Rais Samia katika Mkutano wa Kawaida wa 22 wa wakuu wa Nchi Jumuiya ya Afrika Mashariki (EAC)

Rais Samia katika Mkutano wa Kawaida wa 22 wa wakuu wa Nchi Jumuiya ya Afrika Mashariki (EAC)

Kuboresha mazingira ya biashara ( trade of both goods and service, na free movement of factors of production) katika nchi wanachama

Halafu tunasikia “kuna watu wameajiri wageni”. Mgeni hawezi kuwa anatoka nchi wanachama! Kodi zetu kwa nchi wanachama basi si kama makubaliano. Sijui tunakwama wapi?!
 
Haya ni matamanio tu, lakini kwa ubinafsi wa nchi wanachama hayawezi kutekelezwa. Kama huo umoja ungekuwa unaongozwa na wazungu hapo sawa. Kinachoendelea hapo ni kufuja fedha za wananchi kwa kupiga porojo.

Ni kweli kabisa, mfano reli mpya ya SGR reli mpya ilishindwa vipi kuhushisha ubia wa maendeleo kwa Rwanda, DR Congo, Burundi na Tanzania kuchangia ujenzi wa reli ya SGR na bandari ?

Wakati wakoloni wa ki-Belge (Belgiji) na Uingereza Great Britain waliweza kukubaliana reli ya mkoloni ya kati Kigoma -DSM na bandari za Kigoma na ma-gati bandarini Dar es Salaam wachangie fedha.

Na mkataba huo wa wakoloni ulidumu miaka kibao kwa kuaminiana huku mkataba ukiheshimiwa kila mdau. Nini sisi nchi huru za ukanda huu tunashindwa kuaminiana kukusanya fedha na kusaini mkataba wa muda mrefu yaani treaties? Mfano mkataba mgumu kabisa Kaliningrad Oblast Why is Lithuania risking Russia’s wrath over Kaliningrad? upo na unaheshimiwa mpaka leo Kaliningrad treaty https://www.prlib.ru/en/history/619171

Kagame aliwahi janya utani kuwa anaomba miezi mitatu tuu kuiendesha na uone maajabu....ulikuwa utani enzi za Mzee wetu Magufuli (rip) ila ulikuwa mi maono ambayo sasa Mteule awe na new vision na kujua mianya iko wapi na kukwamua sasa..

MIRADI MIKUBWA YA SGR RELI MPYA, BANDARI ZA KIGOMA NA DSM ZIONDOKANE NA 'CHOYO'

Paul Kagame anaelewa alichoongea kwa undani hasa ukirejea makubaliano baina ya wakoloni wa ki-Belgiji na wale wa Kiingereza.


Wakoloni hawa wa Belge na shujaa wao gènèral Tombeur wa vita ya (Bataille de) Tabora, baada ya kushirikiana na Uingereza vita kuu 1914 -1918 kumshinda Mjerumani huku majeshi ya ki- Belgiji yakiwa yameweka makao yao makuu mjini Tabora hii ya sasa Tanzania wakati ule German East Afrika ilibidi mabwana wakubwa hawa wa ulaya wasaini mkataba.
View attachment 2281414
Ubelgiji ilitaka kuendelea kukalia maeneo ya Tabora, Urambo, Kigoma, Biharamulo waBelge walifika na majeshi yao mpaka jimbo la Morogoro kilometa 200 toka bandari ya DSM lakini ikajiimarisha zaidi magharibi makao yakiwa Tabora na mtaji huu ukawa kama sehemu ya koloni lake ikimujuisha pamoja na nchi za Urundi-Ruanda, Free Congo ya mfalme Leopold. Belbases - Une page oubliée du colonialisme Belge en Afrique
Tabora, German East Africa

Belgian Congo and the Tabora Offensive (1916)​



The Tabora Offensive was an Anglo-Belgian offensive into German East Africa, which ended with the Battle of Tabora in the north-west of German East Africa, it was part of the East African Campaign in World War I.

Source: Belgian Congo

Intocht-tabora-19-september-1916.jpg
Belgo-Congolese troops of the Force Publique after the Battle of Tabora, 19 September

Ubelgiji ikaamua kutumia maeneo hayo iliyoyakalia ndani ya Ujerumani ya Afrika Mashariki baadaye ikapewa jina Tanganyika baada ya kuwafurusha waJerumani katika vita ya kwanza ya dunia upande huu wa Afrika ya Mashariki 1914 -1918, kama sehemu ya mtaji wao ktk mazungumzo kufungulia njia ya kufikia pwani ya bahari ya Hindi kupitia reli ya kati hadi bandari ya Dar es Salaam.
Hivyo wakakubaliana na Waingereza kuwa iwapo Ubelgiji itaondoa majeshi yake toka Tabora, Urambo, Uvinza n.k basi makoloni ya Ubelgiji ya Burundi, Rwanda na lile kubwa la Free Congo (DR Congo) upande wa mashariki watapewa hadhi maalum ya kutumia reli ya kati toka Kigoma mpaka Dar es Salaam bila usumbufu wowote. Ubelgiji itachangia uimarishaji wa gati ktk bandari za Kigoma na DSM ambazo hazitatozwa ushuru wowote na kurahishisha biashara baina ya makoloni ya Ubelgiji pande hii ya Maziwa Makuu na dunia kupitia bahari.

Gati hizi zilijulikana kama BelBases na kampuni maarufu ya Belgium ya AMI ilipewa haki miliki za kufanya jambo hilo la eneo huru la kusafirisha na kuingiza bidhaa toka ngambo au kuuza ngambo kupitia reli ya kati na bandari za Kigoma na DSM ktk gati exclusive kwa matumizi ya waBelgiji.


Hivyo mh. Rais Paul Kagame anashangaa kwanza Tanzania ilivyo na geopolitical power kibiashara kuto copy aina ya uendeshaji na uwekezaji wa walivyofanya waBelgiji /Waingereza kupitia BelBases AMI kwa kushirikisha nchi jirani wawekeze ktk reli ya SGR reli mpya DSM - Kigoma-Burundi-Rwanda na DR Congo. Kwa kuwashirikisha wawekeze basi nchi hizo zingetumia bandari ya Dar es Salaam na mifumo ya reli nchini kwani Rwanda, Burundi na DR Congo wangekuwa wadau wa maendeleo na wangeachana kupitisha mizigo Uganda, Kenya hadi bandari ya Mombasa kwa kuwa wangekuwa wajinga waache kutumia uwekezaji wao wawafaidishe wengine, huku kubwa ni kuwa mkataba wa ulioanzisha BelBases ulionesha mafanikio makubwa.
The Belbases: a little-known achievement of Belgian expansion in East Africa
Author:Darcis, LeonISNI
Year:2007
Periodically:Bulletin of the sessions = Mededelingen der zittingen
Volume:53
Issue:2
Pages:131-146
Language:French
Geographic terms:TanzaniaBelgium
_
Subjects:ports
colonial history
Abstract:The 'Belbase' (Belgian base) concept originated in 1914-1918, during the extension of the European war to the German overseas possessions. In East Africa, the Germans occupied Tanganyika, Urundi (Burundi) and Ruanda (Rwanda). Their 'liberation' by the allied powers, including Belgium, resulted in the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. The former German territories were initially entrusted unilaterally to Great Britain. Belgium had, however, 'liberated' Ruanda, Urundi and part of Tanganyika as far as Tabora. She claimed her due. The mandates of Ruanda and Urundi were entrusted to him. In addition, it obtained transit facilities for its goods through the ports of Tanganyika. Matadi, on the Atlantic coast, does not was more thus the only maritime port of Congo: with the birth of Belbase, an autonomous maritime frontage on the Indian Ocean was offered to him. This article examines the birth of the Belbase concept; the creation of the Belbase Company; modernization of Belbase facilities; and the consequences of the independence of territories managed by foreign powers. Bibliogr. [Abstract from the journal, adapted : Source : AfricaBib | Les Belbase: une réalisation peu connue de l'expansion belge en Afrique de l'Est

Mkataba ulioanzisha BelBases barani Afrika ulikuwa wa kuheshimika kama mikataba ya bahari nyeusi kule Turkey Bosphorus Strait (the Montreux convention) Implementation of the Montreux Convention / Rep. of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs ambapo meli nyingi zinatumia kwa uhakika huku kuna kuaminika kimataifa.

Tanzania ingeweza kufufua makubaliano ya namna hiyo ya uwekezaji jumuishi baina ya mataifa ya eneo hili yangeigeuza bandari ya Dar es Salaam kuwa bandari mojawapo kubwa ki-operesheni kwa kupakua na kupakia mizigo, kuigeuza Dar es Salaam kuwa Dubai ya Afrika Mashariki kwa kuvutia wawekezaji na namna tunavyoheshimu mikataba ya kimataifa n.k kama zifanyavyo nchi za bandari za Singapore, Dubai n.k

Nini kifanyike?

Wazo la rais Paul Kagame linaweza kukabaliwa kwa kuwaingiza Rwanda katika ubia, nini kinashindikana ikiwa airport ya KIA Klilimanjaro Airports tumewakaribisha OmanAirports kuwa wabia ktk uendeshaji.
Nini sababu ya sisi majirani wa kihistoria na tamaduni kuogopana kuendesha miradi mikubwa ya reli na bandari mpaka twende alika kampuni ya India, China au South Afrika waje waendeshe wakati kuna mfano hai kuwa kulikuwepo ukaribu wa uendeshaji wa reli, gati na bandari baina ya nchi hizi jirani na zilisaini mikataba iliyona manufaa kwa eneo hili la Afrika hususan Ruanda-Urundi-Tanganyika na Free Congo? Tuache chonyo kwa kisingizio cha uzalendo uchwara wakati diplomasia ya kweli ya kiuchumi kupitia mikataba maarufu wa mwaka 1921 kama ya Belbases Agence belge de L'Est Africain. Belbase.

Le gènèral Tombeur et Bataille de Tabora


22. Exchange of notes accepting the protocol signed at Kigoma, on 5 august 1924, relative to the Tanganyika-Ruanda-Urundi frontier. Brussels, 17 May 192646,47​

(46League of Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 54, p. 239.)

(47See also the Agreement between the United Kingdom and Belgiun regarding Water Rights on the Boundary between Tanganyika and Ruanda-Urundi, London, 22 November 1934, in Legislative Texts and Treaty Provisions concerning the Utilization of International Rivers for Other Purposes than Navigation (United Nations publication, Sales No. 63.V.4), p. 97.)

No. 1 - The British Ambassador at Brussels to the Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs

Brussels, 17 May 1926

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour, under instructions from His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to convey to Your Excellency by the present note the formal acceptance by His Majesty's Government of the Protocol signed at Kigoma on 5 August 1924, with its accompanying maps, as defining the boundary between Tanganyika territory and the Belgian mandated territory of Ruanda-Urundi.

I am at the same time instructed to draw the attention of the Belgian Government to paragraph 51 of the Protocol in question and to invite them to agree that, notwithstanding the new boundary in Lake Tanganyika which is defined by the said paragraph, all customary rights of fishing and passage exercised by natives living on either side of it should be preserved, but that, at the same time, even with regard to the rights of fishing and passage, the respective Governments should preserve their common law rights and should not, for instance, be debarred from levying a fishing tax on all persons alike who use their territorial waters.

I should be grateful if Your Excellency would be good enough to confirm to me that the Belgian Government is in agreement with His Majesty's Government with regard to the arrangements indicated in the preceding paragraph.

I avail myself of this opportunity, etc.

No. 2 - The Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs to the British Ambassador at Brussels

Brussels, 17 May 1926

Your Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of today's date, in which you are good enough to inform the Royal Government that His Britannic Majesty's Government accepts the Protocol signed at Kigoma on August 5, 1924, with its accompanying maps, as defining the boundary between Tanganyika Territory and the Belgian mandated territory of Ruanda-Urundi.

The Belgian Government also approves these documents.

At the same time you draw the attention of the Belgian Government to paragraph 51 of the Protocol in question and invite them to agree that, notwithstanding the new boundary in Lake Tanganyika which is defined by the said paragraph, all customary rights of fishing and passage exercised by natives living on either side of it should be preserved, but that at the same time, even with regard to the rights of fishing and passage, the respective Governments should preserve their common law rights and should not, for instance, be debarred from levying a fishing tax on all persons alike who use their territorial waters.

The Belgian Government has the honour to confirm to Your Excellency that they are in agreement with His Britannic Majesty's Government with regard to these arrangements.

................................................................
9 December 2020

Rais Magufuli aeleza sababu ya somo la Historia kuwa la lazima​


Magufuli : Historia ya kweli ifundishwe, vijana lazima waifahamu historia yetu tumetoka wapi. Haiwezekani watoto wetu wafahamu historia ya Mansa Mussa wa huko Afrika ya Magharibi lakini hata ya "kwetu" hawaifahamu. ( Kigoma iliyokuwa ndani ya Ruanda-Urundi mpaka 1924 chini ya utawala wa Ubeljii) hawaifahamu.....

100 YEARS BELBASES

A FORGOTTEN PAGE OF BELGIAN COLONIALISM IN AFRICA

Belgian bases in East Africa​



The Belgian colonial period ended with the independence of Burundi and Rwanda on July 1, 1962, but there is still a vestige of our colonial past: the Belbases in Tanzania.

In 1919, during the negotiation of the Treaty of Versailles, Great Britain was able to seize almost all the German colonies in East Africa. Rwanda and Burundi became Belgian mandate areas.

But Belgium, which had also participated in the war effort in East Africa, was not satisfied, protesting strongly. She received in 1921 from the British a commercial gesture as a consolation, the so-called Belbases (from "Belgian Bases"), sites in two ports of Tanganyika: Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika, and Dar es Salaam on the Indian Ocean , with free transit on the railway between these two ports.

This agreement was signed 100 years ago, on March 15, 1921.

Belgium leased the concession for a symbolic franc per year, where it could build docks and warehouses, initially in perpetuity, from 1956. for 99 years.
Goods to and from the Belgian colonies in Central Africa could pass tax-free via the railway. The Belgian government entrusted the operation to a private company, the Belgian East African Agency, which later became the International Maritime Agency (AMI).
In 1956, the Belbases were transferred to the colonial government, which now funded the infrastructure. After the independence of Congo, Burundi and Rwanda, the Belbases became the joint property of the former colonies.

The transit zone gradually lost its economic importance and, certainly after the riots of 1991 (Congo) and 1994 (Rwanda), traffic from Central Africa stopped. Between 1994 and 1995 the AMI began discussions on an "honorable end" to the management agreement, in 1996 Tanzania took over the sites.

Even if they have not been used for 25 years, in theory these Belbases still exist, because the four countries (Tanzania, Burundi, Congo and Rwanda) have not yet been able to agree on compensation for the takeover of the installations.

March 15, 1921​

On March 15, 1921, the Belgian and British governments signed a convention concerning " the free passage of persons, mail, goods, ships, vehicles and wagons from or to the Belgian Congo ", including the protectorate of the Rwanda - Urundi.

The last Belgian manager​

From January 1992 to December 1995, Guido Fallentheyn was the last Belgian manager of the Belbases in East Africa.

Source : Belbases - Une page oubliée du colonialisme Belge en Afrique
 
Halafu tunasikia “kuna watu wameajiri wageni”. Mgeni hawezi kuwa anatoka nchi wanachama! Kodi zetu kwa nchi wanachama basi si kama makubaliano. Sijui tunakwama wapi?!

Hizi agreement mkuu zinahushisha baadhi ya exception (nimekosa neno la kiswahili) unakumbuka hata lile sakata la CEO wa vodacom aliyekua anayoka kenya. Tz waka mkataa?
 
Ni kweli kabisa, mfano reli mpya ya SGR reli mpya ilishindwa vipi kuhushisha ubia wa maendeleo kwa Rwanda, DR Congo, Burundi na Tanzania kuchangia ujenzi wa reli ya SGR na bandari ?

Wakati wakoloni wa ki-Belge (Belgiji) na Uingereza Great Britain waliweza kukubaliana reli ya mkoloni ya kati Kigoma -DSM na bandari za Kigoma na ma-gati bandarini Dar es Salaam wachangie fedha.

Na mkataba huo wa wakoloni ulidumu miaka kibao kwa kuaminiana huku mkataba ukiheshimiwa kila mdau. Nini sisi nchi huru za ukanda huu tunashindwa kuaminiana kukusanya fedha na kusaini mkataba wa muda mrefu yaani treaties? Mfano mkataba mgumu kabisa Kaliningrad Oblast Why is Lithuania risking Russia’s wrath over Kaliningrad? upo na unaheshimiwa mpaka leo Kaliningrad treaty https://www.prlib.ru/en/history/619171



MIRADI MIKUBWA YA SGR RELI MPYA, BANDARI ZA KIGOMA NA DSM ZIONDOKANE NA 'CHOYO'

Paul Kagame anaelewa alichoongea kwa undani hasa ukirejea makubaliano baina ya wakoloni wa ki-Belgiji na wale wa Kiingereza.


Wakoloni hawa wa Belge na shujaa wao gènèral Tombeur wa vita ya (Bataille de) Tabora, baada ya kushirikiana na Uingereza vita kuu 1914 -1918 kumshinda Mjerumani huku majeshi ya ki- Belgiji yakiwa yameweka makao yao makuu mjini Tabora hii ya sasa Tanzania wakati ule German East Afrika ilibidi mabwana wakubwa hawa wa ulaya wasaini mkataba.
View attachment 2281414
Ubelgiji ilitaka kuendelea kukalia maeneo ya Tabora, Urambo, Kigoma, Biharamulo waBelge walifika na majeshi yao mpaka jimbo la Morogoro kilometa 200 toka bandari ya DSM lakini ikajiimarisha zaidi magharibi makao yakiwa Tabora na mtaji huu ukawa kama sehemu ya koloni lake ikimujuisha pamoja na nchi za Urundi-Ruanda, Free Congo ya mfalme Leopold. Belbases - Une page oubliée du colonialisme Belge en Afrique

Ubelgiji ikaamua kutumia maeneo hayo iliyoyakalia ndani ya Ujerumani ya Afrika Mashariki baadaye ikapewa jina Tanganyika baada ya kuwafurusha waJerumani katika vita ya kwanza ya dunia upande huu wa Afrika ya Mashariki 1914 -1918, kama sehemu ya mtaji wao ktk mazungumzo kufungulia njia ya kufikia pwani ya bahari ya Hindi kupitia reli ya kati hadi bandari ya Dar es Salaam.
Hivyo wakakubaliana na Waingereza kuwa iwapo Ubelgiji itaondoa majeshi yake toka Tabora, Urambo, Uvinza n.k basi makoloni ya Ubelgiji ya Burundi, Rwanda na lile kubwa la Free Congo (DR Congo) upande wa mashariki watapewa hadhi maalum ya kutumia reli ya kati toka Kigoma mpaka Dar es Salaam bila usumbufu wowote. Ubelgiji itachangia uimarishaji wa gati ktk bandari za Kigoma na DSM ambazo hazitatozwa ushuru wowote na kurahishisha biashara baina ya makoloni ya Ubelgiji pande hii ya Maziwa Makuu na dunia kupitia bahari.

Gati hizi zilijulikana kama BelBases na kampuni maarufu ya Belgium ya AMI ilipewa haki miliki za kufanya jambo hilo la eneo huru la kusafirisha na kuingiza bidhaa toka ngambo au kuuza ngambo kupitia reli ya kati na bandari za Kigoma na DSM ktk gati exclusive kwa matumizi ya waBelgiji.


Hivyo mh. Rais Paul Kagame anashangaa kwanza Tanzania ilivyo na geopolitical power kibiashara kuto copy aina ya uendeshaji na uwekezaji wa walivyofanya waBelgiji /Waingereza kupitia BelBases AMI kwa kushirikisha nchi jirani wawekeze ktk reli ya SGR reli mpya DSM - Kigoma-Burundi-Rwanda na DR Congo. Kwa kuwashirikisha wawekeze basi nchi hizo zingetumia bandari ya Dar es Salaam na mifumo ya reli nchini kwani Rwanda, Burundi na DR Congo wangekuwa wadau wa maendeleo na wangeachana kupitisha mizigo Uganda, Kenya hadi bandari ya Mombasa kwa kuwa wangekuwa wajinga waache kutumia uwekezaji wao wawafaidishe wengine, huku kubwa ni kuwa mkataba wa ulioanzisha BelBases ulionesha mafanikio makubwa.


Mkataba ulioanzisha BelBases barani Afrika ulikuwa wa kuheshimika kama mikataba ya bahari nyeusi kule Turkey Bosphorus Strait (the Montreux convention) Implementation of the Montreux Convention / Rep. of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs ambapo meli nyingi zinatumia kwa uhakika huku kuna kuaminika kimataifa.

Tanzania ingeweza kufufua makubaliano ya namna hiyo ya uwekezaji jumuishi baina ya mataifa ya eneo hili yangeigeuza bandari ya Dar es Salaam kuwa bandari mojawapo kubwa ki-operesheni kwa kupakua na kupakia mizigo, kuigeuza Dar es Salaam kuwa Dubai ya Afrika Mashariki kwa kuvutia wawekezaji na namna tunavyoheshimu mikataba ya kimataifa n.k kama zifanyavyo nchi za bandari za Singapore, Dubai n.k

Nini kifanyike?

Wazo la rais Paul Kagame linaweza kukabaliwa kwa kuwaingiza Rwanda katika ubia, nini kinashindikana ikiwa airport ya KIA Klilimanjaro Airports tumewakaribisha OmanAirports kuwa wabia ktk uendeshaji.
Nini sababu ya sisi majirani wa kihistoria na tamaduni kuogopana kuendesha miradi mikubwa ya reli na bandari mpaka twende alika kampuni ya India, China au South Afrika waje waendeshe wakati kuna mfano hai kuwa kulikuwepo ukaribu wa uendeshaji wa reli, gati na bandari baina ya nchi hizi jirani na zilisaini mikataba iliyona manufaa kwa eneo hili la Afrika hususan Ruanda-Urundi-Tanganyika na Free Congo? Tuache chonyo kwa kisingizio cha uzalendo uchwara wakati diplomasia ya kweli ya kiuchumi kupitia mikataba maarufu wa mwaka 1921 kama ya Belbases Agence belge de L'Est Africain. Belbase.

Le gènèral Tombeur et Bataille de Tabora


22. Exchange of notes accepting the protocol signed at Kigoma, on 5 august 1924, relative to the Tanganyika-Ruanda-Urundi frontier. Brussels, 17 May 192646,47​

(46League of Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 54, p. 239.)

(47See also the Agreement between the United Kingdom and Belgiun regarding Water Rights on the Boundary between Tanganyika and Ruanda-Urundi, London, 22 November 1934, in Legislative Texts and Treaty Provisions concerning the Utilization of International Rivers for Other Purposes than Navigation (United Nations publication, Sales No. 63.V.4), p. 97.)

No. 1 - The British Ambassador at Brussels to the Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs

Brussels, 17 May 1926

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour, under instructions from His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to convey to Your Excellency by the present note the formal acceptance by His Majesty's Government of the Protocol signed at Kigoma on 5 August 1924, with its accompanying maps, as defining the boundary between Tanganyika territory and the Belgian mandated territory of Ruanda-Urundi.

I am at the same time instructed to draw the attention of the Belgian Government to paragraph 51 of the Protocol in question and to invite them to agree that, notwithstanding the new boundary in Lake Tanganyika which is defined by the said paragraph, all customary rights of fishing and passage exercised by natives living on either side of it should be preserved, but that, at the same time, even with regard to the rights of fishing and passage, the respective Governments should preserve their common law rights and should not, for instance, be debarred from levying a fishing tax on all persons alike who use their territorial waters.

I should be grateful if Your Excellency would be good enough to confirm to me that the Belgian Government is in agreement with His Majesty's Government with regard to the arrangements indicated in the preceding paragraph.

I avail myself of this opportunity, etc.

No. 2 - The Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs to the British Ambassador at Brussels

Brussels, 17 May 1926

Your Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of today's date, in which you are good enough to inform the Royal Government that His Britannic Majesty's Government accepts the Protocol signed at Kigoma on August 5, 1924, with its accompanying maps, as defining the boundary between Tanganyika Territory and the Belgian mandated territory of Ruanda-Urundi.

The Belgian Government also approves these documents.

At the same time you draw the attention of the Belgian Government to paragraph 51 of the Protocol in question and invite them to agree that, notwithstanding the new boundary in Lake Tanganyika which is defined by the said paragraph, all customary rights of fishing and passage exercised by natives living on either side of it should be preserved, but that at the same time, even with regard to the rights of fishing and passage, the respective Governments should preserve their common law rights and should not, for instance, be debarred from levying a fishing tax on all persons alike who use their territorial waters.

The Belgian Government has the honour to confirm to Your Excellency that they are in agreement with His Britannic Majesty's Government with regard to these arrangements.

................................................................
9 December 2020

Rais Magufuli aeleza sababu ya somo la Historia kuwa la lazima​


Magufuli : Historia ya kweli ifundishwe, vijana lazima waifahamu historia yetu tumetoka wapi. Haiwezekani watoto wetu wafahamu historia ya Mansa Mussa wa huko Afrika ya Magharibi lakini hata ya "kwetu" hawaifahamu. ( Kigoma iliyokuwa ndani ya Ruanda-Urundi mpaka 1924 chini ya utawala wa Ubeljii) hawaifahamu.....

100 YEARS BELBASES

A FORGOTTEN PAGE OF BELGIAN COLONIALISM IN AFRICA

Belgian bases in East Africa​



The Belgian colonial period ended with the independence of Burundi and Rwanda on July 1, 1962, but there is still a vestige of our colonial past: the Belbases in Tanzania.

In 1919, during the negotiation of the Treaty of Versailles, Great Britain was able to seize almost all the German colonies in East Africa. Rwanda and Burundi became Belgian mandate areas.

But Belgium, which had also participated in the war effort in East Africa, was not satisfied, protesting strongly. She received in 1921 from the British a commercial gesture as a consolation, the so-called Belbases (from "Belgian Bases"), sites in two ports of Tanganyika: Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika, and Dar es Salaam on the Indian Ocean , with free transit on the railway between these two ports.

This agreement was signed 100 years ago, on March 15, 1921.

Belgium leased the concession for a symbolic franc per year, where it could build docks and warehouses, initially in perpetuity, from 1956. for 99 years.
Goods to and from the Belgian colonies in Central Africa could pass tax-free via the railway. The Belgian government entrusted the operation to a private company, the Belgian East African Agency, which later became the International Maritime Agency (AMI).
In 1956, the Belbases were transferred to the colonial government, which now funded the infrastructure. After the independence of Congo, Burundi and Rwanda, the Belbases became the joint property of the former colonies.

The transit zone gradually lost its economic importance and, certainly after the riots of 1991 (Congo) and 1994 (Rwanda), traffic from Central Africa stopped. Between 1994 and 1995 the AMI began discussions on an "honorable end" to the management agreement, in 1996 Tanzania took over the sites.

Even if they have not been used for 25 years, in theory these Belbases still exist, because the four countries (Tanzania, Burundi, Congo and Rwanda) have not yet been able to agree on compensation for the takeover of the installations.

March 15, 1921​

On March 15, 1921, the Belgian and British governments signed a convention concerning " the free passage of persons, mail, goods, ships, vehicles and wagons from or to the Belgian Congo ", including the protectorate of the Rwanda - Urundi.

The last Belgian manager​

From January 1992 to December 1995, Guido Fallentheyn was the last Belgian manager of the Belbases in East Africa.

Source : Belbases - Une page oubliée du colonialisme Belge en Afrique


Asante kwa historia hii kuntu, chini ya Mkoloni jumuiya ya Afrika mashariki ilikuwa na sarafu moja, na ilikuwa miaka hiyo. Leo hii mifumo ya kifedha imeboreka, nini kinashindikana kwetu sasa baada ya kuwa huru?
 
Ni kweli kabisa, mfano reli mpya ya SGR reli mpya ilishindwa vipi kuhushisha ubia wa maendeleo kwa Rwanda, DR Congo, Burundi na Tanzania kuchangia ujenzi wa reli ya SGR na bandari ?

Wakati wakoloni wa ki-Belge (Belgiji) na Uingereza Great Britain waliweza kukubaliana reli ya mkoloni ya kati Kigoma -DSM na bandari za Kigoma na ma-gati bandarini Dar es Salaam wachangie fedha.

Na mkataba huo wa wakoloni ulidumu miaka kibao kwa kuaminiana huku mkataba ukiheshimiwa kila mdau. Nini sisi nchi huru za ukanda huu tunashindwa kuaminiana kukusanya fedha na kusaini mkataba wa muda mrefu yaani treaties? Mfano mkataba Kaliningrad treaty https://www.prlib.ru/en/history/619171



MIRADI MIKUBWA YA SGR RELI MPYA, BANDARI ZA KIGOMA NA DSM ZIONDOKANE NA 'CHOYO'

Paul Kagame anaelewa alichoongea kwa undani hasa ukirejea makubaliano baina ya wakoloni wa ki-Belgiji na wale wa Kiingereza.


Wakoloni hawa wa Belge na shujaa wao gènèral Tombeur wa vita ya (Bataille de) Tabora, baada ya kushirikiana na Uingereza vita kuu 1914 -1918 kumshinda Mjerumani huku majeshi ya ki- Belgiji yakiwa yameweka makao yao makuu mjini Tabora hii ya sasa Tanzania wakati ule German East Afrika ilibidi mabwana wakubwa hawa wa ulaya wasaini mkataba.
View attachment 2281414
Ubelgiji ilitaka kuendelea kukalia maeneo ya Tabora, Urambo, Kigoma, Biharamulo waBelge walifika na majeshi yao mpaka jimbo la Morogoro kilometa 200 toka bandari ya DSM lakini ikajiimarisha zaidi magharibi makao yakiwa Tabora na mtaji huu ukawa kama sehemu ya koloni lake ikimujuisha pamoja na nchi za Urundi-Ruanda, Free Congo ya mfalme Leopold. Belbases - Une page oubliée du colonialisme Belge en Afrique

Ubelgiji ikaamua kutumia maeneo hayo iliyoyakalia ndani ya Ujerumani ya Afrika Mashariki baadaye ikapewa jina Tanganyika baada ya kuwafurusha waJerumani katika vita ya kwanza ya dunia upande huu wa Afrika ya Mashariki 1914 -1918, kama sehemu ya mtaji wao ktk mazungumzo kufungulia njia ya kufikia pwani ya bahari ya Hindi kupitia reli ya kati hadi bandari ya Dar es Salaam.
Hivyo wakakubaliana na Waingereza kuwa iwapo Ubelgiji itaondoa majeshi yake toka Tabora, Urambo, Uvinza n.k basi makoloni ya Ubelgiji ya Burundi, Rwanda na lile kubwa la Free Congo (DR Congo) upande wa mashariki watapewa hadhi maalum ya kutumia reli ya kati toka Kigoma mpaka Dar es Salaam bila usumbufu wowote. Ubelgiji itachangia uimarishaji wa gati ktk bandari za Kigoma na DSM ambazo hazitatozwa ushuru wowote na kurahishisha biashara baina ya makoloni ya Ubelgiji pande hii ya Maziwa Makuu na dunia kupitia bahari.

Gati hizi zilijulikana kama BelBases na kampuni maarufu ya Belgium ya AMI ilipewa haki miliki za kufanya jambo hilo la eneo huru la kusafirisha na kuingiza bidhaa toka ngambo au kuuza ngambo kupitia reli ya kati na bandari za Kigoma na DSM ktk gati exclusive kwa matumizi ya waBelgiji.


Hivyo mh. Rais Paul Kagame anashangaa kwanza Tanzania ilivyo na geopolitical power kibiashara kuto copy aina ya uendeshaji na uwekezaji wa walivyofanya waBelgiji /Waingereza kupitia BelBases AMI kwa kushirikisha nchi jirani wawekeze ktk reli ya SGR reli mpya DSM - Kigoma-Burundi-Rwanda na DR Congo. Kwa kuwashirikisha wawekeze basi nchi hizo zingetumia bandari ya Dar es Salaam na mifumo ya reli nchini kwani Rwanda, Burundi na DR Congo wangekuwa wadau wa maendeleo na wangeachana kupitisha mizigo Uganda, Kenya hadi bandari ya Mombasa kwa kuwa wangekuwa wajinga waache kutumia uwekezaji wao wawafaidishe wengine, huku kubwa ni kuwa mkataba wa ulioanzisha BelBases ulionesha mafanikio makubwa.


Mkataba ulioanzisha BelBases barani Afrika ulikuwa wa kuheshimika kama mikataba ya bahari nyeusi kule Turkey Bosphorus Strait (the Montreux convention) Implementation of the Montreux Convention / Rep. of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs ambapo meli nyingi zinatumia kwa uhakika huku kuna kuaminika kimataifa.

Tanzania ingeweza kufufua makubaliano ya namna hiyo ya uwekezaji jumuishi baina ya mataifa ya eneo hili yangeigeuza bandari ya Dar es Salaam kuwa bandari mojawapo kubwa ki-operesheni kwa kupakua na kupakia mizigo, kuigeuza Dar es Salaam kuwa Dubai ya Afrika Mashariki kwa kuvutia wawekezaji na namna tunavyoheshimu mikataba ya kimataifa n.k kama zifanyavyo nchi za bandari za Singapore, Dubai n.k

Nini kifanyike?

Wazo la rais Paul Kagame linaweza kukabaliwa kwa kuwaingiza Rwanda katika ubia, nini kinashindikana ikiwa airport ya KIA Klilimanjaro Airports tumewakaribisha OmanAirports kuwa wabia ktk uendeshaji.
Nini sababu ya sisi majirani wa kihistoria na tamaduni kuogopana kuendesha miradi mikubwa ya reli na bandari mpaka twende alika kampuni ya India, China au South Afrika waje waendeshe wakati kuna mfano hai kuwa kulikuwepo ukaribu wa uendeshaji wa reli, gati na bandari baina ya nchi hizi jirani na zilisaini mikataba iliyona manufaa kwa eneo hili la Afrika hususan Ruanda-Urundi-Tanganyika na Free Congo? Tuache chonyo kwa kisingizio cha uzalendo uchwara wakati diplomasia ya kweli ya kiuchumi kupitia mikataba maarufu wa mwaka 1921 kama ya Belbases Agence belge de L'Est Africain. Belbase.

Le gènèral Tombeur et Bataille de Tabora


22. Exchange of notes accepting the protocol signed at Kigoma, on 5 august 1924, relative to the Tanganyika-Ruanda-Urundi frontier. Brussels, 17 May 192646,47​

(46League of Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 54, p. 239.)

(47See also the Agreement between the United Kingdom and Belgiun regarding Water Rights on the Boundary between Tanganyika and Ruanda-Urundi, London, 22 November 1934, in Legislative Texts and Treaty Provisions concerning the Utilization of International Rivers for Other Purposes than Navigation (United Nations publication, Sales No. 63.V.4), p. 97.)

No. 1 - The British Ambassador at Brussels to the Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs

Brussels, 17 May 1926

Monsieur le Ministre,

I have the honour, under instructions from His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to convey to Your Excellency by the present note the formal acceptance by His Majesty's Government of the Protocol signed at Kigoma on 5 August 1924, with its accompanying maps, as defining the boundary between Tanganyika territory and the Belgian mandated territory of Ruanda-Urundi.

I am at the same time instructed to draw the attention of the Belgian Government to paragraph 51 of the Protocol in question and to invite them to agree that, notwithstanding the new boundary in Lake Tanganyika which is defined by the said paragraph, all customary rights of fishing and passage exercised by natives living on either side of it should be preserved, but that, at the same time, even with regard to the rights of fishing and passage, the respective Governments should preserve their common law rights and should not, for instance, be debarred from levying a fishing tax on all persons alike who use their territorial waters.

I should be grateful if Your Excellency would be good enough to confirm to me that the Belgian Government is in agreement with His Majesty's Government with regard to the arrangements indicated in the preceding paragraph.

I avail myself of this opportunity, etc.

No. 2 - The Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs to the British Ambassador at Brussels

Brussels, 17 May 1926

Your Excellency,

I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of today's date, in which you are good enough to inform the Royal Government that His Britannic Majesty's Government accepts the Protocol signed at Kigoma on August 5, 1924, with its accompanying maps, as defining the boundary between Tanganyika Territory and the Belgian mandated territory of Ruanda-Urundi.

The Belgian Government also approves these documents.

At the same time you draw the attention of the Belgian Government to paragraph 51 of the Protocol in question and invite them to agree that, notwithstanding the new boundary in Lake Tanganyika which is defined by the said paragraph, all customary rights of fishing and passage exercised by natives living on either side of it should be preserved, but that at the same time, even with regard to the rights of fishing and passage, the respective Governments should preserve their common law rights and should not, for instance, be debarred from levying a fishing tax on all persons alike who use their territorial waters.

The Belgian Government has the honour to confirm to Your Excellency that they are in agreement with His Britannic Majesty's Government with regard to these arrangements.

................................................................
9 December 2020

Rais Magufuli aeleza sababu ya somo la Historia kuwa la lazima​


Magufuli : Historia ya kweli ifundishwe, vijana lazima waifahamu historia yetu tumetoka wapi. Haiwezekani watoto wetu wafahamu historia ya Mansa Mussa wa huko Afrika ya Magharibi lakini hata ya "kwetu" hawaifahamu. ( Kigoma iliyokuwa ndani ya Ruanda-Urundi mpaka 1924 chini ya utawala wa Ubeljii) hawaifahamu.....

100 YEARS BELBASES

A FORGOTTEN PAGE OF BELGIAN COLONIALISM IN AFRICA

Belgian bases in East Africa​



The Belgian colonial period ended with the independence of Burundi and Rwanda on July 1, 1962, but there is still a vestige of our colonial past: the Belbases in Tanzania.

In 1919, during the negotiation of the Treaty of Versailles, Great Britain was able to seize almost all the German colonies in East Africa. Rwanda and Burundi became Belgian mandate areas.

But Belgium, which had also participated in the war effort in East Africa, was not satisfied, protesting strongly. She received in 1921 from the British a commercial gesture as a consolation, the so-called Belbases (from "Belgian Bases"), sites in two ports of Tanganyika: Kigoma on Lake Tanganyika, and Dar es Salaam on the Indian Ocean , with free transit on the railway between these two ports.

This agreement was signed 100 years ago, on March 15, 1921.

Belgium leased the concession for a symbolic franc per year, where it could build docks and warehouses, initially in perpetuity, from 1956. for 99 years.
Goods to and from the Belgian colonies in Central Africa could pass tax-free via the railway. The Belgian government entrusted the operation to a private company, the Belgian East African Agency, which later became the International Maritime Agency (AMI).
In 1956, the Belbases were transferred to the colonial government, which now funded the infrastructure. After the independence of Congo, Burundi and Rwanda, the Belbases became the joint property of the former colonies.

The transit zone gradually lost its economic importance and, certainly after the riots of 1991 (Congo) and 1994 (Rwanda), traffic from Central Africa stopped. Between 1994 and 1995 the AMI began discussions on an "honorable end" to the management agreement, in 1996 Tanzania took over the sites.

Even if they have not been used for 25 years, in theory these Belbases still exist, because the four countries (Tanzania, Burundi, Congo and Rwanda) have not yet been able to agree on compensation for the takeover of the installations.

March 15, 1921​

On March 15, 1921, the Belgian and British governments signed a convention concerning " the free passage of persons, mail, goods, ships, vehicles and wagons from or to the Belgian Congo ", including the protectorate of the Rwanda - Urundi.

The last Belgian manager​

From January 1992 to December 1995, Guido Fallentheyn was the last Belgian manager of the Belbases in East Africa.

Source : Belbases - Une page oubliée du colonialisme Belge en Afrique


- Project ya SRG ilikua funded na pesa za ndani mpaka dodoma. Kipande cha pili ndo ulikua mkopo wa exim china. Kipindi cha awamu ya 5 lengo lilikua jema tu irahishishe biashara za ndani. Pia sio rahisi ki hivyo kwa nchi nyingine kuwekeza kwenye project za nchi nyingine. Mfano kama ulivyo sema Belgium na Germany waliweza kushirikiana kijenga reli kwa sababu walikua wanatumia port ku export raw materials kwa wingi. Wanakusha materials zao huko alafu wanatumia reli kushafirisha mpaka kwenye port wapakia kwenye meli mzigo unatumwa kwao. Hii srg ni kwa ajali ya abiria hasa hasa, kenya au rwanda hawawezi ki invest kushafirisha watanzania, na pia hamna migration kubwa ya watu hivyo kwenye nchi washirika

-kwa kuongezea tu meeting ya AfCFTA ilifanyika ghana moja ya hoja nili note ilikua ni 60% ya export za africa ni kwa africa wenyewe alafu 40% ndo africa inauza nje ya bara hili
 
Asante kwa historia hii kuntu, chini ya Mkoloni jumuiya ya Afrika mashariki ilikuwa na sarafu moja, na ilikuwa miaka hiyo. Leo hii mifumo ya kifedha imeboreka, nini kinashindikana kwetu sasa baada ya kuwa huru?

-walishirikiana ili watunyonye rasilimali zetu viziri. Hata maadui hushirikiana kupigana na hadui mkubwa zaidi
 
-walishirikiana ili watunyonye rasilimali zetu viziri. Hata maadui hushirikiana kupigana na hadui mkubwa zaidi

Sisi hatunyonyani, kipi kinatufanya sarafu ya pamoja ishindikane zaidi ya porojo za kwenye mikutano ya viongozi, kisha kuishia kwenye makabati?
 
Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania, Samia Suluhu Hassan akishiriki Mkutano wa 22 wa Wakuu wa Nchi za Jumuiya ya Afrika Mashariki (EAC) Ukumbi wa Mikutano wa Kimataifa (AICC) Arusha, leo tarehe 21 Julai, 2022

Arusha kumenoga
 
Sisi hatunyonyani, kipi kinatufanya sarafu ya pamoja ishindikane zaidi ya porojo za kwenye mikutano ya viongozi, kisha kuishia kwenye makabati?

- kuwa na commòn currency haija tu baada ya vikao vya maraisi. Uli kuwa na currency moja maka-ilivyo euro lazima tuma na cental bank moja napia economic policy moja kama zilivyo kwa umoja wa ulaya. Hapa lazima kuwa na makubaliano kwa nchi wanachama.

-kumbuka nchi yoyote inaweza kuadhiri dhamani ya pesa. Mfano (tunatumia currency moja alafu kila nchi ina benk kuu yake) mseveni anataku ku stimulates economy kwa expansionary monetary policy (labda ku print note mpya) uku print ela uganda kunafanya sarafu ishuke dhamani, sasa kwa ajili ya tumatumia sarafu moja value ya sarafu kwa nchi zote za jumuiya itashuka na kuadhiri uchumu wa chi zote

-Jaribu ku soma na ku google mambo ya uchumi na jumuiya hizi utapata uwelewa mkubwa
 
- kuwa na commòn currency haija tu baada ya vikao vya maraisi. Uli kuwa na currency moja maka-ilivyo euro lazima tuma na cental bank moja napia economic policy moja kama zilivyo kwa umoja wa ulaya. Hapa lazima kuwa na makubaliano kwa nchi wanachama.

-kumbuka nchi yoyote inaweza kuadhiri dhamani ya pesa. Mfano (tunatumia currency moja alafu kila nchi ina benk kuu yake) mseveni anataku ku stimulates economy kwa expansionary monetary policy (labda ku print note mpya) uku print ela uganda kunafanya sarafu ishuke dhamani, sasa kwa ajili ya tumatumia sarafu moja value ya sarafu kwa nchi zote za jumuiya itashuka na kuadhiri uchumu wa chi zote

-Jaribu ku soma na ku google mambo ya uchumi na jumuiya hizi utapata uwelewa mkubwa

Hilo suala la single currency lina miaka zaidi ya 15 sasa, kama muda wote huo imeshindikana naingia Google kufuata nini boss? Au huko Google ndio kuna maelezo ya mkwamo wa hiyo east African single currency?
 
Tumefikia kwenye stage ya common market.
-stage ya kwanza ilikua ni makubaliano ya kupunguza kodi pekeyake
-tukaja kwenye stage ya pili ya free trada hapa ilikua kuondoa vikwazo vyote ya kodi na visivyo vya kodi
- baada ya hapo tukaja kwenye stage nyingine inaitwaa common union baada ya kukubaliana kwenye free trade tukaingia makubalioano mengine ya shera kuhusu kufanya biashara na nchi ambazo sio wanachama
-stage ya sasa tupo kwenye common market hapa kuna free trade kwa nchi wanachama, shera za kufanya biashara na nchi ambazo sio wanachama. Mfano mm nafanya biashara ya viatu kenya, viatu vyangu na import kutoka china. Lkn kenya ni member wa EAC inaruhusu kuuza bidhaa bila ya kodi kwa nchi wanachama (yani nawaza kuuza viatu vyangu tz, ug etc bila ya kodi). Kupitia shera za EAC siwezi kuuza bidhaa nilizo import kutoka china bila ya kodi kwa nchi wanachama kwa maana ili uweze kuuza bila ya kodi bidhaa zako zinatakiwa kuwa domestic manufactured aslimia 75-80. Mtu kama masudi kipanya yale magari yake anaweza uza popote ECA bila ya kodi

-Tunapo elekea ni Economic Integration kama EU, hapa tutakua na shera sera zinazofanana (Economic policy 1. FISCAL POLICY, 2. MONETARY POLICY, 3. TAXATION POLICY & SOCIAL WELFARE POLICY) pia tutakua na single currency pia benk kuu itakua moja. Kwa kuongezea jumuiya ya EAC itatambulika kama nchi moja kwenye majukwaa ya kimataifa kama WTO, UN, AU etc

Ufanye economic integration na nchi kama Kenya? Hivi mnawajua Wakenya nyie? Acheni kuongea vitu visivyowezekana, lini nyie watanzania mtaelewa?

 
Asante kwa historia hii kuntu, chini ya Mkoloni jumuiya ya Afrika mashariki ilikuwa na sarafu moja, na ilikuwa miaka hiyo. Leo hii mifumo ya kifedha imeboreka, nini kinashindikana kwetu sasa baada ya kuwa huru?

Kuna mambo mengi ambayo yamo ktk historia na tungeweza kutumia historia hii ya BelBasse Tanganyika - Belbase sites at Dar es Salaam and Kigoma - UNARMS na EAC iliyovunjika 1977 EAC: Introduction >> globalEDGE: Your source for Global Business Knowledge tukatizama EU https://enterprise.gov.ie/en/what-we-do/trade-investment/free-trade-agreements/na NAFTA North America Free Trade Area https://www.trade.gov/north-american-free-trade-agreement-nafta#:~:text=The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which was,U.S.-Mexico bilateral commercial relationship. wamewezaje kuuendelea na umoja wao pamoja na tofauti zao za kimaslahi lakini wazungu wana uwezo wa kuboresha changamoto zinazozuka kuwa fursa.
 
rahisi ki hivyo kwa nchi nyingine kuwekeza kwenye project za nchi nyingine. Mfano kama ulivyo sema Belgium na Germany waliweza kushirikiana kijenga reli kwa sababu walikua wanatumia port ku export raw materials kwa wingi

Ikiwa nchi ya Burundi ina agiza na kuuza nje bidhaa zake kwa kutumia miundo-mbinu ya Tanzania kwa asilimia 95%, tujiulize ni nini kinashindikana?

Je ni imani hakuna, je ni ukosefu wa ubunifu wa watendaji husika ktk serikali? Maana wafanyabiashara na wananchi wa kawaida hii mipaka baina ya nchi na nchi huwa wanatamani isiwepo au taratibu zirahishwe ili waweze kufanya biashara ktk mazingira rafiki. Je nchi za Afrika ni ngumu 'kufunguka' baina yetu wenyewe lakini ni rahisi kufunguka kwa baina ya nchi za Afrika na China, Omani, EU/Umoja wa ulaya lakini ni ngumu baina ya nchi zetu zinazopakana mipaka na makabila kufanana pia lugha lakini tunazibiana fursa.

Wananchi wa kawaida na wafanyabiashara hawana uchoyo wa aina hiyo, nadhani ni aina ya maono ya walio ktk nyadhifa za maamuzi ktk serikali zetu ndiyo wanashindwa kuona fursa ambazo wananchi wa kawaida wanazililia nchi zifunguke.
 
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