Huyu ndiye Lissu Mzalendo anayepigania maslahi ya Tanzania na Watanzania

Huyu ndiye Lissu Mzalendo anayepigania maslahi ya Tanzania na Watanzania

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Tanzanian authorities attempt to silence activists on Bulyanhulu case
17 JANUARY 2002


Tanzanian authorities have arrested Rugemeleza Nshala, President of the Lawyers Environmental Action Team (LEAT), and raided the house of another LEAT lawyer, Tundu Lissu in connection with their investigations into abuses and irregularities at the World Bank-backed Bulyanhulu gold mine. Augustine Mrema, National Chairman of the Tanzanian Labour Party was also arrested on similar grounds. The arrests and raids took place on the night of 23 November 2001.

Both Nshala and Lissu have been actively investigating the alleged killings of 62 small-scale miners and eviction of thousands more at the mine site in August 1996. LEAT had called a press conference on Monday, 19 November, to reiterate its demand for an international commission of inquiry to investigate these allegations.

Nshala, currently released on bail, and Mrema, under house arrest in hospital, have been charged with sedition. Police have reportedly seized evidence obtained by LEAT as part of their investigations. Lissu was abroad when the arrest and raid took place on Saturday, 24 November. A warrant has been issued for his arrest.

Non-governmental organisations familiar with the case believe the arrest and raid are attempts to intimidate LEAT into silence. Ten NGOs, including the Bank Information Center, Friends of the Earth, Mining Watch and the Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL), have denounced the arrest and raid as “serious violations of the fundamental human right to free speech, a free press, and to unfettered participation in the political process”.

In a letter to World Bank president James Wolfensohn, the organisations urged the Bank to intervene to stop the intimidation and ensure the personal protection of Nshala, Lissu and other LEATmembers. “Given that the arrest and the raids relate directly to LEAT‘s investigation of a MIGA-backed project, we believe that the World Bank should intervene with the Tanzanian authorities to express its concern and call for a halt to this harassment,” the letter stated.

Bank involvement
The Bank is involved in the Bulyanhulu mine through its private sector investment arm, the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA). Last year, MIGA issued a US$115 million guarantee against political risks to a syndicate of banks for their loan to Kahama Mining Corporation Limited, a wholly-owned subsidiary of Canada-based Barrick Gold Corporation. A guarantee of US$56 million was also issued to Barrick who bought over Kahama and Sutton Resources, former parent company of Kahama, in March 1999.

While the alleged killings and evictions took place prior to MIGA‘s involvement in the project, LEATand other NGOs have pointed out what appear to be major failures in MIGA‘s due diligence procedures with regards to Bulyanhulu. LEAT claims that Barrick had failed to disclose to MIGA information on the alleged killings and forced evictions. Barrick also did not mention the existence of pending legal proceedings on these allegations in the Tanzanian courts. LEAT also claims that the Bank officials who visited the site were told of the forced evictions and killings by a representative of the Bulyanhulu Miners Committee, but never questioned local community leaders about them.

LEAT has also challenged the legality of Barrick’s prospecting rights to Bulyanhulu, maintaining that no concessional licence was ever issued to Kahama at the time the evictions and alleged killings took place at the mine site.

Yet, Kahama had sought to evict the artisinal miners from Bulyanhulu in 1995 and permanently restrain them from interfering with what the companies claimed to be their concessional area. The Tanzanian High Court ruled in favour of the miners on 29 September 1995, upholding their claims that they had been in lawful occupation of the land since 1975 and that they held title by virtue of customary law. The court held that the rights of the miners were infringed by the forced evictions and absence of compensation or resettlement of the indigenous peoples.

Kahama appealed against the court’s decision but later withdrew their case. In July 1996, eviction orders were issued by the Minister of Minerals and Energy at the time, Dr William Shija, and on 2 August 1996, the miners sought and obtained a temporary injunction to stop the evictions from the High Court. In spite of this, the evictions and destruction of the mining settlements went ahead and it was during these evictions that the alleged deaths occurred.

LEAT and other NGOs want MIGA to suspend their political risk guarantee to Kahama and Barrick pending an independent inquiry. MIGA‘s environmental and social policies prohibit the issuance of guarantees for projects which involve the forced relocation of indigenous communities and violate the laws of the recipient countries.

LEAT maintains that the evictions were in defiance of a court order and therefore illegal. Barrick’s failure to mention the allegations and the court case in their project submission to MIGA also contravenes MIGA‘s information disclosure policy, says LEAT.

“These legal proceedings that both Barrick and Kahama must have been aware of are not acknowledged at all in the Social Development Plan that must have been under preparation during the same period of time,” said Nshala in a letter to the Canadian Export Development Corporation which also supplied Barrick with an investment guarantee. “(T)his omission appears to have been deliberately intended to preclude both MIGA and the EDC from making a more informed decision regarding Barrick’s applications for political risk guarantees.”

MIGA response
MIGA insists that the Bulyanhulu project complies with all its environmental and social policies, including their policy on involuntary resettlement. In their statement on 26 September this year, MIGA said it was not convinced of the allegations against Barrick with regards to the alleged deaths in spite of evidence presented to it by LEAT. It said that the evidence, including a list of 36 names of miners allegedly buried alive when the mine shafts were filled during the evictions, eyewitness accounts of the incident, and videotapes shot by the police and company employees involved in the evictions, “provides no evidence of wrongdoing on the part of either the Tanzanian government or Barrick Gold Corporation of Canada”.

MIGA maintains that the video of police investigations at the mine site in 1996 depicting remains of dead bodies being exhumed from the scene were not conclusive proof of liability on the company’s part. “MIGA is not convinced that the human remains depicted in the tape are demonstrably located at the site where the pits were filled and are demonstrably of exhumed miners,” its statement read.

MIGA also claims that the Barrick-Kahama involvement in the Bulyanhulu mine site has led to increased social and economic development for communities in the area. “Prior to Kahama and MIGA‘s involvement in the project, artisinal miners on the site commonly worked in violation of safe mining standards … that regularly led to the mines’ collapse and the death of miners,” it said. “Today, the turnaround is significant. All mining is now conducted in accordance with international environmental and social standards.” MIGA also argues that the Bulyanhulu project has created more jobs, improved medical facilities on the ground and made clean water available to residents.

LEAT and other NGOs counter MIGA‘s claims, saying that the project has cost the destruction of more livelihoods than it has helped. Many of the jobs the project claims to have created “are out of reach of the local communities whose livelihoods and jobs were destroyed in the first place,” said Nshala.

Corporate partnership
MIGA‘s role in Bulyanhulu is one in a long and contentious history of the agency’s involvement in controversial projects. NGOs have long criticised the agency for its support for private sector projects with poor environmental and human rights records. A report published by Friends of the Earth, Urgewald and Campagna per la Riforma della Banca Mondiale in July 2001 concludes that “many of MIGA‘s activities promote, even subsidise poor corporate behaviour at the expense of people and the environment”.

The report, ‘Risky Business: How the World Bank’s Insurance Arm Fails the Poor and Harms the Environment’, slams the agency for its promotion of private sector investment over development concerns and its continued involvement in energy, mining and large infrastructure sectors which cause the most impact on community livelihoods and the environment.

In theory, MIGA claims to support investments in poorer regions which commercial insurers steer clear of, but in practice, the agency’s portfolio mirror existing investment patterns. Increasing investment in the African mining sector is a strong focus of MIGA even though much of the foreign direct investment flowing into Africa already supports this sector, states the report. Risky Business further criticises MIGA for its poor environmental and disclosure policies as well as its poor monitoring of environmental and development impacts.

The Bulyanhulu case also highlights the dangerous consequences of the World Bank’s policy of liberalising mining sectors in Africa to encourage foreign direct investment. The Bank has been involved in redesigning the mining laws in Tanzania and other parts of the region through its technical assistance programmes to facilitate this liberalisation. In 1993, it helped the Tanzanian government rewrite existing mining sector legislation to reduce state involvement in the industry and liberalise licensing regulations and the tax regime to make it easier for private companies to operate in the country and repatriate their profits. While there were provisions for containing environmental degradation, much of the focus in this area was on the effects of small scale prospecting rather than the environmental costs of large commercial mining projects.

Links:

Lawyers Environmental Action Network (LEAT)

Environmental and Human Rights NGOs Call for Independent Review of Forced Displacement and Alleged Massacre , statement by Center of International Environmental Law

Buried Alive? The Bulyanhulu Accusations, selection of reports on Bulyanhulu by the Mines and Communities Company

Tanzanian Police Raids, Action Alert by Mining Watch, Canada

Bothends Report on Bulyanhulu

MIGA Statement on the Bulyanhulu Mine in Tanzania

Risky Business: How the World Bank’s Insurance Arm Fails the Poor and Harms the Environment

Previous Bretton Woods Project articles:

MIGA responds to critics

MIGA attacked by NGOs and Congress
 
DAR ES SALAAM

The leader of an opposition party and two environmental lawyers were this week charged with sedition over their persistent claims that at least 50 artisanal miners were buried alive at Bulyanhulu, Tanzania’s biggest gold mine, in 1996.

Claims that small-scale miners were buried alive initially emerged soon after Bulyanhulu mining areas were cleared for the development of large-scale production when the mine was taken over by foreign investors in 1996.

The Tanzanian government and Barrick Gold, the Canadian company that owns the mine, have repeatedly denied the claims.

Augustine Mrema, leader of the Tanzania Labour Party (TLP), and Rugumeleza Nshala and Tundu Lissu of the Lawyers Environmental Action Team (LEAT) were charged with sedition for allegedly having published material and made speeches encouraging disaffection against the government.

Mrema told IRIN on Thursday that the police had charged him with writing a letter or giving a press statement in which he was alleged to have said that at least 52 people were buried alive in the Bulyanhulu mine, and that the government had not taken any steps to investigate the matter.

He said that, as he did not know what material the police were referring to, he had denied the charges and was waiting to see what was levelled against him. Mrema insisted that he did not intend to incite people against the Tanzanian government.

Nshala confirmed that he and Lissu had been held in connection with a statement last year claiming that the mining company, aided by the police, had filled in artisanal mining pits in 1996 "while knowing that there were people inside those pits".

"I am just waiting for the charges to be formally levelled against me and then I will explain myself," Nshala told IRIN. "Basically it is a campaign to try and silence us, but we think that the facts will come through in the case."

The trial is scheduled to begin on 31 May 2002. If convicted, the three accused face up to two years in prison and a fine of 10,000 Tanzanian shillings (about US $10).

The TLP and LEAT have been conducting independent inquiries into the Bulyanhulu allegations, and claim to have proof that artisanal miners were buried alive when the mine was being developed in 1996.

Vince Borg, head of Corporate Communications at Barrick Gold Corporation, told IRIN in March that those people who claimed to have evidence supporting the allegations of killings at Bulyanhulu should present it to the proper authorities.

One of Tanzania’s most respected legal figures, Judge Mark Bomani, called in the same month for an independent commission into the alleged killings in 1996. Bomani, a former attorney-general, said that only an independent commission could impartially establish the truth over claims that have sporadically emerged in the press over the last five years.

This article was produced by IRIN News while it was part of the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Please send queries on copyright or liability to the UN.

For more information: Rights & Permissions | Shop.un.org : Official Source for United Nations Books and More
 
Kuna wafuasi na wapiga kura lazima hilo liingie akilini tusije kimbiana hiyo October 28 angeenda akapate uzoefu kwa EDO
 
"There is Death in them thar' Pits": Canada's Barrick Gold in Tanzania

by Tracy Glynn, The Dominion Paper

Tanzanian environmental lawyer Tundu Lissu wants Canada's Barrick Gold held accountable for abuses perpetrated by the company in Tanzania. He is concerned by the latest rash of violent deaths occurring around the Barrick owned North Mara gold mine.

Local villager Kieva Yohanna was shot five times in the back after having allegedly entered the mine complex illegally on June 1. According to Lissu, his death marks the sixth violent death linked to Barrick's security operatives in less than a year.

In July 2005, police shot and killed Marwa Nyansinge on the grounds of the Nyabigena Primary School. As mine operatives fled the scene of the shooting they struck and killed another villager, Bhoke Maseke, who was holding a child. Marwa Nyansinge was targeted by police for allegedly stealing petroleum from the North Mara Gold mining company, then owned by the Canadian gold mining company Placer Dome and later bought by Barrick.

According to Lissu, the killings represent a shift in Barrick's strategy for dealing with locals critical of its operations.

In 2001, after being forcefully evicted from their homes to make way for the mine, hundreds of villagers, including community leaders and prominent locals, were targeted for illegal arrests, criminal prosecutions and long-term imprisonment. Lissu believes the strategy was intended to frighten community members and discourage resistance to the mine, but notes that it "never quite worked, particularly after we started to offer free legal representation to the villagers targeted."

The latest killings signal a change in tactics for Barrick to what Lissu calls 'naked violence,' but violence in Tanzania's mining industry and Canada's involvement is nothing new.

In the early 1990s, the Tanzanian government turned to Foreign Direct Investment to develop its mining sector. As Tanzania became the largest recipient of FDI in Africa, many Tanzanians' with small-scale mining and farming operations had their livelihoods destroyed through land acquisitions involving bulldozers and paramilitary forces.

"A potentially viable regional economy based on small-scale mining was physically destroyed at the behest of the World Bank and transnationals to make way for large-scale mining," says Jamie Kneen from Mining Watch Canada, "Who benefits? The companies and their shareholders. Not Tanzanians, or at least not the ones whose farms are being destroyed, or whose hand-dug pits were bulldozed, or whose shops no longer have customers."

The Bulyanhulu mine in northern Tanzania, operated by Kahama Mining Corporation is one of the world's most infamous cases of mine-related violence. In August 1996, it is alleged that over fifty artisanal (small-scale) miners were buried alive in a pit by a bulldozer used to construct the mine. The move was seen as a tactic to clear the pits of an estimated 250,000 artisanal miners in the community.

The Bulyanhulu mine was bought three years later by Toronto-based global mining giant Barrick Gold. Barrick and the Tanzanian government both denied allegations of mass murders at Bulyanhulu and accused those leading the charges of lying. Lissu and his organization, Lawyers' Environmental Action Team (LEAT), responded with videotapes, eyewitness accounts, family testimonies, and a list identifying 36 men that he says were buried alive.

One of the family testimonies came from Melania Baesi, the mother of two alleged victims, Jonathan and Ernest Lwekamwa. The last time she saw her two sons alive was when they were heading off to work in a small mine pit with a dozen other miners. One of the miners who had left the pit earlier that day to fetch a rope visited Melania Baesi's house that evening to recount what he saw when he returned to the pit from his errand: "Policemen were everywhere and the company's Caterpillar was leveling the pits. They tried to push me back into the pit but I managed to escape and run away into the bushes with sounds of gunfire behind me." When the families went to the pit hoping to rescue their loved ones, they found leveled pits instead.

Lissu and others maintain that the cover-up allowed Barrick to secure US$ 234 million in political risk insurance from the World Bank and Canada's Export Development Corporation. Critics also believe the cover-up may have been aided by Barrick's many influential friends�the company's international advisors have included former Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and former U.S. president George Bush Sr.

In 2001, many international organizations, including the Council of Canadians, Mining Watch Canada and Amnesty International, called for an independent international investigation into the allegations of mass murder in the Bulyanhulu pit. A number of appeals for such an investigation were made to then Foreign Affairs Ministers; John Manley, Pierre Pettigrew and Bill Graham all rejected the calls for an independent inquiry.

Barrick is now the largest gold mining company in the world, and the Bulyanhulu mine has become one of its most profitable.

Like many mining activists around the world, Lissu has been arrested, charged, and jailed. He was arrested at his residence in Dar es Salaam on December 23, 2002, immediately after returning from the U.S. where he was then a research fellow at the World Resources Institute, and was held for over 24 hours in an underground jail known as "The Hole." Lissu and two colleagues, including the leader of the Tanzanian opposition party, were charged with violating Tanzania's 1976 Newspaper Act No. 3 for "uttering words with seditious intention." The sedition charge stemmed from their persistent claims that artisanal miners were buried alive at Bulyanhulu. The criminal charges of for sedition against Lissu and his colleagues remain to this day, but the prosecutors have yet to kick-start the proceedings. Lissu and his colleagues at LEAT continue to press for justice for small-scale miners despite police intimidation including raids of their homes and offices.

Lissu says Canadians must take action "to support an end to the killings of innocent civilians. We particularly request that our Canadian partners and friends draw public attention to these abuses and help bring Barrick Gold Corporation to account for its actions."

Lissu's latest call comes at a time when a Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade is holding roundtable discussions across the country on corporate social responsibility for Canadian mining companies operating overseas. It remains to be seen if these discussions will result in the attention and accountability that Lissu and so many others around the world are seeking.
 
Kuna wafuasi na wapiga kura lazima hilo liingie akilini tusije kimbiana hiyo October 28 angeenda akapate uzoefu kwa EDO
Lowassa alipata zaidi ya kura mil 10 , hata yeye alitamka hadharani , bali alitangazwa aliyepata kura mil 3 unusu , lakini ujinga huo mwaka huu hautarudiwa
 
Kipindi hicho alikuwa anaenda vizuri sana, wakati huo selikali kwa mujibu wa Mnyika ilikuwa dhaifu sana!

Sasa alipoingia Magu akaanza kushughulikia hayo ndio Lisu alipogeuka adui.

Kiufupi Lisu huwa anacheza ma wakati kulingana na kiongozi aliyepo madarakani na hufanya hivyo kwa manufaa yake.

Lisu angekuwa serious angeungana na Magufuli kupigania alichokuwa analipigania kwa muda wa hiyo miaka 30
Lakini yeye aligeuka akawa upande wa hao wezi huku akisema tutashitakiwa.

Kwa hivyo ni sahihi kusema kwamba Lisu alikuwa anapiga kelele, ili kelele zake ziwe zinampa kipato toka kwa hao wezi.
 
Umeanza upumbavu kama kawaida yako.
Kila mtu hapa anatoa maoni yake kulingana na anavyoona yeye! Hili jukwaa si la babaako kwamba kila anaetoa maoni lazima yakupendeze wewe!

Ni jukwaa huru hili tunajdili kidemocrasia siyo kichadema.
 
Hiyo ilikuwa miaka ya 1990s. Wakati huo akiwa na umri wa miaka 32 ndipo kwanza kamaliza masomo yake ya uanasheria. Akiwa bado mzalendo, alijaribu kupambana na mabeberu wa migodi yetu ya dhahabu akitetea wanyonge na maliasili ya taifa letu kuporwa na hao mabeberu.

Miaka ya 2000s mabeberu hao wakamununua kwa pesa nyingi. Kuanzia hapo kwa malipo mazuri amekuwa mshirika wao kuhakikisha anawatetea mabeberu hao kwa nguvu zake zote ili waendelee kupora rasilimali za taifa letu.

Ili kumpa uwezo zaidi wa kufanya utetezi / ushawishi huo walimwezesha kuwa mbunge kupitia chama fulani cha ki saccos. Wakamuwezesha kwenda mataifa mbali mbali ya ulaya na amerika kuichafua nchi yetu na kuziomba nchi hizo na jumuiya za kimataifa kuitenga na kuiwekea nchi yetu vikwazo za kiuchumi hadi hapo tutakaposalimu amri kwa mabeperu hao kuendelea kupora mali zetu na kukubali ushoga. Wakampa na uraia wa moja wapo wa nchi zao.

Hali ilipofikia hapo spika wa bunge letu akamtimua ubunge kwa kosa la kukosa uzalendo pamoja na makosa mengine lukuki. Kwa nguvu ya pesa mabeberu hawa wamemurudisha kuja nchini kuwa raisi kabisa wa nchi yetu. Chama hicho cha saccos kikampitisha haraka haraka kuwa mgombea wao wa urais. Nguvu ya pesa toka kwa mabeberu hao inafanya kazi. Mabeberu hawa ndiyo wanagharimia kampeni za chama hicho ambacho hadi sasa kimepokea magari 100 mapya ya kufanyia kampeni hizo. Na mazuzu fulani tayari yameshaanza kumuita mgombea mtarajiwa huyu kwa jina la 'rais, rais' sehemu mbali mbali apitazo akifanya kampeni kabla ya muda uliotolewa na NEC.

Hiyo ndiyo historia ya Tundu Antipas Lissu (aka TAL). Aliachana na uzalendo miaka 20 iliyopita kwa masilahi yake binafsi. Aliona uzalendo haulipi na hivyo akaachana nao. Sasa ana mkakati wa kupandikiza chuki miongoni mwetu ili tupigane wenyewe kwa wenyewe na kuisambaratisha nchi yetu kama walivyofanya mabeberu hawa huko Libya, Misiri na Syria! Mkakati huo uko backed na vyombo vyao vya habari vya kimataifa kama DW, BBC, VOA na Al Zeejira! Tukishasambaratika TAL atarudi kwao Ubelgiji kuishi kwa raha mstarehe akiwa multi dollar millionair.

Watanzania tuamke, tuwe macho na tuchukue hatua sasa.
 
Lissu hadi hii leo ni mzalendo hajawahi kukwapua hata senti moja ya walipa kodi ukilinganisha na huyo yesu fake aliyepora nyumba za serikali, kununua kivuko uozo etc.

Hiyo ilikuwa miaka ya 1990s. Wakati huo akiwa na umri wa miaka 32 ndipo kwanza kamaliza masomo yake ya uanasheria. Akiwa bado mzalendo alijaribu kupambana na mabeberu wa migodi yetu ya dhahabu akitetea wanyonge na maliasili ya taifa letu kuporwa na hao mabeberu.

Miaka ya 2000s mabeberu hao wakamununua kwa pesa nyingi. Kuanzia hapo kwa malipo mazuri amekuwa mshirika wao kuhakikisha anawatetea mabeberu hao kwa nguvu zake zote ili waendelee kupora rasilimali za taifa letu.

Ili kumpa uwezo zaidi wa kufanya utetezi / ushawishi huo walimwezesha kuwa mbunge kupitia chama fulani cha ki saccos. Wakamuwezesha kwenda mataifa mbali mbali ya ulaya na amerika kuichafua nchi yetu na kuziomba nchi hizo na jumuiya za kimataifa kuitenga na kuiwekea nchi yetu vikwazo za kiuchumi hadi hapo tutakaposalimu amri kwa mabeperu hao kuendelea kupora mali zetu na kukubali ushoga. Wakampa na uraia wa moja wapo wa nchi zao.

Hali ilipofikia hapo spika wa bunge letu akamtimua ubunge kwa kosa la kukosa uzalendo pamoja na makosa mengine lukuki. Kwa nguvu ya pesa mabeberu hawa wamemurudisha kuja nchini kuwa raisi kabisa wa nchi yetu. Chama hicho cha saccos kikampitisha haraka haraka kuwa mgombea wao wa urais. Nguvu ya pesa toka kwa mabeberu hao inafanya kazi. Mabeberu hawa ndiyo wanagharimia kampeni za chama hicho ambacho hadi sasa kimepokea magari 100 mapya ya kufanyia kampeni hizo. Na mazuzu fulani tayari yameshaanza kumuita mgombea mtarajiwa huyu kwa jina la 'rais, rais' sehemu mbali mbali apitazo akifanya kampeni kabla ya muda uliotolewa na NEC.

Hiyo ndiyo historia ya Tundu Antipas Lissu (aka TAL). Aliachana na uzalendo miaka 20 iliyopita kwa masilahi binafsi. Sasa ana mkakati wa kupandikiza chuki miongoni mwetu ili tupigane wenyewe kwa wenyewe na kuisambaratisha nchi yetu kama walivyofanya huko Libya, Misiri na Syria! Mkakati huo uko backed na vyombo vya habari vya kimataifa kama DW, BBC, VOA na Al Zeejira!

Watanzania tuamke, tuwe macho na tuchukue hatua sasa.
 
Lissu hadi hii leo ni mzalendo hajawahi kukwapua hata senti moja ya walipa kodi ukilinganisha na huyo yesu fake aliyepora nyumba za serikali, kununua kivuko uozo etc.
Anasaidia mabeberu kukwapua rasilimali za nchi yetu kuzipeleka kuendeleza viwanda na ajira za nchi zao. Yeye Tundu analipwa na mabeberu hao kwa kuwezesha neocolonism hiyo. It is not as simple as your mind thinks.
 
"Mwalimu Nyerere aliongoza kijanjakijanja" By Mzalendo Tundu Lissu 😀
Lissu hadi hii leo ni mzalendo hajawahi kukwapua hata senti moja ya walipa kodi ukilinganisha na huyo yesu fake aliyepora nyumba za serikali, kununua kivuko uozo etc.
 
This has nothing to do with the ongoing discussion.

"Mwalimu Nyerere aliongoza kijanjakijanja" By Mzalendo Tundu Lissu 😀
 
Lissu says Canadians must take action "to support an end to the killings of innocent civilians. We particularly request that our Canadian partners and friends draw public attention to these abuses and help bring Barrick Gold Corporation to account for its actions."
Lissu failed to organise Tanzanians to deal with that situation by then, instead he pleaded to 'them' to solve our own problems! Lissu knew that some of them were part of the problem. I am doubting his ability of doing the situation analysis of serious matters.

By then, we had all 'machineries' to deal with that problem. The judiciary, parliaments, law enforcement teams and others; above all we people, Wananchi, were there waiting some one to lead us to handle the matter. Lissu was not around! I am wondering, why Lissu did not feel happy to use these machineries, instead he 'raised his arm higher to beat a drum' of help from abroad. Lissu did not believe in solving our own problems by using our own means. I guess he has not changed his mind of looking lowly our own machineries. Lissu anazidharau na kutudharau.

Lissu's dharau against our own machineries and us has reached a level that it has converted into his hate against us, Tanzanians. Do not forget, Lissu ushered his hatred by declaring and appealing the world to turn back against our country economically, politically, diplomatically, socially name them. Lissu insisted his hatred against Tanzania by begging the 'World' to spit on Tanzania's face. Can you believe it? Currently, Lissu is aspiring to seek residency in our 'White house'. Wonders shall never end!

It is 'highly and likely', Lissu still holds that hatred against Tanzania, that is why he has not apologized for his wrong doings. Tanzanians are watching and observing, they will show him who they are during Election session in October 2020.

To sum up, Lissu is not bold enough to come up with solutions, which are based on our own bright human resources we have to tackle our problems. In other words, he will be relying on foreign 'good' gesture and will to lead and attend our nation matters, which is totally wrong! With his character, Lissu does not fit in the position of handling such huge responsibility, as being 'Amiri Jeshi Mkuu'.

I 'rest' my case.

===
Na karibisha mawe ya hoja kwa waliokerwa. Ndiyo raha ya kuwa na mawazo yanayokinzana. Ha ha haaaa!
 
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