The Khoisan
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 5, 2007
- 16,434
- 14,547
Yeye mwenyewe kakili kushindwa kazi pamoja na waliomfuatia ....!!
Anyway, pia kumbuka kusema kuwa Mashirika karibu yete ya Umma yalifia mikononi mwa Mwinyi ....!!
Legacy ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi (91 years) ni nini?
Legacy ya Rais Ali Hassan Mwinyi (91 years) ni nini?
- Thread starter Inconvenient Truths
- Start date
Anyway, pia kumbuka kusema kuwa Mashirika karibu yete ya Umma yalifia mikononi mwa Mwinyi ....!!
Waliokuwa wakifuata utaratibu walinunua ngapi?
Iliyokuwa mezani kwa miaka zaidi ya 30.
Econometrician
JF-Expert Member
- Oct 25, 2013
- 16,879
- 31,253
Hata angepiga kazi hadi damu zitoke kama purchasing power ya watanzania haiongezeki sawa na bure
Mlima simba
JF-Expert Member
- Dec 28, 2017
- 3,776
- 6,825
Unazani ndani ya miaka mitatu tu kujenga uwanja wa ndege chato sio jambo kubwa? Mwinyi lilimshinda jamaa kaweza, kaweza pia kuanzisha mbuga ya wanyama na akaizindua haijawahi kutokea nchini kwetu mbuga kuzinduliwa lakini mheshimiwa kaweza kwa miaka mitatu tu. Bado kuna uwanja wa mpira upo njiani kuvutia watalii na sio kwa ajili ya mpira,kuna Jengo la TRA kwa ajili ya kukusanya mapato kuna mradi wa nyumba nao unakuja huko chato unadhani hayo madogo?? Ndani ya miaka minne hayo yote sio mambo ya kitoto hata kidogo ni mambo makubwa sana ambayo wao walishindwa kufanya kwa miaka yote waliyokaa madarakani.
Kweli kamanda!
wengine pesa zilipigwa hata kwao tu walishindwa kujenga,
Waliachia demokrasia, kila mtu alikuwa huru kupiga madili.
Walifuata utaratibu hadi wakabaki na ndege moja mbovu.
Sio lazima kununua kama hali hairidhishi sasa tokea ameshika madaraka kaongeza mishahara au kulipa Madeni ya malimbikizo ya wafanyakazi? Tungojee hasara kubwa ya biashara hiyo ya ndege ndio mtapata akili kwa sasa mnaliona jiwe kama Mungu wenu you are too much to obsessed na mshamba wenu
Sio lazima kununua kama hali hairidhishi sasa tokea ameshika madaraka kaongeza mishahara au kulipa Madeni ya malimbikizo ya wafanyakazi? Tungojee hasara kubwa ya biashara hiyo ya ndege ndio mtapata akili kwa sasa mnaliona jiwe kama Mungu wenu you are too much to obsessed na mshamba wenu
YEHODAYA
JF-Expert Member
- Aug 9, 2015
- 36,902
- 52,001
Umri Sio rafiki kichwani wananchi ndio wanajua alichofanya yeye Mwinyi kaanza kupoteza kumbukumbu anakaribia miaka Mia hayuko mbali.Hayo mashirika kiukweli hayakufia mikononi mwake Nyerere mjanja alipoona yanamfia akambwagia Mwinyi akatoroka kwa kisingizio Cha kung'atuka huu ndio ukweli.Mwinyi alipokea hayo mashirika yakiwa ICU
zumbemkuu
JF-Expert Member
- Sep 11, 2010
- 11,075
- 9,263
Na hicho ndicho anachokifanya babako asaiv, sijui una maoni gani kuhusu hilo?
Hali haikuridhisha sasa kairidhisha.
malimbikizo kalipa na hataki tena mtumishi kulimbikiziwa chochote.
Kuhusu hasara hayo ni matamanio yako na shetani. Lakini Mungu aliyewapa watanzania JIWE hataruhusu matamanio yenu na shetani.
Ninyi endeleeni kuwa Obsessed na akina Nape wenu
MasterP.
JF-Expert Member
- Jun 5, 2013
- 8,063
- 6,405
...pamoja na kulind pensheni yake pia
hana jinsi
EZZ CHEZZ
JF-Expert Member
- Apr 10, 2011
- 1,230
- 1,352
Hivi mnaposemaga bunge halijui pesa za kununulia ndege zimetoka wapi huwa mnakuwa mmejitoa ufahamu! Au mnafahamu lakini mnajiliwaza! Ukisoma bajeti za wizara ya uchukuzi na mawasiliano kuanzia 2016/17 mpaka hii ya juzi hayo mafungu yako wazi kabisa.
Huwa kila bajeti inapotolewa najitahidi kuwianisha mafungu tajwa na listed prices za hizo ndegevsijawahi ona deficit.
Au ndiyo ile kutafuta cha kupinga ilimradi mtu aikoshe nafsi yake.
Elungata
JF-Expert Member
- Jan 28, 2011
- 40,205
- 33,287
May 1, 1986 at 12:57 am · Filed under
Business & the Economy, Issue 24
The rains have come early this year in
Tanzania, bringing the promise of a second
successive year of good crops with only the
threat of some damage being caused by the
spread of the maize borer worm.
However, even two seasons of good
harvests are not going to be adequate to
rescue Tanzania from its desperate
economic crisis and decline, which has now
lasted for almost thirteen years beginning
with the quadrupling of oil prices in
mid-1973, compounded by adverse
international trading conditions, drought
and a number of major errors in
Government policies.
Julius Nyerere’s successor, President Mwinyi,
faces the need to decide in the next few
weeks whether his Government will finally
come to terms with the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) to assure an injection
of fresh capital aid and foreign exchange or
whether to try and overcome the country’s
economic crisis by relying on its own
resources involving major sacrifices for
years to come.
Tanzania’s most loyal foreign aid givers, the
four Nordic countries, have collectively
advised the Government that the level of
their future aid will depend on practical
evidence of structural economic reforms.
The political debate over whether to reach
an agreement with the IMF or not, though
not aired much in public, is being waged
with passion and vigour behind the scenes.
The signs are that the Government is itself
deeply divided, as is the Party. More than
that, some of the leaders themselves appear
to be divided in their own minds. They do
not have much time to decide on their
future course of action since the national
budget is due to be presented in June. If the
decision goes in favour of a deal with the
IMF, it will require a decision within the next
month at the latest. The preliminaries with
the IMF have already been largely completed.
The economic debate is being conducted at
the same time as the leadership faces the
need to clarify the ambiguous relationship
between the Government and the ruling
party. So long as Julius Nyerere was both
President and Party Chairman, the
institutional relationship between
Government and Party was difficult but not
impossible to handle. The situation is quite
different now that the country has a
powerful figure in the form of Nyerere at
the head of the ruling party – which is
responsible for determining policy – while
the Government has a new leader (Mwinyi),
who is expected to assert his independence.
Mwinyi and Nyerere are in no sense to be
seen as rivals; in fact, they complement each
other. However, Nyerere is now concerned
with rebuilding the authority and
organisation of the Party which has lost
some of its popular base in recent years;
while Mwinyi is being looked up to by the
country to demonstrate that he can fill the
role of an independent President.
Critics of past Government policies featured
prominently at an economic policy
workshop convened by the Finance Minister
to discuss policies and strategies for
economic recovery. One of the most widely
discussed papers was presented by two
University economists, Professor Idulu and
Dr. Lipumba. They summed up the nature
and extent of the economic crisis as a
slowing down of economic growth, declines
in real per capita income, high rates of
inflation, severe reduction in import and
debt-servicing capacity, and a general
breakdown of the Government control
systems exemplified by the growth of
parallel markets including a growing black
market. Real growth in the gross domestic
product (GDP) declined to an average of
0.72% per annum between 1979 and 1984
– down from the average of 2.9% between
1976 and 1978.
If one takes into account the rate of
population growth this means that there
has been a negative growth rate since 1979
amounting to minus 0.67%.The combined
effects of a slowing down of production
and high inflation reduced real incomes of
both rural and urban dwellers.
According to ILO estimates for 1985, rural
incomes have declined since 1979 by 13.5%
and for urban wage-earners by a massive
65%.
The overall decline of Tanzania’s foreign
trade balance has been spectacular. In 1977
the country still had a surplus of about £27
million; by 1984 the negative balance had
reached almost £105 million. Real imports
declined by 42% between 1978 and 1982.
The country’s inability to pay for imports led
to an accumulation of arrears of payments
amounting to $764 million during the
1980-84 period. During the past six years
export earnings financed less than half the
cost of imports. This meant increasing
dependence on an external inflow of funds
to finance even the reduced level of imports.
The volume of exports has fallen
continuously from its peak in 1972.
Although there were other factors
accounting for this fall – such as the
bottlenecks caused by a lack of foreign
exchange – Ndulu and Lipumba insist that
this is only a partial explanation. In their
view the basic problem has been an
“incentive structure and institutional set-up”
that, over time, has discouraged peasants
and farmers from an increasing production
in general, and export crops in particular.
They add that “probably the more poignant
problem of the agricultural sector is the
inefficient crop marketing and input delivery
system and policy uncertainty that faced
economic agents in the agricultural sector.-“
The only sector that has persistently
maintained high rates of economic growth
from the 1970′ s has been the public
administration. The authors stress the
widespread laxity in management and
public administration and the lack of
accountability at all levels. And they argue
that “without linking rewards to
performance and responsibilities. it is
unlikely that a sustainable recovery can be
initiated even when the level of resource
inflow is increased.” They criticise the
institutional rigidities and unresponsiveness
to economic changes that characterise
governmental and parastatal organisations,
as well as excessive centralisation.
The two economists come out firmly in
favour of an agreement with the IMF which
they say is necessary to unlock bilateral aid
resources. Even then they envisage as
“shock treatment” a period of eighteen
months with a five year horizon to achieve
sustained adjustments of the economy. The
additional inflow of foreign resources, they
suggest, should be at least $335 million for
immediate needs.
They also propose adjusting the exchange
rate to 40/- to a dollar – in fact, a substantial
devaluation; but the effect of devaluation of
exports should be passed on to agricultural
producers. Nominal prices should be
increased by at least 65%.
“Peasants”, they say, “should get a strong
message that it is worth their while to
increase production of export crops.” Finally,
they believe it is possible to increase both
export and food crops if marketing
constraints are removed and the incentive
to produce agricultural crops is restored;
and they argue in favour of creating “a
more liberal trade environment.”
Colin Legum. (Third World Reports)
Permalink Comments
Business & the Economy, Issue 24
The rains have come early this year in
Tanzania, bringing the promise of a second
successive year of good crops with only the
threat of some damage being caused by the
spread of the maize borer worm.
However, even two seasons of good
harvests are not going to be adequate to
rescue Tanzania from its desperate
economic crisis and decline, which has now
lasted for almost thirteen years beginning
with the quadrupling of oil prices in
mid-1973, compounded by adverse
international trading conditions, drought
and a number of major errors in
Government policies.
Julius Nyerere’s successor, President Mwinyi,
faces the need to decide in the next few
weeks whether his Government will finally
come to terms with the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) to assure an injection
of fresh capital aid and foreign exchange or
whether to try and overcome the country’s
economic crisis by relying on its own
resources involving major sacrifices for
years to come.
Tanzania’s most loyal foreign aid givers, the
four Nordic countries, have collectively
advised the Government that the level of
their future aid will depend on practical
evidence of structural economic reforms.
The political debate over whether to reach
an agreement with the IMF or not, though
not aired much in public, is being waged
with passion and vigour behind the scenes.
The signs are that the Government is itself
deeply divided, as is the Party. More than
that, some of the leaders themselves appear
to be divided in their own minds. They do
not have much time to decide on their
future course of action since the national
budget is due to be presented in June. If the
decision goes in favour of a deal with the
IMF, it will require a decision within the next
month at the latest. The preliminaries with
the IMF have already been largely completed.
The economic debate is being conducted at
the same time as the leadership faces the
need to clarify the ambiguous relationship
between the Government and the ruling
party. So long as Julius Nyerere was both
President and Party Chairman, the
institutional relationship between
Government and Party was difficult but not
impossible to handle. The situation is quite
different now that the country has a
powerful figure in the form of Nyerere at
the head of the ruling party – which is
responsible for determining policy – while
the Government has a new leader (Mwinyi),
who is expected to assert his independence.
Mwinyi and Nyerere are in no sense to be
seen as rivals; in fact, they complement each
other. However, Nyerere is now concerned
with rebuilding the authority and
organisation of the Party which has lost
some of its popular base in recent years;
while Mwinyi is being looked up to by the
country to demonstrate that he can fill the
role of an independent President.
Critics of past Government policies featured
prominently at an economic policy
workshop convened by the Finance Minister
to discuss policies and strategies for
economic recovery. One of the most widely
discussed papers was presented by two
University economists, Professor Idulu and
Dr. Lipumba. They summed up the nature
and extent of the economic crisis as a
slowing down of economic growth, declines
in real per capita income, high rates of
inflation, severe reduction in import and
debt-servicing capacity, and a general
breakdown of the Government control
systems exemplified by the growth of
parallel markets including a growing black
market. Real growth in the gross domestic
product (GDP) declined to an average of
0.72% per annum between 1979 and 1984
– down from the average of 2.9% between
1976 and 1978.
If one takes into account the rate of
population growth this means that there
has been a negative growth rate since 1979
amounting to minus 0.67%.The combined
effects of a slowing down of production
and high inflation reduced real incomes of
both rural and urban dwellers.
According to ILO estimates for 1985, rural
incomes have declined since 1979 by 13.5%
and for urban wage-earners by a massive
65%.
The overall decline of Tanzania’s foreign
trade balance has been spectacular. In 1977
the country still had a surplus of about £27
million; by 1984 the negative balance had
reached almost £105 million. Real imports
declined by 42% between 1978 and 1982.
The country’s inability to pay for imports led
to an accumulation of arrears of payments
amounting to $764 million during the
1980-84 period. During the past six years
export earnings financed less than half the
cost of imports. This meant increasing
dependence on an external inflow of funds
to finance even the reduced level of imports.
The volume of exports has fallen
continuously from its peak in 1972.
Although there were other factors
accounting for this fall – such as the
bottlenecks caused by a lack of foreign
exchange – Ndulu and Lipumba insist that
this is only a partial explanation. In their
view the basic problem has been an
“incentive structure and institutional set-up”
that, over time, has discouraged peasants
and farmers from an increasing production
in general, and export crops in particular.
They add that “probably the more poignant
problem of the agricultural sector is the
inefficient crop marketing and input delivery
system and policy uncertainty that faced
economic agents in the agricultural sector.-“
The only sector that has persistently
maintained high rates of economic growth
from the 1970′ s has been the public
administration. The authors stress the
widespread laxity in management and
public administration and the lack of
accountability at all levels. And they argue
that “without linking rewards to
performance and responsibilities. it is
unlikely that a sustainable recovery can be
initiated even when the level of resource
inflow is increased.” They criticise the
institutional rigidities and unresponsiveness
to economic changes that characterise
governmental and parastatal organisations,
as well as excessive centralisation.
The two economists come out firmly in
favour of an agreement with the IMF which
they say is necessary to unlock bilateral aid
resources. Even then they envisage as
“shock treatment” a period of eighteen
months with a five year horizon to achieve
sustained adjustments of the economy. The
additional inflow of foreign resources, they
suggest, should be at least $335 million for
immediate needs.
They also propose adjusting the exchange
rate to 40/- to a dollar – in fact, a substantial
devaluation; but the effect of devaluation of
exports should be passed on to agricultural
producers. Nominal prices should be
increased by at least 65%.
“Peasants”, they say, “should get a strong
message that it is worth their while to
increase production of export crops.” Finally,
they believe it is possible to increase both
export and food crops if marketing
constraints are removed and the incentive
to produce agricultural crops is restored;
and they argue in favour of creating “a
more liberal trade environment.”
Colin Legum. (Third World Reports)
Permalink Comments
YEHODAYA
JF-Expert Member
- Aug 9, 2015
- 36,902
- 52,001
NO COMMENT
Huyu ni kichuguu, alijisema mwenyewe mbele ya Nyerere!
Wyatt Mathewson
JF-Expert Member
- Dec 22, 2017
- 10,432
- 25,124
Huyu mzee wanamfanya anakua kikaragosi!
Mwacheni mzee wa watu atulie jamani,mtapata laana!
Muacheni apumzike!
Duh!
Missile of the Nation
JF-Expert Member
- May 24, 2018
- 15,101
- 56,054
Duh kumbe Lipumba kawa Dr Kitambo sana, it means jamaa upstairs yuko vizuri