Mzungu Mweusi: Masihi/Mwokozi wa Maskini wa Afrika?

Mzungu Mweusi: Masihi/Mwokozi wa Maskini wa Afrika?

''Miafrika Ndivyo Tulivyo''
1) Chuki
2) Fitina
3) Uongo
4) Ulimbukeni
5) Roho Mbaya
6) Imani Dhaifu
7) Hatuna Muono
8) Wachafu
9) Wazembe
10) Tamaa.
ongezeeni
Maneno yako ni kweli ila kwa Waafrika wengi ni Ghali sana kuyakubali na kuyawacha.
 
"Some of us, particularly those of us who acquired a European type of education, set ourselves out to prove to our colonial rulers that we had become ‘civilized’; and by that we meant that we had abandoned everything connected with our own past and learnt to imitate only Europeans ways. Our young men’s ambition was not to become well educated Africans, but to become Black Europeans! Indeed, at one time it was a complement rather than an insult to call a man who imitated the Europeans a ‘Black European’" - Julius Kambarage a.k.a ex- Black European Julius Cambridge

dont tell me he was this daft also, after potraying him as a visionary in the last argument.

kama Mwalimu JK aliweza sema maneno haya then he had to go in the end because it seems he had internal conflicts. That paragraph describes a man who has no sense of belonging nor absolute believe of his ethnicity whatsoever.

You should know especially with regards to 'Patriotism' it seems Mwalimu had fallen under the white man spell that to be considered civilized you have to adopt their ways of thinking not surprsingly they even worked hard to prove so infront of them (yes master). Now hii ndiyo ile miafrica unayoi-describe.

Tatizo hapa ni moja kwa sababu elimu ya juu anaitoa yeye au kaitengeneza yeye hivyo tuna amini yupo advance kutushinda na bora kuliko (kwa itakayo muhusu najua hapa unasema kumbe si ndio tunachosema mbona msingegundua nyinyi).

Ni kweli mzungu kagundua elimu nyingi au tuseme basics nyingi za maendeleo na vile vile kaambatanisha hivi vitu na khali ya mtu mwenye kupata elimu hii ni wa aina gani au anatakiwa a behave vipi.

Ndio maana wengi wanaona inabidi ku-prove that mbele ya mzungu au ukifika mpaka africa mtu hana akili kwa sababu ajui kizungu. Na wazungu wenyewe pia wanatabia hizo kwakupenda kutumia kizungu kigumu ili kujionyesha ya kwamba nimeenda shule si ajabu baadhi ya waafrica nao wapo hivyo sasa hii 'Ndio Miafrica' inayo chefua.

Sisi bado tuna matatizo ya development kwani bado atuja jua ki kweli kweli tuanzie wapi ila kuna post moja 'Rev Kishoka' kaitoa ni ya genius thinking kuweza kuwafanya wasomi wafikirie kinyimbuni. Hili tuanzie wapi tukishapata elimu ili tujiinue wenyewe.

ps. kwa itakae muhusu fumbo nimelivumbua situkani tena samahani sana bwana Lowassa askari wako kesha nionya na muziki.
 
''Miafrika Ndivyo Tulivyo''
1) Chuki
2) Fitina
3) Uongo
4) Ulimbukeni
5) Roho Mbaya
6) Imani Dhaifu
7) Hatuna Muono
8) Wachafu
9) Wazembe
10) Tamaa.
ongezeeni

Mi napingana kidogo na wewe tutofutishe kuwa mu-Africa na tabia za baadhi ya wa-Africa mbona kuna mazuri mengi hatuyajalidi kwann tunajiweka sana nyuma?
Sijaona hata siku moja wenzetu weupe kuanza kujidharau wao so what is wrong with we Africans?
Tujaribu kuchambua mazuri tuliyonayo ili na watoto wetu au vizazi vijavyo viondokane na hii hali ya siku zote kufanya mambo kama bado tupo kwenye utumwa hasa wakifikra.
 
Ni Mwafrika 'Mweusi':

1. Anayefikiri Kizungu
2. Anayeota Kizungu
3. Anayeongea Kizungu
4. Anayeandika Kizungu
5. Anayetenda Kizungu
6. Anayepanga Kizungu
7. Anayeishi Kizungu

Mfano halisi ni:

1. Capitalist Nigger Julius

ohooooooooooooo!kumbe the whole new thread was dedicated to Nyani Julius?
.........ndo maana ilikuwa ngumu kwangu kuelewa.poa,naona hayo ni personal zaidi.Naomba nijitoe huko
 
ohooooooooooooo!kumbe the whole new thread was dedicated to Nyani Julius?
.........ndo maana ilikuwa ngumu kwangu kuelewa.poa,naona hayo ni personal zaidi.Naomba nijitoe huko

Huwezi kumtengenisha mwananadharia na nadharia yake. You cannot separate a theory from its theorist.

Ndio maana huwezi kuongelea Ujamaa bila kumuongelea Nyerere kama mfano; Keynesianism bila kumuongelea Keynes kama mfano; au kuongelea Marxism bila kumuongelea Marx.

There is nothing personal about this. It is a public theorization process.

So, I insist, you cannot talk about the theory of 'Miafrika Ndivyo Ilivyo' bila kumuongelea Julius ambaye pengine ndio Masihi/Mwokozi wa Maskini wa Africa along the lines suggested by Chika Onyeani's Capitalist Nigger.

I re-submit.
 
dont tell me he was this daft also, after potraying him as a visionary in the last argument.kama Mwalimu JK aliweza sema maneno haya then he had to go in the end because it seems he had internal conflicts. That paragraph describes a man who has no sense of belonging nor absolute believe of his ethnicity whatsoever.
Mkuu hilo halikuwa tatizo la Nyerere peke yake. Ni tatizo la karibu kila Mwafrika aliyebwia elimu ya Kimagharibi/Kizungu. Hiyo 'migongano' au 'contradictions' unayoiita 'internal conflicts' haiishii ndani ya mioyo na fikra bali inajitokeza mpaka kwenye sera na sheria tunazotunga. Katika kudurufu historia ya Nyerere na sera ya Utamaduni na Elimu nimegundua kuwa huu ugonjwa huu wa kutengeneza 'sera ndumilakuwili' alituambukiza yeye na wazungu weusi wenzanke - ila angalau alijitahiditahidi kuivua 'White Mask' ya 'Black Skin White Masks':
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Frustrated by the elitist development described above and the heightened educational crises which culminated in the National Service dispute, President Nyerere, who was by now the key education policy maker in Tanzania, decided to formulate education policies which, though radical in their own rights, were anticipated by the above-discussed colonial agricultural-based educational policies which were detested by the majority of Tanzanians. The time was ripe now for Nyerere, who is on Hatch (1976) and Smith (1973) records for claiming that his self-evolved ideas of politics were formed completely at the University of Edinburgh were his strongest subject was philosophy, to implement a synthesis of the liberal ideas to the Tanzanian education system and to the nation as a whole.

Not deviating much from the social democratic liberalism conceptualisations of the father of utilitarianism, John Stuart Mill, whom he admired a lot, Nyerere (1966) came up with ‘a new synthesis of man and society' which aimed to resolve the above-mentioned tension between the individual and his/her society and paved the way for the creation of a quasi socialist welfare state. His synthesis asserted that man's existence in society involves an inevitable and inescapable conflict of his own two main desires: the desire for freedom to pursue his own interests/inclinations and the desire for the freedoms which can only be obtained through life in society. He further assert that this necessitate the individual to sacrifice, in the interest of the society, certain private freedoms which he could have possessed outside the society if it was at all possible to live outside the society.

To Nyerere, the basic purpose of this society - which is to serve man, - could be realised by the establishment of institutions which safeguard and promote both unity and freedom as well as by fostering an attitude - a social ethic – which ensures that these institutions remain true to their purpose and are adapted as need arises. It follows, then, that all social and economic policies were to be formulated with the aim of creating a new society that was founded on these social democratic liberal ideals. However, to Nyerere, these policies were to be distinctively African in the sense that they could synthesize traditional African family values with modern techniques in order to build a relatively well-off egalitarian society. He called this synthesis ‘Ujamaa' i.e. the Kiswahili word for ‘familyhood' and he institutionalized in his 1967's Arusha Declaration.
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Thus the Nyerere who formed the Ministry of Culture and Youth in 1962 and proclaimed it as his most important ministry was a president vested with so much discretionary powers. He was now the chief architect of development, both as a policymaker and implementer. Prior to his ascension to the presidency in the beginning of that year he had produced his Ujamaa – the Basis of African Socialism. This became a blueprint of Tanzania's development policies and programs.

As Nyerere (1962) disclaimer underscores, this blueprint set to examine African socialism as an attitude of the mind rather define the institutions that could embody it in a modern society. The blueprint asserts that socialism is rooted in our African past i.e. in the traditional society which produced us. Its foundation and objective, the blueprint affirms, is the extended family. Applying this ‘traditional' African way of life to the ‘modern' settings, Nyerere (1962) stressed that, in its modern manifestation, African Socialism can draw from its traditional heritage the recognition of our African society as an extension of the basic family unit. However, ever beset by double consciousness, Nyerere went ahead to give primacy to modernity in his first President's Inaugural Address towards the end of that year:

I say ‘transform', for to build this country we have to make many changes. And in order to change it we must be willing to try what is new. It is useless to long for good things of today if we are not prepared to change the habits of the past which prevent our making use of the means to achieve those good things (Nyerere 1962: 183)

Clearly the good things of today referred to things Euro-American. No wonder he further asserted that we needed to change our old methods of cultivation and our old ways of living. Here he was referring to the use of a hand-hoe and the practice of living far apart from each other respectively. "If we want to develop", he further appropriated the ‘there is no other alternative to developmentalism' discourse of modernity, "we have no choice but to bring both our ways of living and our way of farming up to date" (Ibid). Thus we had to start using tractors. But in order to do so, the "first and absolutely essential thing" that had to be done was "to begin living in proper villages" (Ibid). Of course proper village primarily meant modern villages modelled on Euro-American modernity rather than the purported African way of life.

Ironically, the Ministry of National Culture and Youth that was launched in this inaugural address, and hailed as a major change, did not feature significantly in Nyerere's development policies and plans. As a matter of fact the address relegated its role to that of helping "us regain our pride in our own culture" by seeking "out the best of traditions and customs of all our tribes and make them a part of our national culture" (Nyerere 1962: 187). Concerning this address, a Tanzanian critic of the Rostow's notion of culture as an obstacle to development had this to say:

The issue of national culture in Tanzania, was however, generally discussed without setting in motion a process of learning from the various nationalities which were present before colonialism. The comprehension of culture as both [sic] symbolic dimension (art, music etc.), societal dimension (organization of institutions) and instrumental dimension (technology, agriculture etc) was not grasped. Culture which was to be a base of development continued to be viewed in a narrow way as outlined in the formation of the Ministry of Culture (Mshana 1992: 205-206)

He further lamented that that the search for the best of our traditions outlined by Nyerere was limited to collecting traditional symbols of culture such as sculptors, songs and dances hence very little was done to revive our indigenous knowledge on soil, ecology and agriculture as proposed in other development policies. This lamentation is based on the observation that the actual official tasks of the division of culture within this ministry were confined to conservator of antiquity division, curator of the national museum, sports and games officer, football coach, chairperson of film censorship board, national festival and state celebration officer, promoter of theatre and drama, promoter of Kiswahili language and Literature.

Thus, no policy statement was issued to clarify how this ministry will feed into the development agenda. Consequently, it became what Askew (2002) aptly refers to as a migrant ministry. Since independence it has been reconstructed 11 times. Interestingly, the latest reconstructions occurred in 2005 in such a manner that one can only surmise the rationale behind its de facto reverting to what it used to be in 1980.

Probably disillusioned by the fact that planned development was devoid of systematic cultural input at the ministerial level, Nyerere disbanded the Ministry of National Culture and Youth barely two years after its establishment. In the spirit of developmentalism, he instantly reconstructed it as the Ministry of Community Development and National Culture in 1964. The changes went hand in hand with frequent changes of Ministers and principle secretaries responsible for culture. This was a time when policies associated with Nyerere were floundering, state bureaucrats were acquiring wealth at the expenses of the masses of workers who were increasingly demanding changes and decrying a culture of corruption.
 
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Huwezi kumtengenisha mwananadharia na nadharia yake. You cannot separate a theory from its theorist.

Ndio maana huwezi kuongelea Ujamaa bila kumuongelea Nyerere kama mfano; Keynesianism bila kumuongelea Keynes kama mfano; au kuongelea Marxism bila kumuongelea Marx.

There is nothing personal about this. It is a public theorization process.

So, I insist, you cannot talk about the theory of 'Miafrika Ndivyo Ilivyo' bila kumuongelea Julius ambaye pengine ndio Masihi/Mwokozi wa Maskini wa Africa along the lines suggested by Chika Onyeani's Capitalist Nigger.

I re-submit.


Mkuu kuna theory na axiom. Alichosema NN ni axiom (proposition considered to be self-evident), hivyo hutakiwa kuwa personal.
 
Mkuu kuna theory na axiom. Alichosema NN ni axiom (proposition considered to be self-evident), hivyo hutakiwa kuwa personal.

Wewe mwache tu huyo mjamaa. Acha aongee weee huku wenzie wakienda sayari zingine kuangalia kama kuna uwezekano wa kuwepo kwa uhai huku wengine wakitengeneza ma bluray dvd...
 
He kumbe ni axiomatic! Sio ndio yale yale ya 'this theory, this theory of mine is only a conjecture'! Mere speculation! No proof whatsoever!
 
Why do you prove him wrong?
I am not proving him wrong. I was just atempting to provide a corollary to his axiom. The onus is on him to prove it so that it can be a theorem.
 
Mkuu hilo halikuwa tatizo la Nyerere peke yake. Ni tatizo la karibu kila Mwafrika aliyebwia elimu ya Kimagharibi/Kizungu. Hiyo 'migongano' au 'contradictions' unayoiita 'internal conflicts' haiishii ndani ya mioyo na fikra bali inajitokeza mpaka kwenye sera na sheria tunazotunga. Katika kudurufu historia ya Nyerere na sera ya Utamaduni na Elimu nimegundua kuwa huu ugonjwa huu wa kutengeneza 'sera ndumilakuwili' alituambukiza yeye na wazungu weusi wenzanke - ila angalau alijitahiditahidi kuivua 'White Mask' ya 'Black Skin White Masks':

Ni kweli naelewa halikua tatizo la yeye peke ni la wengi si wakati huo tuu mpaka leo hii ukiangalia asilimia kubwa ya wasomi weusi wengi bado wanatabia hizi lakini ukuti wahindi, wachina au waarabu wakiiga mambo ya mzungu yote au kujaribu ku-prove anything of their worthiness, hii inaonyesha ni jinsi gani hawa wenzetu walivyokua proud with their colours and back ground. Sisi atuna ukitaka kujua tazama watu wameshakaa ulaya wameona maendeleo ya wenzao sasa if anything Africans are useless na ule msemo wao wamadaharau ‘Miafrica ndivyo ilivyo'.


Badala ya kutumia muda huu, kutoa kasoro zetu za maendeleo mijitu inakuja na imani za wazungu Africans are useless on artificial reasoning na si kuangalia sababu zenyewe za matatizo ili tuwasaidie wenzetu kama hawa jamaa wanavyosaidia wenzao if anything hii mijitu si mizalendo na hawana amini kuwa shida zina weza isha nyumbani only interested in their personal gains in life now hii Ndio Miafrica ya ajabu. Kesho ukiipa madaraka mijitu kama hii personal interst first trust me kwani ingawa hina elimu lakini imeshajenga imani ya kwamba atuwezi fanya lolote na kutofikilia matatizo yenyewe; bali ni kuona mambo tunayojitakia tuu kama vile mambo yenyewe hayana vyanzo kwa upande mwingine unaweza sema sii wapenzi wa nchi yao kwa ku-accept that we natural failures.


Going back to your Mwalimu and the references you have brought, it seems he was a selfish man and an authoritarian, rather than a utilitarian unlike the man he admired J.S Mills. If you look at his educational policies which they seem to be based on his ideology (kilimo) rather than social democratic liberalism no wonder the author wrote they were detested by many if so? where is the thinking here behind ‘Mills'. Those were the acts of a megalomaniac who tried to prove other wise to his masters that I have a concept which he hadn't grasped no wonder he bowed out in the end, if only he had done that sooner. Na hivi kwa nini hatusikii michango ya wengine katika Taifa letu kipindi cha huyu bwana zaidi ya Sokoine (wazimu mwingine). Au ndio kithibitisho ya kwamba he was the typical authoritarian if so he has a lot to blame for the problems of Tanzania today.

To Nyerere, the basic purpose of this society - which is to serve man, - could be realised by the establishment of institutions which safeguard and promote both unity and freedom as well as by fostering an attitude - a social ethic – which ensures that these institutions remain true to their purpose and are adapted as need arises.

Prior to his ascension to the presidency in the beginning of that year he had produced his Ujamaa – the Basis of African Socialism. This became a blueprint of Tanzania's development policies and programs.

African socialism as an attitude of the mind rather define the institutions that could embody it in a modern society.



Hii ndio ile kitu naita ‘nurture' kwani wakati huo alitukuta tupo holela holela tu ndio akaona atumwagie pumba hizi tuzifuate ambazo zilimshinda, kwani hata society alikua akifikiri kuimiliki yeye tu isimshinde kwa manufaa ya uongozi wake rather than kuwapa happiness na manedeleo ya kweli watu wake.

Wewe kweli umetoka kupata elimu ya juu UK unaona ujaribu namna zako za ajabu na nina amini kulikuwa na influence nyingine nyuma ya ideas zake ndio maana atuoni wachangiaji wengine wa sera zake waki-tanzania wa enzi hizo.

Ndio maana akachora dira lake la uwajibikaji kwa wasomi wa enzi hizo hili kuzuia challenge ya policies zake kwani wasomi si watu kama yule babu yangu kule kijijini kwetu, si ajabu ukaanza we mwenywe mpaka hivi karibuni tu ulishamuona sometimes aeleweki like I said the man had internal conflicts it seems. It appears the conflict was between protecting his reign na maendeo ya watanzania (through his ideologies) but it seems he died a looser winning neither. Ujamaa uli-fail na mwishowe akanyoosha mikono yeye mwenyewe kwenye kiti cha Urais duuh.


Lakini angekua ameji kubali kama mwafrica na yupo kwa sababu ya watanzania angejua vichwa vingi huleta mawazo mengi na ku-dili na wasomi wenzake na kupanga mikakati ya kweli.

Kama nilivyo kwambia awali hii ndio hile Miafrica unayo hii-describe na si wote kwani wengi ni ignorance tu na kutopata equal life chances ili waweze jiinua. Lakini jitu lina elimu alafu lina kadhana eti ‘Miafrica Ndivyo ilivyo' ujue he has lost self awareness na ana some sort of internal conflicts kama your teacher. And we now what happened to him in the end he gave up, like I said people like him never loose self intrest (childish ego) akamleta Mkapa tu satify his thirst for control kwa different ideology ambayo angeikubali mwanzoni sasa Tanzania ingekua mbali Mno.
 
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Ni kweli naelewa halikua tatizo la yeye peke ni la wengi si wakati huo tuu mpaka leo hii ukiangalia asilimia kubwa ya wasomi weusi wengi bado wanatabia hizi....

Kama nilivyo kwambia awali hii ndio hile Miafrica unayo hii-describe na si wote kwani wengi ni ignorance tu na kutopata equal life chances ili waweze jiinua. Lakini jitu lina elimu alafu lina kadhana eti ‘Miafrica Ndivyo ilivyo’ ujue he has lost self awareness na ana some sort of internal conflicts kama your teacher. And we now what happened to him in the end he gave up, like I said people like him never loose self intrest (childish ego) akamleta Mkapa tu satify his thirst for control kwa different ideology ambayo angeikubali mwanzoni sasa Tanzania ingekua mbali Mno.

Well said JC...!
 
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