.

Nimekuandika historia ya babu yangu kwa muhtasari kukueleza kuwa ugomvi
wake na Nyerere ulikuwa kuhusu vyama vya wafanyakazi kuwa chini ya TANU.

Hakuna aliyekamilka ila Allah.

Umeteleza kam mimi na mwingine anavyoweza kukosea.
Nitake radhi kwa uongo huo.

Hayo ya EAMWS, NECTA Prof. Malima nk. nk. ukipenda fungua uzi nitakuja
In Shaallah.

Muhimu nitake radhi kwa kumsingizia uongo babu yangu.
Kwa wale ambao hawajasoma habari za babu yangu Salum Abdallah:


''Uncle Jei Jei:
Tatizo Nyerere si muislam kwa dini wala mmanyema kwa kabila.
Na kibaya zaidi, baba wa mwandishi huyu, aliwahi kuwekwa
rumande na serikali ya Nyerere baada ya kuleta chokochoko za
kidini zilizoanzishwa na AMNUT.

Nanren
,
Aliyewekwa kizuizini si baba yangu.
Aliyewekwa kizuizini ni babu yangu Salum Abdallah.

Hakuwekwa kwa ajili ya dini.

Yeye alikuwa Mwenyekiti wa Tanganyika Railway African Union (TRAU)
chama alichokiasisi na kuwa mwenyekiti wake mwaka wa 1955 Kasanga
Tumbo akiwa katibu.

TRAU ilipigana bega kwa bega katika uhuru wa Tanganyika na babu yangu
ni katika wanachama wa mwanzo wa TANU Tabora.

Yeye alikuwa katika kamati ya siri iliyokuwa ikifanya mikutano mjini hapo
kwa matayarisho ya kuundwa TANU.

Salum Abdallah alipigana kwa hali na mali katika kupambana na ukoloni.
Mwaka wa 1947 aliongoza General Strike halikadhalika mwaka wa 1949.

Mwaka wa 1960 aliongoza mgomo wa Railway uliodumu siku 82 kuvunja
rekodi ya mgomo wa siku 62 ulioongozwa na Makhan Singh Kenya.

Salum Abdallah alikamatwa na kuwekwa kizuizini baada ya maasi ya KAR
ya mwaka wa 1964 pamoja na viongozi wengine wa vyama vya wafanyakazi.

Lakini kesi ile ya waasi ilipokwenda mahakamani hawa viongozi wa vyama vya
wafanyakazi hawakushitakiwa kwa uasi.

Kuwekwa kwao ndani ilikuwa Mwalimu Nyerere anatafuta nafasi ya kuunda
chama kimoja cha wafanyakazi kitakachowekwa chini ya TANU.

Ule mgomo wa mwaka wa 1960 ndiyo uliomtia hofu Mwalimu Nyerere kwa
kudhihirikiwa kuwa kulikuwa na viongozi wa watu kama yeye ambao walikuwa
wakisikilizwa na wananchi.

Mara tu baada ya uhuru mwaka wa 1962 Nyerere aliitisha mkutano Moshi wa
viongozi wa wafanyakazi agenda ikiwa kuwa na chama kimoja chini ya TANU.

Babu yangu alikuwa mmoja wa watu waliompinga katika wazo hilo kwa hoja nzito.

Nyerere hakufurahishwa na yeye.

Babu yangu alipotoka kizuizini alijitoa katika siasa na kujikita katika biashara na
kilimo cha tumbuku Urambo.

Alipokufa mwaka wa 1974 TANU ilifika mazikoni na walisoma taazia ya kumsifia
wakisema kuwa Salum Abdallah aliweka mfuko wake wazi kwa TANU wakati
wa kupigania uhuru.

Babu yangu hakupata kujiunga na AMNUT yeye alikuwa TANU hadi alipohisi usaliti
ndani ya chama uliosababisha yeye kuwekwa kizuizini kwa shutuma za uongo.

Bahati mbaya sana umekuwa ukiamini kuwa babu yangu aliwekwa ndani kwa ajili
ya Uislam.

Naamini kuanzia sasa unampa babu yangu heshima anayostahili kama mpigania
haki na uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Itapendeza kama ndugu zangu mkajizuia kuandika mambo ambayo hamyajui.

Hiyo unayoita ''chokochoko,'' ukiwa unataka kuelewa historia yake fungua uzi In
Shaallah nitakuja na nitatoa darsa.
Uncle Jei Jei:
Tatizo Nyerere si muislam kwa dini wala mmanyema kwa kabila.
Na kibaya zaidi, baba wa mwandishi huyu, aliwahi kuwekwa rumande na serikali ya Nyerere baada ya kuleta chokochoko za kidini zilizoanzishwa na AMNUT.
Nanren,
Aliyewekwa kizuizini si baba yangu.
Aliyewekwa kizuizini ni babu yangu Salum Abdallah.

Hakuwekwa kwa ajili ya dini.

Yeye alikuwa Mwenyekiti wa Tanganyika Railway African Union (TRAU)
chama alichokiasisi na kuwa mwenyekiti wake mwaka wa 1955 Kasanga
Tumbo akiwa katibu.

TRAU ilipigana bega kwa bega katika uhuru wa Tanganyika na babu yangu
ni katika wanachama wa mwanzo wa TANU Tabora.

Yeye alikuwa katika kamati ya siri iliyokuwa ikifanya mikutano mjini hapo
kwa matayarisho ya kuundwa TANU.

Salum Abdallah alipigana kwa hali na mali katika kupambana na ukoloni.
Mwaka wa 1947 aliongoza General Strike halikadhalika mwaka wa 1949.

Mwaka wa 1960 aliongoza mgomo wa Railway uliodumu siku 82 kuvunja
rekodi ya mgomo wa siku 62 ulioongozwa na Makhan Singh Kenya.

Salum Abdallah alikamatwa na kuwekwa kizuizini baada ya maasi ya KAR
ya mwaka wa 1964 pamoja na viongozi wengine wa vyama vya wafanyakazi.

Lakini kesi ile ya waasi ilipokwenda mahakamani hawa viongozi wa vyama vya
wafanyakazi hawakushitakiwa kwa uasi.

Kuwekwa kwao ndani ilikuwa Mwalimu Nyerere anatafuta nafasi ya kuunda
chama kimoja cha wafanyakazi kitakachowekwa chini ya TANU.

Ule mgomo wa mwaka wa 1960 ndiyo uliomtia hofu Mwalimu Nyerere kwa
kudhihirikiwa kuwa kulikuwa na viongozi wa watu kama yeye ambao walikuwa
wakisikilizwa na wananchi.

Mara tu baada ya uhuru mwaka wa 1962 Nyerere aliitisha mkutano Moshi wa
viongozi wa wafanyakazi agenda ikiwa kuwa na chama kimoja chini ya TANU.

Babu yangu alikuwa mmoja wa watu waliompinga katika wazo hilo kwa hoja nzito.

Nyerere hakufurahishwa na yeye.

Babu yangu alipotoka kizuizini alijitoa katika siasa na kujikita katika biashara na
kilimo cha tumbuku Urambo.

Alipokufa mwaka wa 1974 TANU ilifika mazikoni na walisoma taazia ya kumsifia
wakisema kuwa Salum Abdallah aliweka mfuko wake wazi kwa TANU wakati
wa kupigania uhuru.

Babu yangu hakupata kujiunga na AMNUT yeye alikuwa TANU hadi alipohisi usaliti
ndani ya chama uliosababisha yeye kuwekwa kizuizini kwa shutuma za uongo.

Bahati mbaya sana umekuwa ukiamini kuwa babu yangu aliwekwa ndani kwa ajili
ya Uislam.

Naamini kuanzia sasa unampa babu yangu heshima anayostahili kama mpigania
haki na uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Itapendeza kama ndugu zangu mkajizuia kuandika mambo ambayo hamyajui.

Hiyo unayoita ''chokochoko,'' ukiwa unataka kuelewa historia yake fungua uzi In
Shaallah nitakuja na nitatoa darsa.''
 
Mohamed Said, hakika kuna mambo yanatia maudhi si kwasababu nyingine bali pale yanapotoka.
Wewe ni mzee na hutakiwi kuwa tricky za mjidala za kitoto kiasi hiki.
Wapi nimeandika kuishi na watu si muhimu?

Onyesha hapa jamvi lione, kama hutaonyesha basi tambua unaukejeli umri wako na heshimaWewe jnayeweza kumkashfu Nyerere unasababu za kunisitiri mi

.Hapa ndipo panaonyesha jinsi usivyoweza mjadala na usivyoelewa.

Hivi mtu anaweza kuomba document tu bila kusema document gani na wewe ukatoa tu bila kujua ameombwa nini!!!

Hakuna mahali nimeomba document , nilichokiomba ni katiba ya kuandika au ya kukopi ya Abdul Sykes au Baba yake au ukoo mzima kama wanayo.

Hadi sasa hukuweza kuleta na kusingizia zimeibiwa Dodoma.

Ukweli, hakuna mahali Abdul aliandika katiba tukujia elimu yake ya darsa la 10. Ni fact

Kitu kinachoitwa katiba Abdul Sykes amekiona kutoka kwa Nyerere.

Sasaunasema Nyerere alikopi, well, iwe hivyo au la bado alikuwa anajua nini kinatakiwa.

Ingalikuwa rahisi,Abdul Sykes angekopi ziku nyingi. Hawakuweza kwasababu hawakujua namna ya ku transform chama kuwa institution, yeye na baba yake.

Waiendesha chama kwa umaarufu na hilo si jambo baya.

Ukweli upo pale pale hawakuwahi kuandika katiba asilani hadi anfariki Husemi nimeomba document gani, na kwa jinsi usivyoweza au usivyojua unaleta documents,yaani ukiombwa unatoa tu bila kujua umeombwa nini, real mzee!

Kwamba mtu anaweza kusema MS naomba document nawe ukaingia kabatini na kuleta document usiyojua ni ipi! it doesbn't make sense at all rather than telling us more

Mohamed kilichotakiwa si document ni katiba au rasimu aliyoandika Abdul Sykes!

Micro film imeibiwa Dodoma haijibu hoja na ni njia za mkato za kukwepa ukweli, tunataka ushahidi kuwa Abdul Sykes aliwahi kuandika katiba ya chama kabla ya Julius Nyerere! period Mwiba upi umekwama? Mwiba umekwama kwako ndiyo maana unaleta document yoyote na kusema ni katiba ya TAA! Pathetic

Sasa wanajmvi someni katiba ya TAA aliyoandika Abdul Sykes probably kwa msaada wa nyaraka za baba yake Kleist Sykes.

Someni katiba ya chama hapa chini kaa ilivyoletwa na Alama Mohamed Saidi

Katiba ya Abdul Sykes- Mohamed Said

Halafu katiba ya Abdu Sykes inaendelea hapa kama ilivyoletwa na Mwapachu katika kuongeza nguvu umuhimu wa katiba ya Abdul Sykes Hapa mnaweza kuona 'katiba' aliyoandika Abdul Sykes kama ilivyoletwa na Mohamed Said. Please MS usimdhalilishe Abdul kiasi hicho.
Tafadhali sana uwezo wako usilete adha na fadhaa kwa familia nzima.

Kama huna hoja , kukaa kimya ni busara kuliko kuendelea kumdhalilisha Abdul.

Mtu akisoma hiyo kama ndiyo katiba ya kuunga unga vipande vigine kutoka kwa mwapachu na maongezi kuwa katiba ni dhalili ya juu sana. Kwamba hiyo ndiyo katiba aliyoandika Abdul Sykes ni aibu ! si kwa aliyeandika bali wewe uliyeileta hapa bila kujali dhalili yake!
Nguruvi3,
Umezungumza mengi ambayo hayana maana kwa hiyo sitajibu ila
hili la kumdhalilisha Abdul Sykes.

Mimi ndiye niliyemfufua Abdul Sykes kwa kuandika maisha yake na
ndiyo leo uko hapa unatokwa na povu na jasho.

Kitabu kimechapwa miaka 18 iliyopita lakini hadi leo kinavuma kila mtu
anakisoma tunakwenda sasa toleo la 4 katika miaka 18.

Unakijua kisa cha Brendon Grimshaw aliyekuwa Mhariri Mkuu wa gazeti,
Tanganyika Standard?

Unaijua taazia aliyomwandika Abdul Sykes baada ya kuona kuwa magazeti
ya TANU Nationalist, na Uhuru, yamemdhalilisha kwa kukataa kuandika
ukweli wa mchango wake kwa Nyerere na TANU yenyewe?

Mimi nimdhalilishe Abdul Sykes?
Nitaanzia wapi?

Huna moja ulijualo katika historia hii.

Wanamajlis,
Ikiwa mnataka kujua Grimshaw alisema nini kuhusu Abdul Sykes mwaka
wa 1968 katika Tanganyika Standard semeni nitoe darsa In Shaallah.

Grimshaw akijuana na Abdul toka 1950s.

ID_1070.jpg

Kushoto ndiye Brendon Grimshaw
 
Someni na mtuamue maana Nguruvi3 hili kwake ni jambo zito.

Hebu someni hapo chini:

''Britain was administering Tanganyika under articles 76 and 77 of the Charter of the United Nations. As the administering authority, Britain was expected to establish and promote political, economic and social advancement of Tanganyika until such time as its people were ready for self-rule. In spite of this international commitment, the British were more interested in safeguarding their own colonial interests and those of other minorities but-not those of the indigenous African majority. [1] In order to pre-empty African reaction to this injustice, in 1949 Governor Twining invited proposals from prominent individuals, welfare societies and from Native Authorities,[2] as to how Tanganyika should be governed. The TAA political committee submitted a memorandum to the Constitutional Development Committee which was signed by the entire executive: Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Abdulwahid Sykes, Vedasto Kyaruzi, Hamza Mwapachu, John Rupia, Stephen Mhando and Said Chaurembo. [3] In his annual report for 1950, Abdulwahid was to write:

''For the welfare of the Africans and to safeguard the interests of this Association and those of the African community as a whole, this Association has arranged for an advocate to stand by and to advise the Association on the technical side of the law. This advocate is Mr. E.E. Seaton of Moshi. He has from time to time written to the Association on various political subjects, and helped a great deal with his advices when this Association was compiling its memorandum on constitutional development.'' [4]


[1] For a detailed discussion on the subject see Cranford Pratt, The Critical Phase in Tanzania 1945-1968, Cambridge University Press, London, 1976, pp. 29-31.

[2] Ibid p. 30.

[3]The author was for the first time informed of the existence of this document by one of Mwapachu's children, Juma Volter Mwapachu. He was informed that Mwapachu took great pride in having participated in the drafting of this document. In her book Listowel mentioned this document and its historical significance to the political history of Tanganyika. But it was Pratt who analysed the document in detail. The document was first consulted by Pratt in 1959 in a file of the Committee on ‘Constitutional Development Report/and Despatches to the Secretary of State’ no. 1146-6, Dar es Salaam Secretariat Library. Although this file is available at the Tanzania National Archives, the document is missing. The author was informed that a microfilm of the document was available but that too could not be traced. For more information on loss of historical documents see M. Said, ‘In Praise of Ancestors Revisited’ in Africa Events, London March, 1989, pp. 50-51.

[4] Annual Report of the secretary of TAA, ibid.

Wanamajlis,
Nakupeni na hii zawadi kutoka kwa Juma Mwapachu:

''There is more to the freedom struggle which some of us do not seem to have the inclination to talk or write about.

For example, did you know that Abdul Sykes and the name you read in this Mtemvu story, Ali Mwinyi Tambwe went to Ukerewe Island where Hamza Mwapachu was 'exiled' by Governor Twining in March 1953 to discuss the candidacy of Julius Nyerere as new President of Tanganyika African Association as a prelude to the re-constitution of TAA into TANU in July 1954?

I still recall the visit vividly. I was a standard three pupil then and together with my brother Bakari had to sleep in the sitting room leaving our bedroom to the two guests.

Abdul Sykes was then President of TAA and the TAA leadership plus Dar-based political activists who were predominantly Moslems wanted Abdul Sykes to retain the Presidency.

Abdul was eager to secure Hamza's position on the matter given the fact that it was Hamza who introduced Nyerere to the TAA leadership in Dar back in 1949 before Nyerere left for Edinburgh University.

Since 1945 Hamza was firmly committed to the view that Nyerere was the best person to lead Tanganyika to independence.

For two reasons: First, he knew Nyerere as a very close friend from Makerere between 1943 and 1945 and was seized of his intellectual capacity.

Second, because after his two years stint in Wales as a mature student at the University of South Wales, Cardiff, and coming close to Fabian Society British friends, Hamza was of the firm belief that the Colonialists would be more amiable to dealing with a Christian leader than a Muslim one.

Abdul agreed with Hamza and whilst he had to stand in opposition to Nyerere because of Party electoral rules, he voted for Nyerere to be President of TAA in July 1953.

So here is another piece of history that some of you are unaware of.''

JV.

Nguruvi3,

Pole sana ndugu yangu.
Hebu soma vizuri na kwa utulivu.

Aliyeshika nafasi ya Kleist 1933 ni Erika Fiah.
Halafu unalalamika sikujibu.

Mengine hayo sitakujibu nimekuambia ukitaka kujua ugomvi wa
Nyerere na Sheikh Hassan bin Amir fungua uzi.

Utajua kama Abdul Sykes alihusika au hakuhusika.
Uwanja huu hautoshi.
Nguruvi3,
Umezungumza mengi ambayo hayana maana kwa hiyo sitajibu ila
hili la kumdhalilisha Abdul Sykes.

Mimi ndiye niliyemfufua Abdul Sykes kwa kuandika maisha yake
Hiyo ndiyo katiba ya Abdul Sykes, kama hujamdhalilisha nasubiri siku itakapotokea
 
Back
Top Bottom