Israel na Palestina, ni mgogoro unaotokana na maslahi ya kiuchumi na kisiasa ya kimataifa

Israel na Palestina, ni mgogoro unaotokana na maslahi ya kiuchumi na kisiasa ya kimataifa

Kwa serikali ya Israel dini kwao sio jambo kabisa, what concern them is the Map of the world.

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Mzozo wa Israel na Palestina: Kwanini jamii ya Wakristo itaangamia Jerusalem iwapo mzozo huo utaendelea
18 Mei 2021, BBC.



Chini ya Juma moja , mzozo kati ya Israel na Palestina umeongezeka na kusababisha ghasia chungu nzima.

Umewawacha watu 127 wakiwa wamefariki na mamia kujeruhiwa katika mashambulizi ya pande zote mbili.

Ni hali ngumu zaidi katika kipindi cha miaka mitano , na Umoja wa mataifa unahofia kuzuka kwa vita vya kiwango cha juu.

Na kati ya mzozo huo , jamii za wachache wanatathmini jinsi mzozo huo ambao haujatatuliwa kwa miaka 70 unahatarisha uwepo wao.

Wakristo wa Palestina waliohamia katika eneo hilo na ambao wanawakilisha asilimia moja ya idadi ya watu katika eneo hilo , wanasema kwamba njia mbadala iliopo ni kuondoka .

''Sisi sio Wakristo tu. Tuko zaidi ya Wapalestina Waarabu na kila kitu kinachofanyika hapa kinatuathiri moja kwa moja'' , anasema Bandak Saleh, Mkristo wa Orthodox anayeishi Bethlehemu katika eneo la West Bank alipozungumza na BBC Mundo.

Iwapo mzozo huo hautatatuliwa , hakutakuwa na Wakristo katika ardhi ambayo Yesu alizaliwa, anasema

Wengi wa Wakristo wanaoishi Jerusalem ni Wapalestina.

BBC Mundo ilizungumza na baadhi ya viongozi wa makanisa ya Kikristo wanaoishi katika eneo la Wapalestina kubaini ni vipi wanauona mzozo huo, kiwango cha ghasia na hatma yao katika eneo hilo.


1.Itakadi kali zinavujisha damu mji mtakatifu

Kwa sasa , idadi ya Wakristo katika eneo la Palestina ni 50,000 ambayo ni asilimia moja pekee, iliosambaa katika mji wa Bethlehem, Ramallah na Jerusalem, mbali na wale wanaoishi ukanda wa Gaza.

Kati ya wote ,asilimia 48 inamilikiwa na watu wa kanisa la Orthodox Ugiriki , asilimia 38 kanisa Katoliki na iliosalia ikimilikiwa na waumini wa kanisa la Protestant, Presbyterian na Orthodox wenye sheria tofauti kutoka Syria na Armenia,

Katika miji hiyo ni baadhi ya vivutio vya mahujaji kwa dini zao tofauti, maeneo ambayo Yesu alizaliwa , kuhubiri na kufariki , kulingana na Biblia na tamaduni za Kikristo.

''Kwa viongozi wa Kikristo katika eneo hilo, madai yaliopo ni kwamba vitendo vya serikali ya Israel ni miongoni mwa majaribio yalioshinikizwa na mawazo ya itikadi ambayo yanawanyima watu haki ya kuishi katika makazi yao," kama anavyozungumza Askofu wa kanisa katoliki mjini Jerusalem Pierbatista Pizzaballa.

''Na hilo linaliza roho za mji huo mtakatifu'', anaongezea.

Kwa upande wake ,katibu mkuu wa baraza la makanisa katika eneo la mashariki ya kati Michel E, Abs anasema kwamba kuna madhara ya moja kwa moja: Kila mzozo , vita na mgogoro wa kisiasa kila mara husababisha watu kuwachwa bila makao na kwamba watu ni sharti waishi katika eneo wanaloishi, aliambia BBC Mundo.



Kwake yeye , kwa kuwa Wakristo ni wachache , tisho hilo linawaweka katika hatari ya kutoweka iwapo mzozo huo utaendelea.

''Wakristo Waarabu ambao ni lazima watoroke, hawana uwezo sawa ambao Waarabu Waislamu wanao ambao ndio wengi. Hali hiyo inaweza kuangamizi jamii hiyo ambayo imeishi katika eneo hilo la Palestina kwa karne nyingi'', anasema katibu wa baraza hilo.

Hatahivyo tisho hilo haliishi.

''Huwezi kuimarika kimaisha iwapo kuna watu ambao wanataka kukuondoa katika eneo unaloishi , kukata miti ambayo umepanda nyumbani kwako , ama iwapo hawezi kukuacha utembee ukiwa huru'', anasema.

Kitu muhimu kwa Wakristo ni usaidizi waliopokea kutoka kwa Wakristo Wapalestina wanaoishi nje ya eneo hilo - katika mataifa mengine na ambao wamesaidia kuimarisha mtandao wa usaaidizi ulioanzishwa na vituo vya kijamii hususan katika eneo la West Bank.

Jukumu la viongozi wa Kikristo walilochukua limesaidia katika eneo la chini , wakisaidia jamii yao , kupitia parokia , kwa njia ya kidini licha ya kwamba wanaofaidika ni Wakristo au sio, anasema.


"Jamii ya Wakristo ina uzito mkubwa katika eneo hilo , lakini ni ndogo : Mariano Aguirre , mtaalamu wa mambo ya mashariki ya kati anasema.

Mzozo huo unawaathiri wale wote wanaoishi Jerusalem katika eneo kwa jina mji wa kale na eneo la mashariki, ambapo Wapalestina huwachwa bila makao mara kwa mara na ambao uhisi wananyanyaswa na walowezi wa Kiyahudi.

Jamii ya Kikristo hususan huathiriwa kwasababu mbili .

Moja ya sababu za unyanyasaji wa mara kwa mara unaofanyiwa Wakristo wa kanisa la Orthodox na wawakilishi wao wa kidini na walowezi wa KIyahudi.

Sababu nyengine ni kwamba idadi ya Wakristo 16,000 inayoishi Jerusalem 13,000 ni Wapalestina .

Jamii ya Wakristo inayoishi Jerusalem ni ndogo . Ina uwezo mkubwa wa kidini lakini uwezo wake wa kushawishi kisiasa katika mgogoro wa Israel na Palestina ni mchache .

2. Iwapo kuna mzozo hakuna uchumi
Mjini Jerusalem , utalii na biashara imeathiri shinikizo za Israel kuchukua kwa nguvu hoteli zilizopo katika mji huo wa kale ambazo zinamilikiwa na makanisa ya Wakristo.

Walid Dajani anamiliki hoteli ya Imperial, ambayo hufanya kazi ndani ya jumba ambalo humilikiwa na kanisa la Ugiriki la Orthodoz na ambalo lipo ndani ya maeneo matakatifu ya mji huo.

Dajani anasema kwamba ameshuhudia shinikizo kutoka kwa makundi ya Israel yenye itikadi kali kuondoka maeneo hayo na kupeana mali yake.

Limekuwa tatizo kubwa.

Jumba hili limemilikiwa na kanisa la Orthodox kwa karne kadhaa na kutokana na maamuzi ya mahakama ambayo hatuyaelewi , wanakaribia kupoteza udhibiti huo, Dajani aliambia BBCMundo.

3. " Hatuwezi kwenda kanisani "
Saleh Bandak ameripotiwa kukamatwa . na amehudumu siku kadhaa jela Israel. Baada ya miaka kadhaa ya uanaharakati wa kisiasa , sasa ameingia ktika biashara ya chakula .

Anaishi Bethlehem ambapo anamiliki mgahawa karibu na kanisa la Nativity , moja ya vituo vikuu vinavyovutia katika ardhi hiyo takatifu.

''Mimi ni Mkristo wa Orthodox na mara nyingi , ninapotaka kwenda kusali katika hekalu la Maria Magdalina ambalo ni mojwapo ya makanisa yaliopo ambayo hayapatikani Jerusalem , hawataki kuniruhusu nipite, siwezi kupita'', Saleh anaambia BBC Mundo.

Na kwake yeye hatua hiyo inaweza kuwa na thari katika siku za mbeleni , hadi kufikia kiwango ambacho kutakuwa hakuna Wakristo tena katika eneo la Wapalestina.

''Hakuna mtu anayetaka kuishi hivi. Watu wanataka kuishi kwa utulivu na amani, iwapo wanataka kwenda kusali ambacho ni kitu cha kila siku , wanapaswa kufanya bila kulazimika kutoa stakhabadhi wanapokwenda kanisani'', anadai

BBC
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Kwahiyo wayahudi kwao ni wapi ?

Wanatakiwa kuishi wapi ?
Popote pale ambapo sheria za kimataifa zitawaruhusu kukaa its fine. Kila watu wanayo haki ya self determination. Tatizo la Dola ya Israel, wanatumia haki yao ya self determination kuvunja haki za wengine (wapalestine)..

Na hili hata nchini mwao sasa hivi wanalifanya. Mwaka juzi wamepitisha sheria ambayo, makundi mengine yeyote nchini Israel hayatambuliwi, isipokuwa Wayahudi tu.

Hii ndio kinachowekwa na sheria hiyo.

- “the right to exercise national self-determination” in Israel is “unique to the Jewish people.”
-It establishes Hebrew as Israel’s official language, and downgrades Arabic — a language widely spoken by Arab Israelis — to a “special status.”
-It establishes “Jewish settlement as a national value” and mandates that the state “will labor to encourage and promote its establishment and development.” (Vox).
 
Popote pale ambapo sheria za kimataifa zitawaruhusu kukaa its fine. Kila watu wanayo haki ya self determination. Tatizo la Dola ya Israel, wanatumia haki yao ya self determination kuvunja haki za wengine (wapalestine)..

Na hili hata nchini mwao sasa hivi wanalifanya. Mwaka juzi wamepitisha sheria ambayo, makundi mengine yeyote nchini Israel hayatambuliwi, isipokuwa Wayahudi tu.

Hii ndio kinachowekwa na sheria hiyo.

- “the right to exercise national self-determination” in Israel is “unique to the Jewish people.”
-It establishes Hebrew as Israel’s official language, and downgrades Arabic — a language widely spoken by Arab Israelis — to a “special status.”
-It establishes “Jewish settlement as a national value” and mandates that the state “will labor to encourage and promote its establishment and development.” (Vox).
Kuhusu sehemu yoyote ambayo sheria za kimataifa zinaruhusu, ndio hapo walipo sasa hivi ndio maana Israel inatambulika kama nchi.

Binafsi naamini taifa moja ingekuwa ni suluhisho lenye afadhali, vinginevyo hiyo vita haitakuwa na mwisho.

Hata kama wayahudi watakuja kupigwa na kuondolewa hapo, bado watakuja kujipanga na kurudi hapo.

Ni ukweli usiopongika kwamba wayahudi hapo ndipo chimbuko lao.

Kitu kinacholeta ugumu kwenye huo mgogoro ndio hicho, wapalestine wanasema wanataka ardhi yao ( kwahiyo wayahudi waende wapi ?

Wayahudi wanaamini hiyo ndio ardhi yao na kibaya wana historia mbaya sana huko nyuma kutokana na kuishi ugenini ( Germany ) kwahiyo hawawezibtena kukubali kutafuta hifadhi ugenini.
 
Kuhusu sehemu yoyote ambayo sheria za kimataifa zinaruhusu, ndio hapo walipo sasa hivi ndio maana Israel inatambulika kama nchi.

Binafsi naamini taifa moja ingekuwa ni suluhisho lenye afadhali, vinginevyo hiyo vita haitakuwa na mwisho.

Hata kama wayahudi watakuja kupigwa na kuondolewa hapo, bado watakuja kujipanga na kurudi hapo.

Ni ukweli usiopongika kwamba wayahudi hapo ndipo chimbuko lao.

Kitu kinacholeta ugumu kwenye huo mgogoro ndio hicho, wapalestine wanasema wanataka ardhi yao ( kwahiyo wayahudi waende wapi ?

Wayahudi wanaamini hiyo ndio ardhi yao na kibaya wana historia mbaya sana huko nyuma kutokana na kuishi ugenini ( Germany ) kwahiyo hawawezibtena kukubali kutafuta hifadhi ugenini.
Binafsi sioni tatizo la Israel kuwa pale [kwa mazingira yalivyo sasa]. Ila suala la kuwa na taifa moja, ni ufumbuzi wenye muono mfupi. Kama kuna kosa dunia imelifanya na kulikubali, ni kuunda nation state bila kuzingatia watu wanaounda mataifa hayo wana historia gani ya kuishi pamoja. Ndicho kinachoitesa Nigeria, Sudan kusini na mataifa mengi ya M.E. wayahudi na wapalestine hawawezi kukaa taifa moja, kihistoria na kidini ni watu wasiochanganyika. Suluhu yao ni kuwa na mataifa mawili (two states). Tatizo Israel ina lengo baya. Ndio maana wasayuni wenye itikadi kali kama kina Netanyahu wanatunga sheria za kutowatambua haki za wengine nchi mwao, sasa hawa watu wanawezaje kuwa taifa moja?
 
Tunapozungumzia Historia ya PALESTINE na ISRAEL ...tumefanya tafiti za kutosha za kihistoria ......Sasa ninapomuona Mtu mmoja mweusi aliyejazwa mafundisho ya Visaasili ( Mythology) vya dini Kichwani na moyoni alafu MTU huyo anataka kuleta hoja za KIPUMBAVU na kitumwa naamua kupuuzia tu

Kwasababu PALESTINE sio Dini ... PALESTINE ni nchi yenye WAPALESTINA Wakristo , WAPALESTINA wayuda, WAPALESTINA Waislamu na WAPALESTINA wasio na Dini .
Kwahiyo hapa hoja Ni Hutu ( Conscience) ...

Sasa unapomuona Mtumwa wa Fikra ( kuku wa israel wa Afrika)...aliyejazwa mafundisho ya Visaasili vya dini na propaganda ili atumike kulinda maslai ya MAZAYUNI kupitia Wachungaji ( Walimu) wake inakuwa inafedhehesha bara letu la Afrika...

Huwezi kupinga,kuhoji au kutoa maoni kuhusu issue ya PALESTINE na ISRAEL Kama hujui kuhusu mambo YAFUATAYO

1.Khazaria Ashkenazi Jews

2.Historia ya Zionism movement na tabia zake

3.Azimio la BALFOUR DECLARATION OF 1917..

4.Uganda Scheme of 1903.

5.Proposals for a Jewish state ( Maeneo yaliyokoswa koswa kuwa israel na TANZANIA ilikuwa miongoni)

6.FAKE AND STAGED HOLOCAUST JEWS FROM 230000 TO 6.5 MILION JEWS ( LIES)

7. HISTORIA YA OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND MANDATE PALESTINE CHINI YA muingereza.

9.Nini maana ya "SS EXODUS ? ya 1947 ??

10.UNO Resolution 181(II) la 1947 tarehe 29th November Tukio lililofanyika lilikuwa linahusu nini??

11.14th may 1948 kulitokea Tukio gani ??

12. 1950s Israel na MAREKANI kwanini walianzisha neno UGAIDI na MAGAIDI ???

13.UKATIRI, UBAGUZI, MAUAJI , UBOMOAJI MAKAZI ,NA UKOLONI WA KUTUMIA JESHI uliofanyika Kuanzia 1948 Hadi leo

14. Tofauti Kati ya WAISRAEL ( watu weusi) na WAYAUDI ( Zionists yaani wazungu na walowezi kutoka ulaya)

15.Ni Kwanini MAREKANI ndo lilkuwa Taifa la kwanza kuitambua Israel ??

16. Kwanini Wanaharakati wote walioleta Uhuru barani Afrika WALIKATAA kuitambua Israel ....hata Mwl.Nyerere ????

Sasa Hapo unaweza kutoa hoja lakini Kama umejazwa chuki, Visaasili vya dini na Udini huwezi kujadili la maana kuhusu ISRAEL na PALESTINE ...sanasana utaishia kusema " ATAYEBARIKI ATABALIKIWA ATAKAYELAANI ATALAANIWA " as if Mungu ni Mkabira.

Jifunze Historia kupitia INSTAGRAM @tabarokaijage

au Whatsup kupitia 0757790650

Ahsante
 
Safi sana haya ndyo yanatakiwa,mijadara kama hi haitakiw kubishna kwa itikad za kidini maana dini gazina facts zozote zaid ya vitisho na uongo,, hapa wale watetez wa iman zao watapoteana maana hawanaga akili zaid ya uongo wa kurithishwa toka kwa wachungaj wao..sa sana
 
Tunapozungumzia Historia ya PALESTINE na ISRAEL ...tumefanya tafiti za kutosha za kihistoria ......Sasa ninapomuona Mtu mmoja mweusi aliyejazwa mafundisho ya Visaasili ( Mythology) vya dini Kichwani na moyoni alafu MTU huyo anataka kuleta hoja za KIPUMBAVU na kitumwa naamua kupuuzia tu

Kwasababu PALESTINE sio Dini ... PALESTINE ni nchi yenye WAPALESTINA Wakristo , WAPALESTINA wayuda, WAPALESTINA Waislamu na WAPALESTINA wasio na Dini .
Kwahiyo hapa hoja Ni Hutu ( Conscience) ...

Sasa unapomuona Mtumwa wa Fikra ( kuku wa israel wa Afrika)...aliyejazwa mafundisho ya Visaasili vya dini na propaganda ili atumike kulinda maslai ya MAZAYUNI kupitia Wachungaji ( Walimu) wake inakuwa inafedhehesha bara letu la Afrika...

Huwezi kupinga,kuhoji au kutoa maoni kuhusu issue ya PALESTINE na ISRAEL Kama hujui kuhusu mambo YAFUATAYO

1.Khazaria Ashkenazi Jews

2.Historia ya Zionism movement na tabia zake

3.Azimio la BALFOUR DECLARATION OF 1917..

4.Uganda Scheme of 1903.

5.Proposals for a Jewish state ( Maeneo yaliyokoswa koswa kuwa israel na TANZANIA ilikuwa miongoni)

6.FAKE AND STAGED HOLOCAUST JEWS FROM 230000 TO 6.5 MILION JEWS ( LIES)

7. HISTORIA YA OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND MANDATE PALESTINE CHINI YA muingereza.

9.Nini maana ya "SS EXODUS ? ya 1947 ??

10.UNO Resolution 181(II) la 1947 tarehe 29th November Tukio lililofanyika lilikuwa linahusu nini??

11.14th may 1948 kulitokea Tukio gani ??

12. 1950s Israel na MAREKANI kwanini walianzisha neno UGAIDI na MAGAIDI ???

13.UKATIRI, UBAGUZI, MAUAJI , UBOMOAJI MAKAZI ,NA UKOLONI WA KUTUMIA JESHI uliofanyika Kuanzia 1948 Hadi leo

14. Tofauti Kati ya WAISRAEL ( watu weusi) na WAYAUDI ( Zionists yaani wazungu na walowezi kutoka ulaya)

15.Ni Kwanini MAREKANI ndo lilkuwa Taifa la kwanza kuitambua Israel ??

16. Kwanini Wanaharakati wote walioleta Uhuru barani Afrika WALIKATAA kuitambua Israel ....hata Mwl.Nyerere ????

Sasa Hapo unaweza kutoa hoja lakini Kama umejazwa chuki, Visaasili vya dini na Udini huwezi kujadili la maana kuhusu ISRAEL na PALESTINE ...sanasana utaishia kusema " ATAYEBARIKI ATABALIKIWA ATAKAYELAANI ATALAANIWA " as if Mungu ni Mkabira.

Jifunze Historia kupitia INSTAGRAM @tabarokaijage

au Whatsup kupitia 0757790650

Ahsante
Umeeleza vyema.
 
Namba 4,5,12 na 15 natamani kuzijua kiundani.
 
1. The Damascus Protocol was a document given to Faisal bin Hussein on 23 May 1915 by the Arab secret societies al-Fatat and Al-'Ahd on his second visit to Damascus during a mission to consult Turkish officials in Constantinople. The secret societies declared they would support Faisal's father Hussein bin Ali's revolt against the Ottoman Empire, if the demands in the protocol were submitted to the British. These demands, defining the territory of an independent Arab state to be established in the Middle East that would encompass all of the lands of Ottoman Western Asia south of the 37th parallel north, became the basis of the Arab understanding of the Hussein–McMahon Correspondence.

.....The conclusion of a defensive alliance between Great Britain and the future independent Arab state.

The grant of economic preference to Great Britain.

This was the Damascus Protocol, at once the foundation document and the lodestar of the Arab Revolt. It envisioned a federation of Arab countries organized within a single independent Arab state or empire, containing Palestine, and backed by Britain, which would receive in return economic preferences. Implicit in the document, Grand Sharif Hussein would preside over the great state. Feisal promised to bring the protocol to his father and to recommend that he accept it and leadership of the movement that had produced it. A scribe copied the protocol in tiny letters onto a small sheet. It was sewn into the lining of a boot worn by one of Feisal’s servants. Should some mishap befall the grand sharif’s son on his return journey to Mecca, the message would nevertheless be delivered. Feisal probably thought his father’s reaction would be positive; but whether Great Britain would accept the terms of the Damascus Protocol was something none of the conspirators could predict.

It is also worth mentioning that in 1915 the French were still claiming that Palestine fell within their Syrian sphere of interest. Therefore McMahon conceivably did not mean to exclude Palestine from King Hussein’s proposed Arab kingdom when he referred to the territory lying to the west of the districts of Damascus, Hama, Homs, and Aleppo in the first part of his letter, but that he did mean to exclude it when he referred a little later to the possibility of postwar French claims that Britain would be obliged to support. But we cannot know for certain, since he did not say as much in any part of his correspondence with Sharif Hussein.

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2. There was second the matter of land south of that coastal strip. Sykes and Picot had allocated to France the stretch extending nearly to Acre. To the international condominium, they allocated land reaching south all the way to Gaza (except for the British enclave at Haifa and Acre). To Britain, they gave land south of Gaza all the way to the Egyptian border. Taken together, these allocations were essentially the land of Palestine. Again the British could point to McMahon’s letters, which withheld from the sharif land west of the vilayet or district of Damascus. As we have seen, however, whether that included Palestine or not depends upon the definition of vilayet. Accordingly here too, when they learned what the British and French had done, the sharif and his followers may or may not have had legitimate cause for complaint.
A similar cloud of doubt hovers above the Red Area claimed by Britain in Mesopotamia, most of which is now present-day Iraq. McMahon, in his third note to Hussein, had excluded from the sharif’s kingdom-to-be the vilayet of Baghdad; now Britain could argue that she was not contradicting terms laid down in the high commissioner’s letters. On the other hand, the sharif had accepted only that Britain might occupy this land temporarily for a fee. Moreover, in subsequent letters both McMahon and Hussein deferred final settlement of the question. Was Britain acting prematurely in claiming it now? The Arabs charged that she was.

Cont.. Nevertheless her report seems to indicate that at least one important British authority envisioned some form of Arab self-government and determination in that area. T. E. Lawrence appears to have shared her view. “The Sykes-Picot treaty13 was the Arab sheet-anchor,” he argued some years later, after the agreement had been discarded. “It was absurd in its boundaries, but it did recognize the claims of Syrians to self-government.” And he added: “It was ten thousand times better than the eventual settlement.”
Let us be clear, however. In a different context Lawrence was quite prepared to argue the other way. “Self determination has been a good deal talked about,” he said shortly after the war. “I think it is a foolish idea in many ways. We might allow the people who have fought with us to determine themselves [by which he probably meant those Arabs who had supported the grand sharif’s rebellion]. People like the Mesopotamian Arabs who have fought against us deserve nothing from us in the way of self-determination.” As for Bell, she once wrote to Lord Cromer, the predecessor of Kitchener as high commissioner in Egypt: “They are an easy people to govern, the Arabs … to punish is sometimes necessary, to punish thoroughly is frequently salutary, to … kill half a dozen men and then go away … that’s … generally harmful,” which does not suggest a commitment to Arab self-government on her part after all.
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From 1 & 2 Above;

The [above] maps that author Schneer provides from his book make it perfectly clear that the parties involved in the break up of the Arabian peninsula had very different images of the final divisions. The Arabs had no idea the British were promising land to the Jews. The Jews thought they would be taking over Palestine as an English Protectorate and the French assumed that Syria and most of Northern Arabia would be under their governance. The English set aside the southern half extending East to Bagdad for themselves. Anatolia and Constantinople were to be reserved for Russia, though she was not informed of the agreement until some time later.

Up until the outbreak of WWI, England had little use for either the Jewish requests or the petitions from the Arabs to establish an Arabian nation. When Turkey entered the war on the side of Germany, the British began to listen to both. Hussein Ibn Ali aligned with many of the Arab tribes looking to break away from the Turks and their Ottoman Empire and establish an Arab nation. In 1916 the French and English together wrote the Sykes-Picot agreement, eventually the Tripartite Agreement, dividing up the Arabian Peninsula. There was no input from either Arabs or Jews. [Louise Leetch, Goodreads].
 
Israel, kama ilivyokuwa kwa Muingereza (1910s), ndivyo ilivyo kwa Marekani sasa- Udhibiti wa Middle East. Hivyo kwa namna yeyote, US itailinda Israel.

The History of the US blocking UN resolutions against Israel.

The United States has vetoed dozens of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions critical of Israel, including at least 53 since 1972, according to UN data.

With the latest escalation of violence between Israel and the Palestinians now in its tenth day, the US has stuck to that playbook. On Monday, Washington blocked a joint statement calling for an immediate ceasefire between Israel and Hamas – the US’s third such veto reportedly within a week.

The US’s unequivocal support of Israel has seen it thwart resolutions condemning violence against protesters, illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank built since 1967 and even calls for an investigation into the 1990 killing of seven Palestinian workers by a former Israeli soldier.

Critics say Washington’s blanket support of Israel encourages a disproportionate use of force against Palestinians, including Israel’s current bombardment of the besieged Gaza Strip, which has killed at least 219 Palestinians, including 63 children.

Here is a list of some of the major vetoes cast by the US over the years:

Great March of Return
Palestinians in Gaza began protesting at the Israeli border fence in March 2018, calling for the “right of return” to ancestral homes from which their families were expelled in 1948 during what Palestinians call the “Nakbah”, or the creation of the state of Israel. The UN estimates 750,000 Palestinians were expelled that year.

Palestinians faced sniper fire from Israeli forces during the year-long protests, which killed at least 266 people and injured roughly 30,000 more, according to Gaza’s health ministry.

On June 1, 2018, the UNSC drafted a resolution (PDF) expressing “grave concern at the escalation of violence and tensions” since the protests began and “deep alarm at the loss of civilian lives and the high number of casualties among Palestinian civilians, particularly in the Gaza Strip, including casualties among children, caused by the Israeli forces”.
The US vetoed the resolution (PDF), with then-US Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley saying it presented “a grossly one-sided view of what has taken place in Gaza in recent weeks”.

Haley blamed Hamas for the violence.

US recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital
East Jerusalem is meant to be the capital of a future Palestinian state, as outlined in international agreements. But the area has been occupied by Israel since 1967, when Israeli forces defeated forces from Jordan – which controlled East Jerusalem and the West Bank at the time – Egypt, Syria and allied Palestinians, to occupy all of historic Palestine.

The status of occupied East Jerusalem was meant to be determined through peace negotiations. International law, including UNSC resolutions, state that East Jerusalem is not to be considered Israeli territory.

A draft resolution (PDF) from December 18, 2017, wrote “that any decisions and actions which purport to have altered, the character, status or demographic composition of the Holy City of Jerusalem have no legal effect, are null and void and must be rescinded in compliance with relevant resolutions of the Security Council”.

In vetoing the resolution, Haley said (PDF) the US “had the courage and honesty to recognize a fundamental reality. Jerusalem has been the political, cultural and spiritual homeland of the Jewish people for thousands of years.”

Demanding end to Israeli-Palestinian violence during the Second Intifada
The Second Intifada, or Palestinian uprising, ignited on September 28, 2000, when then-Israeli opposition leader Ariel Sharon, accompanied by heavily armed forces, entered the al-Aqsa Mosque compound in occupied East Jerusalem.

The provocative act sparked long-simmering frustrations over the failed promises of the Oslo Accords to end Israel’s occupation of Palestinian lands.

The Oslo Accords were signed by then-Palestinian Liberation Organization leader Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1993.

But the occupation continued into 2000, with Israeli settlements increasing and Palestinian sovereignty nowhere in sight.

In contrast to the First Intifada in the late 1980s and early 1990s that was largely peaceful, the Second Intifada was very violent, with Palestinian armed groups attacking Israeli forces and a sharp increase in suicide attacks against Israeli civilian centres.
The death toll stood at over 3,000 Palestinians and close to 1,000 Israelis, along with 45 foreigners, according to a BBC tally.

A draft UNSC resolution, from December 2001 expressed “grave concern at the continuation of the tragic and violent events that have taken place since September 2000”, condemned attacks against civilians and called for peace talks to resume.

When vetoing the resolution, then-US Ambassador to the UN John Negroponte said “the draft resolution before us fails to address the dynamic at work in the region. Instead, its purpose is to isolate politically one of the parties”.

Settlement expansion
The US has vetoed at least four UNSC resolutions condemning Israel’s settlements on Palestinian land, which are considered illegal under international law.

There are between 600,000 and 750,000 Israeli settlers in at least 250 settlements (130 official, 120 unofficial) in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem.

These settlements have exploded under the rule of hawkish Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who began his current term in 2005. They have long been considered a major roadblock to achieving a Palestinian state.

US vetoes of resolutions condemning Israel’s settlements date back to at least 1983. The most recent was in 2011 (PDF), when a draft resolution aimed to reaffirm “all Israeli settlement activities in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, are illegal and constitute a major obstacle to the achievement of peace on the basis of the two-State solution”.

Then-US Ambassador to the UN Susan Rice said Washington agreed that settlement activity is illegal, but “we think it unwise for this Council to attempt to resolve the core issues that divide Israelis and Palestinians. Therefore, regrettably, we have opposed this draft resolution.”

Rice served under former President Barack Obama, who caused diplomatic controversy in 2016, months before he left office to be succeeded by Trump, when he instructed the US to abstain from vetoing a similar UNSC resolution against settlement activity.

US President Joe Biden, who served as Obama’s vice president, is known for his support of Israel. But he is facing pressure from progressive Democrats and others to take a greater role in supporting Palestinian rights.

Biden publicly voiced support for a ceasefire on Monday, a demand posed in a letter signed by 25 Democratic lawmakers. But he has also stuck with Washington’s long-established policy of failing to acknowledge the deeply asymmetric nature of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by expressing his unwavering support for Israel and its “right to defend itself”.
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