Rostam Aziz akutana na Jenerali Muhoozi Kainerugaba mjini Entebbe

Rostam Aziz akutana na Jenerali Muhoozi Kainerugaba mjini Entebbe

27 June 2026

Hon Odonga Otto says that MK Muhoozi Kainerugaba is a Dangerous Man and he wants to call and talk to M7


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=XHmDpjb65q0
Mheshimiwa Odonga Otto anasema kwamba jenerali Muhoozi Kainerugaba almaaruf MK ni Mtu Hatari, hivyo anataka kumpigia simu Museveni M7 kuzungumza kuhusu jambo hilo
Source : Benon Fred TWINAMASIKO
 
Chawa kibao
Mkome Kumchokoza Jenerali Muhoozi : Mbunge John Musila

Kwa nini mna mchokoza MK ?” Mhe. John Musila, mbunge wa Kaunti ya Bubulo Mashariki, nchini Uganda anasema vyombo vya habari vinapaswa kujitafakari kwa nini hukumbana na rungu la kufungiwa, akisema kwamba... katika kiLugha cha Luganda lini panya anayeishi katika nyumba amehoji paka ana meno mangapi ! Haijawahi kutoke panya kufanya kufuru hiyo

Hivyo kampuni ya NMG Uganda wanapaswa kujiuliza kwanini wao tu hukumbana na rungu la kufungiwa mara kwa mara ..

29 June 2026

Stop Provoking Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba almaarufu MK : MP John Musila


View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=uLvxZi0ivoo
 
Kutoka maktaba :

29 June 2026
Nakasero

Breaking News - H.E Yoweri Kaguta Museveni finally talks about NMG and the way they do their Reporting... that the Elite are Worried ? Hyena has a hot chunk of meat in mouth cant swallow nor spit as it is sweet story.. by the Monitor..

View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=0JCC54g7HrM
President Museveni officially stated that the military's disruption of Nation Media Group (NMG) was not arbitrary, but rather part of a "security-led inquiry" he personally authorized. The investigation involves the army (UPDF), police (CID), and intelligence experts.

KEY DETAILS
Armed forces raided NMG-Uganda's headquarters and broadcast centers (affecting Daily Monitor, NTV Uganda, and Spark TV

ICT and National Guidance Minister Justine Lumumba Kasule announced the disruption was a security inquiry ordered by the President.

The media houses have been instructed to halt physical broadcasting while digital publishing continues remotely. A joint government probe is reviewing the operations, and a public update is expected once it concludes
 

Has Uganda transitioned to “Muhoozi rule”? How Museveni’s son became the centre of power​

On November 25, 2024, Uganda's Defence Force Commander General Muhoozi Kainerugaba met with Japan's State Minister for Foreign Affairs Hisayuki Fujii at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs building/CREDIT: 外務省.

The past weeks have perhaps been among the most intense and unsettling in Uganda in recent years. Within a remarkably short period of time, Speaker of Parliament Anita Among – until recently one of the country’s most powerful political figures – was politically brought down and placed under house arrest.

Soon afterwards, former Kampala mayor and opposition lawyer Erias Lukwago was abducted and abused with Muhoozi Kainerugaba, President Yoweri Museveni’s son and Chief of Defence Forces, himself posting images of the abuse on social media. Uganda’s largest independent media house, the Nation Media Group, was taken off the air after days of increasingly explicit threats by Muhoozi.

Veteran politician Miria Matembe was arrested days after publicly criticizing Muhoozi and the growing wave of abductions. Senior journalist Timothy Kaligyera was also abducted over the past days. Particularly striking throughout these events was that Muhoozi himself publicly announced, ordered or endorsed many of them through his social media accounts.

Taken together, they suggest something more than another episode in the increasing use of force in this ‘late Museveni era’. The removal of Among showed Muhoozi’s ability to neutralise one of the country’s most powerful political figures, as well as to decide on the next speaker of Parliament. The events that followed suggested that he was equally willing to exercise that power more directly, with little regard for formal state institutions. Has Muhoozi effectively taken control?

A looming crisis​

In order to answer that question, let’s first focus on the context that allowed these events to happen. Earlier this year, I argued in the Journal of Democracy that Uganda was heading towards a looming political crisis. Over almost four decades in power, President Museveni has gone to great lengths to personalise the state around himself. In the last 10 years, this concentration of power has only deepened, with political decision-making increasingly confined to an ever-narrower circle in which the first family occupies a central place.

As Museveni, now 82, has grown older, maintaining this highly personalised system has become more difficult, however. This means that important decisions have become increasingly delegated to trusted insiders, above all Salim Saleh, who today runs what amounts to a shadow cabinet, but also to Muhoozi.

Muhoozi’s position changed fundamentally after he became Chief of Defence Forces in 2024. Before then, his authority still encountered resistance, and on occasion he could be forced to retreat, as happened after his 2022 tweets threatening to invade Nairobi. Since becoming CDF, that has no longer been the case. Through a combination of promotions, reshuffles and anti-corruption campaigns within the army – some no doubt genuine, others equally useful politically – he steadily consolidated his hold over the military.

Senior officers associated with the old guard were pushed into retirement. During the same period, Muhoozi also became increasingly explicit about his ambition to succeed his father, something he first openly did in 2023.

Muhoozi did not stand in the January elections, but his presence loomed over them. Much attention focused on the positions that members of his political vehicle, the Patriotic League Uganda (PLU), would obtain. The PLU is not a political party, and alternates between presenting itself as a vehicle for renewing the NRM and distancing itself from it – but in both cases presenting itself as an autonomous political organisation centred on Muhoozi.

Even before the parliamentary and presidential elections, several outspoken PLU supporters had already secured influential roles in key party bodies, including the Central Executive Committee, leading many to expect that the post-election cabinet would clearly reflect Muhoozi’s – and PLU’s – growing influence.

The eventual cabinet appointments, however, came as something of an anti-climax. There were fewer Muhoozi or PLU figures than expected, while close Museveni allies and figures associated with Salim Saleh – the other major centre of power within the Ugandan state – retained important positions. This suggested that Muhoozi’s takeover would be slower than many had anticipated, and that both Museveni and Saleh still exercised considerable influence over the government.

The fall of Anita Among and power without institutions​

That impression has since been overtaken by events. The government itself has become increasingly less relevant, as Muhoozi has shown little hesitation in exercising power directly. The political neutralisation of former Speaker of Parliament Anita Among marked an important turning point.

Among had established herself as one of Uganda’s most influential political figures, building an extensive network of influence throughout and beyond the state, one that also rested heavily on corruption (something that was exposed in 2024 during Agora’s online campaign on corruption in parliament).

During the election campaign, she campaigned vigorously for President Museveni and was widely expected to retain her position. In the weeks before the cabinet appointments, however, Muhoozi and his allies increasingly turned against her, sometimes in cryptic terms and sometimes quite openly.

Particular attention centred on reports that she had acquired a Rolls-Royce, prompting Muhoozi to tweet: “I have been Mzee’s son for 52 years but I have never sat in a Rolls-Royce ever. I don’t think Mzee has sat in one either.” In another post, he wrote: “Our job is to serve Ugandans, not ourselves. I cannot support corruption. I risked my life to make this country peaceful. Now that it is, it will not be taken by thieves. Never!” On 12 May, PLU publicly withdrew its earlier support and endorsement for Among. Soon afterwards, her residences were raided and searched, her vehicle fleet was impounded, and she has remained under house arrest.

Within Uganda, this was widely perceived as being about control and power, rather than about corruption. Tensions between Among and Muhoozi had existed for some time, with Muhoozi increasingly viewing her as a political rival.

Her subsequent public deference to both Museveni and Muhoozi – including praising them as the Father, Son and Holy Spirit – only underlined how thoroughly she had been politically subdued; but that didn’t help her: she had become too much of a threat.

Soon afterwards, Muhoozi publicly endorsed former Defence Minister Jacob Oboth-Oboth for the position of Speaker of Parliament – with MPs quickly falling into line. In a recent speech, the new speaker stated that ‘every Ugandan should be a member of PLU’.

The whole episode sent a clear message: Muhoozi has the power to go after whomever he wants, in whichever way he wants. Anyone could be a target. At the same time, it showed clearly: the government or parliament doesn’t seem to matter any more. What matters is Muhoozi and PLU.

An escalating trend​

The trend only intensified in the weeks that followed. Over the past years, abductions had become an almost established feature of Uganda’s political landscape, but they largely targeted supporters of opposition leader Bobi Wine’s National Unity Platform (NUP) and civil society figures, especially during and after the election campaign. However cynical it might sound, it did allow many – locally and internationally – to ignore what was happening.

In recent weeks, however, both the number and profile of those targeted have changed, extending well beyond the opposition. The fact that these incidents have occurred in rapid succession, outside election periods or large-scale protests, has reinforced the sense that almost anyone could become a target at any time.

First, there was the abduction and abuse of former Kampala mayor and opposition lawyer Erias Lukwago. Images of a blindfolded Lukwago, his head freshly shaven, accompanied by triumphant social media posts from Muhoozi, sent shockwaves through the country. The detention of veteran politician and human rights advocate Miria Matembe carried an even more powerful message.

Matembe, a long-time political figure who was once a close ally of President Museveni, had publicly criticised the growing wave of abductions and Muhoozi’s expanding political role. After security personnel raided her home on 24 June, she was detained four days later. The images of the 72-year-old Matembe, limping into court while relatives and supporters wept openly, captured the sense of fear that these arrests have generated. There was also the deportation of Kenyan senior politician Martha Karua, who was acting as a counsel for Kiiza Besigye – a deportation Muhoozi claimed to have ordered.

Then there was the closure of the Nation Media Group, following days of increasingly explicit threats by Muhoozi. The shutdown took the Daily Monitor, NTV, KFM, Dembe FM and Spark TV off the air. As the country’s largest independent media house, its closure deprived Uganda of its most influential independent news platform and marked a major escalation in the shrinking space for free media.

Here too, Muhoozi was explicit that he ordered the closure of the media house – with consent from his father – stating he doesn’t believe in a free press. In other words, it was Muhoozi who ordered it, rather than the Uganda Communications Commission or any other formal regulatory authority. It took the government two and a half days to come up with a – vague – statement.

Is Uganda experiencing a slow coup?​

One question that is on many people’s minds is whether the country is witnessing a coup. As such, this question isn’t really new: the control of the army has been increasing rapidly since Muhoozi took charge; and particularly since the adoption of the new UPDF Bill in June 2025, which gives far-reaching powers to the army.

One Ugandan research report called this “a coup by other means” or “a coup in slow motion”. The events of the past weeks have given concrete form to that argument – one commentator captured this emerging political order by describing it as “a military junta with a PR team“.

The removal of Anita Among, and appointment of the new Speaker of Parliament, already showed that key political decisions were no longer being taken through the formal institutions of government. The weeks that followed strengthened that impression.

Muhoozi directed the closure of the country’s largest independent media house, intervened in decisions concerning the Kampala Capital City Council, and openly announced or endorsed arrests and detentions. In many of these cases, legal justification followed only afterwards, if it came at all.

The installation of the new Secretary General of the Patriotic League Uganda (PLU) offered another illustration. It brought together a remarkable cross-section of Uganda’s political establishment, including the Speaker of Parliament, ministers and numerous MPs, underscoring where many political actors now see the country’s centre of power. At the same time, the question of whether Uganda is already living under “President Muhoozi” has moved well beyond social media and now features prominently in political debate.

Silence​

Perhaps as striking as the events themselves has been the silence surrounding them. President Museveni has remained largely absent, while neither the government nor the courts have meaningfully challenged what has been taking place. Political authority appears increasingly concentrated around Muhoozi, while the institutions that would ordinarily provide checks have remained remarkably quiet.

The same silence extends well beyond the state. Uganda’s media had already operated for years under growing pressure and increasing self-censorship, making independent reporting ever more difficult. The closure of the Nation Media Group has only reinforced that trend. Foreign journalists have largely left the country.

There has also been no reaction to the recent events by any of the major donors – whether one looks at the EU, US or UK. (As for the US, there was only a tweet by the US Foreign Affairs Committee Chair on social media.)

Religious leaders have largely been incorporated into the system through years of patronage, while the political opposition has largely been neutralized or fragmented. Bobi Wine had to flee the country, and many other opposition figures have faced arrest or intimidation.

Fear therefore has become an equally important part of the picture. The concern is no longer limited to political activists or opposition supporters, but increasingly centres on who may be targeted next. Within public and private debates, there’s an increasing concern of “saying something wrong”; and there are increasing concerns of surveillance and tapped phones – reinforced by the circulation of leaked private phone conversations, including those involving Uganda’s EU ambassador and Minister Kahinda Otafiire.

This marks a profound change from the open and often vibrant political debate that long characterised Uganda. Diplomats have likewise remained cautious, given the increasingly hostile rhetoric directed at several ambassadors over the past years.

Against that backdrop, public criticism has become increasingly rare. Over the past week, the most notable intervention came from longtime NRM stalwart and former government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, who openly questioned the country’s current trajectory. Careful criticism has also come from Prince Kassim Nakibinge, the titular head of Uganda’s Kibuli Muslim community and a prominent Buganda royal.

Social media—particularly X—remains one of the few spaces where political debate continues and civil society voices can still be heard. Yet the arrest of prominent X user Timothy Kaligyera under the Computer Misuse Act, together with the police interrogation of Agora activists, sends a clear warning about the risks of speaking out.

The first family​

Perhaps the most striking reactions have come from within the First Family itself. In the past week, Museveni’s son-in-law Odrek Rwabwogo released a video saying he was “extremely worried to the core about the direction the country is taking” and calling on Ugandans to unite and speak out. Perhaps most remarkably, he argued that President Museveni must be protected “from wrong unthinking characters who are undermining the greater good (…) no one group should seek to monopolize him or to pretend to act on his behalf”.

This latter statement was widely perceived as a clear reference to the influence of Muhoozi and PLU. There has been a longstanding feud between Muhoozi and Odrek: Muhoozi, for example, called him ‘the biggest thief in Uganda’ on X in 2024. The video seemed like a last-ditch attempt of Odrek – a long-time competitor of Muhoozi for the Presidency – to gather political support, and potentially temper Muhoozi.

Around the same time, Natasha Museveni – who is very much her father’s “right-hand woman” – released an emotional video describing Uganda as “going through a difficult period” and urging people “not to lose hope or become overwhelmed by events”.

While her remarks have to be understood in the context of the prolonged illness of Janet Museveni, their timing remains striking, in the current shift of power. A letter attributed to Salim Saleh also surfaced, in which he appeared to offer advice and restraint to Muhoozi in relation to the Lukwago affair.

These developments suggest a number of things within the first family: concern, a loss of control over the current events, as well as the difficulty that those around Muhoozi appear to have in influencing him.

They also point to the further retreat of President Museveni. His increasingly limited public role has become more apparent over recent months, a process that appears to have accelerated with Janet Museveni’s illness. She was last seen in public of March of this year, and it was recently acknowledged that she survived a major health scare.

Speculation about the President’s health has also intensified, reinforced by comments from Muhoozi ally and regime insider Andrew Mwenda, who recently described Museveni as “old and exhausted, both intellectually and physically“, with only a limited ability to oversee the affairs of government. Whether or not that assessment is accurate, the perception of a President who is increasingly absent has become an important part of the current political dynamics.

Who governs Uganda?​

The broader question is whether President Museveni still controls the political system he spent four decades building. Recent events suggest that the personalized decision-making structure has increasingly spiraled out of his hands, with Muhoozi playing a central role – extending his influence over both the UPDF and the NRM at great speed.

The language increasingly used by his supporters reflects that confidence. When NRM stalwart Ofwono Opondo asked whether “the NRM that Ugandans elected on 15 January 2026 is no more”, the Executive Secretary of the Patriotic League Uganda confidently replied that this indeed was the case. While the message was later deleted, it offered a revealing glimpse into how parts of the PLU now view the political landscape: they are the ones in charge.

The same pattern has become visible elsewhere. Following the closure of the Nation Media Group, it was not the responsible ministry or regulatory authority that announced negotiations over its possible reopening, but Andrew Mwenda, one of Muhoozi’s closest political allies and a leading figure within the PLU.

How far this process will go remains uncertain. Within broader society and political circles, there’s much concern about who, or which institution will be next, and how far this process will go. The concentration of power, the willingness to use it, and the brazenness of it all point to concerning and troubling times ahead.

Kristof Titeca is Professor at the Institute of Development Policy (IOB) at the University of Antwerp, and a Senior Associate Fellow at the Egmont Institute (Brussels).

Source : democracyinafrica.org
 

Je, Uganda imebadilika na kuwa "utawala wa Muhoozi"? Jinsi mtoto wa Museveni alivyojipata kuwa kitovu cha madaraka​

Mnamo tarehe 25 Novemba 2024, Kamanda wa Jeshi la Ulinzi la Uganda Jenerali Muhoozi Kainerugaba alikutana na Waziri wa Mambo ya Nje wa Japan Hisayuki Fujii katika jengo la Wizara ya Mambo ya Nje/MIKOPO: 外務省.

Wiki zilizopita labda zimekuwa miongoni mwa zilizokuwa na msukosuko na wasiwasi mkubwa nchini Uganda katika miaka ya hivi karibuni. Ndani ya kipindi kifupi sana, Spika wa Bunge Anita Among - hadi hivi karibuni mmoja wa wanasiasa wenye nguvu zaidi nchini - aliangushwa kisiasa na kuwekwa chini ya kifungo cha nyumbani.

Muda mfupi baadaye, meya wa zamani wa Kampala na wakili wa upinzani Erias Lukwago alitekwa nyara na kutendewa vibaya huku Muhoozi Kainerugaba, mwana wa Rais Yoweri Museveni na Mkuu wa Majeshi ya Ulinzi, mwenyewe akichapisha picha za unyanyasaji huo kwenye mitandao ya kijamii. Kituo kikubwa zaidi cha habari huru nchini Uganda, Nation Media Group, kiliondolewa hewani baada ya siku za vitisho vilivyozidi kuwa wazi kutoka kwa Muhoozi.

Mwanasiasa mkongwe Miria Matembe alikamatwa siku chache baada ya kumkosoa Muhoozi hadharani na wimbi linaloongezeka la utekaji nyara. Mwandishi wa habari mwandamizi Timothy Kaligyera pia alitekwa nyara katika siku zilizopita. Jambo la kushangaza zaidi katika matukio haya yote ni kwamba Muhoozi mwenyewe alitangaza hadharani, kuagiza au kuidhinisha mengi yao kupitia akaunti zake za mitandao ya kijamii.

Kwa pamoja, zinaonyesha kitu zaidi ya tukio lingine katika ongezeko la matumizi ya nguvu katika ' enzi hii ya Museveni' . Kuondolewa kwa Among kulionyesha uwezo wa Muhoozi wa kumtuliza mmoja wa wanasiasa wenye nguvu zaidi nchini, na pia kuamua spika mpya wa Bunge. Matukio yaliyofuata yalionyesha kwamba alikuwa tayari pia kutumia mamlaka hayo moja kwa moja, bila kujali taasisi rasmi za serikali. Je, Muhoozi amechukua udhibiti kwa ufanisi?

Mgogoro unaokaribia​

Ili kujibu swali hilo, hebu kwanza tuzingatie muktadha ulioruhusu matukio haya kutokea. Mapema mwaka huu , nilibishana katika Jarida la Demokrasia kwamba Uganda ilikuwa inaelekea kwenye mgogoro wa kisiasa unaokaribia. Kwa karibu miongo minne madarakani, Rais Museveni amejitahidi sana kubinafsisha serikali inayomzunguka. Katika miaka 10 iliyopita, mkusanyiko huu wa madaraka umeongezeka tu, huku maamuzi ya kisiasa yakizidi kufungwa kwenye mzunguko mwembamba zaidi ambapo familia ya kwanza inachukua nafasi kuu.

Kadri Museveni, ambaye sasa ana umri wa miaka 82, anavyozeeka, kudumisha mfumo huu uliobinafsishwa sana kumekuwa vigumu zaidi, hata hivyo. Hii ina maana kwamba maamuzi muhimu yamepewa watu wa ndani wanaoaminika, zaidi ya yote Salim Saleh, ambaye leo anaendesha kile kinachofanana na baraza la mawaziri kivuli, lakini pia Muhoozi.

Msimamo wa Muhoozi ulibadilika kimsingi baada ya kuwa Mkuu wa Majeshi ya Ulinzi mwaka wa 2024. Kabla ya hapo, mamlaka yake bado yalikabiliwa na upinzani, na wakati mwingine angeweza kulazimishwa kurudi nyuma, kama ilivyotokea baada ya ujumbe wake wa Twitter wa 2022 uliotishia kuvamia Nairobi . Tangu awe CDF, hilo halijawa hivyo tena. Kupitia mchanganyiko wa kupandishwa vyeo, mabadiliko na kampeni za kupambana na ufisadi ndani ya jeshi - baadhi bila shaka yalikuwa ya kweli, mengine yalikuwa muhimu kisiasa - aliimarisha umiliki wake wa kijeshi kwa kasi.

Maafisa wakuu waliohusishwa na mlinzi huyo wa zamani walisukumwa hadi kustaafu. Katika kipindi hicho hicho, Muhoozi pia alizidi kueleza wazi kuhusu azma yake ya kumrithi baba yake, jambo ambalo alifanya waziwazi kwa mara ya kwanza mwaka wa 2023.

Muhoozi hakusimama katika uchaguzi wa Januari, lakini uwepo wake uliwashangaza . Mkazo mkubwa ulielekezwa kwenye nafasi ambazo wanachama wa chama chake cha siasa, Patriotic League Uganda (PLU), wangepata. PLU si chama cha siasa, na hubadilishana kati ya kujiwasilisha kama chombo cha kusasisha NRM na kujitenga nacho - lakini katika visa vyote viwili kujiwasilisha kama shirika huru la kisiasa linalojikita katika Muhoozi.

Hata kabla ya uchaguzi wa bunge na urais, wafuasi kadhaa wa PLU waliokuwa wazi walikuwa tayari wamepata nafasi zenye ushawishi katika vyombo muhimu vya chama, ikiwa ni pamoja na Kamati Kuu ya Utendaji, na hivyo kuwafanya wengi kutarajia kwamba baraza la mawaziri la baada ya uchaguzi lingeakisi waziwazi ushawishi unaoongezeka wa Muhoozi - na PLU.

Hata hivyo, uteuzi wa baraza la mawaziri hatimaye ulikuja kama kitu cha kupinga kilele. Kulikuwa na watu wachache wa Muhoozi au PLU kuliko ilivyotarajiwa, huku washirika wa karibu wa Museveni na watu wanaohusishwa na Salim Saleh - kitovu kingine kikubwa cha madaraka ndani ya taifa la Uganda - wakishikilia nafasi muhimu. Hii ilionyesha kwamba kuchukua madaraka kwa Muhoozi kungekuwa polepole kuliko wengi walivyotarajia, na kwamba Museveni na Saleh bado walikuwa na ushawishi mkubwa juu ya serikali.

Kuanguka kwa Anita Miongoni na madaraka bila taasisi​

Hisia hiyo imepitwa na matukio. Serikali yenyewe imekuwa haina umuhimu wowote, kwani Muhoozi hajaonyesha kusita kidogo katika kutumia madaraka moja kwa moja. Kutoegemea upande wowote kisiasa kwa Spika wa zamani wa Bunge Anita Among kuliashiria mabadiliko muhimu.

Among alikuwa amejitambulisha kama mmoja wa wanasiasa wenye ushawishi mkubwa nchini Uganda, akijenga mtandao mpana wa ushawishi kote na nje ya jimbo, mtandao ambao pia ulitegemea sana ufisadi (jambo ambalo lilifichuliwa mwaka wa 2024 wakati wa kampeni ya mtandaoni ya Agora kuhusu ufisadi bungeni).

Wakati wa kampeni za uchaguzi, alifanya kampeni kwa nguvu kwa ajili ya Rais Museveni na alitarajiwa sana kudumisha wadhifa wake. Hata hivyo, katika wiki chache kabla ya uteuzi wa baraza la mawaziri, Muhoozi na washirika wake walizidi kumgeukia, wakati mwingine kwa maneno ya siri na wakati mwingine waziwazi.

Mkazo mkubwa ulijikita kwenye ripoti kwamba alikuwa amenunua Rolls-Royce, na kumfanya Muhoozi kuandika kwenye Twitter: “Nimekuwa mwana wa Mzee kwa miaka 52 lakini sijawahi kuhudhuria Rolls-Royce . Sidhani kama Mzee amewahi kuhudhuria pia.” Katika chapisho lingine, aliandika: “Kazi yetu ni kuwahudumia Waganda, si sisi wenyewe. Siwezi kuunga mkono ufisadi. Nilihatarisha maisha yangu ili kuifanya nchi hii iwe na amani. Sasa kwa kuwa imefika, haitachukuliwa na wezi. Kamwe!” Mnamo Mei 12, PLU iliondoa hadharani uungaji mkono wake wa awali na uidhinishaji kwa Among. Muda mfupi baadaye, makazi yake yalivamiwa na kupekuliwa, magari yake yalikamatwa, na amebaki chini ya kifungo cha nyumbani.

Ndani ya Uganda, hili lilionekana sana kama linahusu udhibiti na mamlaka, badala ya ufisadi. Mvutano kati ya Among na Muhoozi ulikuwa umekuwepo kwa muda, huku Muhoozi akizidi kumuona kama mpinzani wa kisiasa.

Heshima yake ya hadharani kwa Museveni na Muhoozi - ikiwa ni pamoja na kuwasifu kama Baba, Mwana na Roho Mtakatifu - ilisisitiza tu jinsi alivyoshindwa kisiasa; lakini hilo halikumsaidia: alikuwa tishio kubwa kupita kiasi.

Muda mfupi baadaye, Muhoozi alimuidhinisha hadharani Waziri wa zamani wa Ulinzi Jacob Oboth-Oboth kwa nafasi ya Spika wa Bunge - huku wabunge wakiingia haraka kwenye mstari. Katika hotuba ya hivi karibuni, spika mpya alisema kwamba 'kila Mganda anapaswa kuwa mwanachama wa PLU'.

Kipindi kizima kilituma ujumbe wazi: Muhoozi ana uwezo wa kumfuata yeyote anayemtaka, kwa njia yoyote anayotaka. Mtu yeyote anaweza kuwa shabaha. Wakati huo huo, ilionyesha wazi: serikali au bunge halionekani kuwa muhimu tena. Kinachojalisha ni Muhoozi na PLU.

Mwelekeo unaoongezeka​

Mwelekeo huo uliongezeka tu katika wiki zilizofuata. Katika miaka iliyopita, utekaji nyara ulikuwa karibu umeenea katika mazingira ya kisiasa ya Uganda, lakini kwa kiasi kikubwa uliwalenga wafuasi wa Jukwaa la Kitaifa la Umoja wa Kitaifa (NUP) la kiongozi wa upinzani Bobi Wine na watu mashuhuri wa asasi za kiraia, hasa wakati na baada ya kampeni za uchaguzi. Hata kama inaweza kuonekana kama ya kejeli, iliwaruhusu wengi - ndani na nje ya nchi - kupuuza kile kilichokuwa kikiendelea.

Hata hivyo, katika wiki za hivi karibuni, idadi na wasifu wa wale waliolengwa umebadilika, ukienea mbali zaidi ya upinzani. Ukweli kwamba matukio haya yametokea kwa mfululizo wa haraka, nje ya vipindi vya uchaguzi au maandamano makubwa, umeimarisha hisia kwamba karibu kila mtu anaweza kuwa shabaha wakati wowote.

Kwanza, kulikuwa na kutekwa nyara na kutendewa vibaya kwa meya wa zamani wa Kampala na wakili wa upinzani Erias Lukwago. Picha za Lukwago aliyefunikwa macho , kichwa chake kikiwa kimenyolewa , pamoja na machapisho ya ushindi kwenye mitandao ya kijamii kutoka Muhoozi, zilisababisha mshtuko nchini kote. Kukamatwa kwa mwanasiasa mkongwe na mtetezi wa haki za binadamu Miria Matembe kulikuwa na ujumbe wenye nguvu zaidi.

Matembe, mwanasiasa wa muda mrefu ambaye hapo awali alikuwa mshirika wa karibu wa Rais Museveni, alikuwa amekosoa hadharani wimbi linaloongezeka la utekaji nyara na nafasi ya kisiasa ya Muhoozi inayoongezeka. Baada ya maafisa wa usalama kuvamia nyumba yake mnamo tarehe 24 Juni, alikamatwa siku nne baadaye. Picha za Matembe mwenye umri wa miaka 72 , akiingia mahakamani huku jamaa na wafuasi wakilia hadharani, zilinasa hisia za hofu ambazo kukamatwa huku kumesababisha. Pia kulikuwa na kufukuzwa kwa mwanasiasa mkuu wa Kenya Martha Karua, ambaye alikuwa akihudumu kama wakili wa Kiiza Besigye - kufukuzwa nchini Muhoozi alidai kuamuru.

Kisha kulikuwa na kufungwa kwa Nation Media Group, kufuatia siku za vitisho vilivyozidi kuwa wazi kutoka kwa Muhoozi. Kufungwa huko kuliondoa matangazo ya Daily Monitor, NTV, KFM, Dembe FM na Spark TV. Kama kituo kikubwa zaidi cha habari huru nchini, kufungwa kwake kuliinyima Uganda jukwaa lake la habari huru lenye ushawishi mkubwa na kuashiria ongezeko kubwa la nafasi ya vyombo vya habari huru inayopungua.

Hapa pia, Muhoozi alikuwa wazi kwamba aliamuru kufungwa kwa kituo cha habari - kwa idhini ya baba yake - akisema haamini katika uhuru wa vyombo vya habari. Kwa maneno mengine, ni Muhoozi aliyeamuru, badala ya Tume ya Mawasiliano ya Uganda au mamlaka nyingine yoyote rasmi ya udhibiti. Ilichukua serikali siku mbili na nusu kutoa taarifa - isiyoeleweka .

Je, Uganda inapitia mapinduzi ya polepole?​

Swali moja ambalo watu wengi wanajiuliza ni kama nchi inashuhudia mapinduzi. Kwa hivyo, swali hili si jipya sana: udhibiti wa jeshi umekuwa ukiongezeka kwa kasi tangu Muhoozi alipochukua madaraka; na hasa tangu kupitishwa kwa Muswada mpya wa UPDF mnamo Juni 2025, ambao unaipa jeshi mamlaka makubwa.

Ripoti moja ya utafiti wa Uganda iliita hii "mapinduzi kwa njia nyingine" au "mapinduzi ya polepole". Matukio ya wiki zilizopita yametoa umbo halisi la hoja hiyo - mtoa maoni mmoja alinasa utaratibu huu mpya wa kisiasa kwa kuuelezea kama " kikosi cha kijeshi chenye timu ya PR ".

Kuondolewa kwa Anita Among, na kuteuliwa kwa Spika mpya wa Bunge, tayari kulionyesha kwamba maamuzi muhimu ya kisiasa hayakuwa yakichukuliwa tena kupitia taasisi rasmi za serikali. Wiki zilizofuata ziliimarisha hisia hiyo.

Muhoozi aliagiza kufungwa kwa kituo kikubwa zaidi cha habari huru nchini, aliingilia kati maamuzi kuhusu Baraza la Jiji la Kampala , na kutangaza waziwazi au kuidhinisha kukamatwa na kuwekwa kizuizini. Katika visa vingi hivi, uhalali wa kisheria ulifuata tu baadaye, ikiwa ungetokea kabisa.

Kusimikwa kwa Katibu Mkuu mpya wa Ligi ya Uzalendo Uganda (PLU) kulitoa mfano mwingine. Kulileta pamoja sehemu ya ajabu ya uanzishwaji wa kisiasa wa Uganda, ikiwa ni pamoja na Spika wa Bunge, mawaziri na wabunge wengi, na kusisitiza mahali ambapo watendaji wengi wa kisiasa sasa wanaona kitovu cha nguvu cha nchi. Wakati huo huo, swali la kama Uganda tayari inaishi chini ya "Rais Muhoozi" limepita zaidi ya mitandao ya kijamii na sasa linajitokeza waziwazi katika mjadala wa kisiasa.

Ukimya​

Labda hata kama matukio yenyewe yamekuwa ya kuvutia kama ukimya unaoyazunguka. Rais Museveni amebaki hayupo kwa kiasi kikubwa, huku serikali wala mahakama zikipinga kwa njia ya maana kile ambacho kimekuwa kikiendelea. Mamlaka ya kisiasa yanaonekana kujikita zaidi karibu na Muhoozi, huku taasisi ambazo kwa kawaida zingetoa ukaguzi zikibaki kimya sana.

Ukimya huo huo unaenea mbali zaidi ya jimbo. Vyombo vya habari vya Uganda vilikuwa tayari vimefanya kazi kwa miaka mingi chini ya shinikizo linaloongezeka na kujidhibiti kunakoongezeka, na kufanya uandishi huru wa habari kuwa mgumu zaidi. Kufungwa kwa Nation Media Group kumeimarisha tu mwelekeo huo. Waandishi wa habari wa kigeni wameondoka nchini kwa kiasi kikubwa.

Pia hakuna majibu yoyote kwa matukio ya hivi karibuni kutoka kwa wafadhili wakuu - iwe mtu anaangalia EU, Marekani au Uingereza. (Kuhusu Marekani, kulikuwa na ujumbe wa Twitter tu kutoka kwa Mwenyekiti wa Kamati ya Mambo ya Nje ya Marekani kwenye mitandao ya kijamii.)

Viongozi wa kidini kwa kiasi kikubwa wameingizwa katika mfumo huo kupitia miaka mingi ya ufadhili, huku upinzani wa kisiasa ukitenganishwa au kugawanyika vipande vipande . Bobi Wine alilazimika kukimbia nchi, na watu wengine wengi wa upinzani wamekabiliwa na kukamatwa au kutishiwa.

Kwa hivyo, hofu imekuwa sehemu muhimu ya picha hiyo. Wasiwasi huo hauishii tu kwa wanaharakati wa kisiasa au wafuasi wa upinzani, lakini unazidi kuzingatia ni nani anayeweza kulengwa baadaye. Ndani ya mijadala ya umma na ya kibinafsi, kuna wasiwasi unaoongezeka wa "kusema kitu kibaya"; na kuna wasiwasi unaoongezeka wa ufuatiliaji na simu zilizopigwa - unaoimarishwa na mzunguko wa mazungumzo ya simu za kibinafsi yaliyovuja, ikiwa ni pamoja na yale yanayomhusisha balozi wa Uganda wa EU na Waziri Kahinda Otafiire.

Hii inaashiria mabadiliko makubwa kutoka kwa mjadala wa kisiasa ulio wazi na mara nyingi wenye nguvu ambao uliifanya Uganda kuwa maarufu kwa muda mrefu. Wanadiplomasia pia wameendelea kuwa waangalifu, kutokana na usemi wa uadui unaozidi kuelekezwa kwa mabalozi kadhaa katika miaka iliyopita.

Kutokana na hali hiyo, ukosoaji wa umma umekuwa nadra sana. Katika wiki iliyopita, uingiliaji kati ulioonekana zaidi ulitoka kwa mwanasiasa wa muda mrefu wa NRM na msemaji wa zamani wa serikali Ofwono Opondo, ambaye alihoji waziwazi mwelekeo wa sasa wa nchi. Ukosoaji makini pia umetoka kwa Mwanamfalme Kassim Nakibinge, kiongozi mkuu wa jamii ya Waislamu ya Kibuli nchini Uganda na mfalme maarufu wa Buganda.

Mitandao ya kijamii—hasa X—inasalia kuwa mojawapo ya nafasi chache ambapo mjadala wa kisiasa unaendelea na sauti za asasi za kiraia bado zinaweza kusikika. Hata hivyo, kukamatwa kwa mtumiaji maarufu wa X Timothy Kaligyera chini ya Sheria ya Matumizi Mabaya ya Kompyuta, pamoja na mahojiano ya polisi dhidi ya wanaharakati wa Agora, kunatoa onyo wazi kuhusu hatari za kuzungumza.

Familia ya kwanza​

Labda majibu ya kushangaza zaidi yametoka ndani ya Familia ya Kwanza yenyewe. Katika wiki iliyopita, mkwewe Museveni, Odrek Rwabwogo, alitoa video akisema alikuwa "na wasiwasi mkubwa kuhusu mwelekeo ambao nchi inauchukua" na kuwataka Waganda kuungana na kuzungumza. Labda cha kushangaza zaidi, alisema kwamba Rais Museveni lazima alindwe "kutokana na watu wasio na mawazo sahihi wanaodhoofisha mema makubwa (...) hakuna kundi linalopaswa kutafuta kumtawala au kujifanya kutenda kwa niaba yake".

Kauli hii ya mwisho ilionekana sana kama marejeleo ya wazi ya ushawishi wa Muhoozi na PLU. Kumekuwa na ugomvi wa muda mrefu kati ya Muhoozi na Odrek: Kwa mfano, Muhoozi alimwita 'mwizi mkubwa zaidi nchini Uganda' kuhusu X mwaka wa 2024. Video hiyo ilionekana kama jaribio la mwisho la Odrek - mshindani wa muda mrefu wa Muhoozi kwa Urais - kupata uungwaji mkono wa kisiasa, na pengine kumkasirisha Muhoozi.

Karibu wakati huo huo, Natasha Museveni – ambaye kwa kweli ni “mke wa kulia” wa baba yake – alitoa video ya hisia ikielezea Uganda kama “inapitia kipindi kigumu” na kuwasihi watu “wasipoteze matumaini au kuzidiwa na matukio”.

Ingawa matamshi yake yanapaswa kueleweka katika muktadha wa ugonjwa wa muda mrefu wa Janet Museveni, wakati wake unabaki kuwa wa kushangaza, katika mabadiliko ya sasa ya madaraka. Barua inayohusishwa na Salim Saleh pia iliibuka, ambapo alionekana kutoa ushauri na kujizuia kwa Muhoozi kuhusiana na suala la Lukwago.

Matukio haya yanaonyesha mambo kadhaa ndani ya familia ya kwanza: wasiwasi, kupoteza udhibiti wa matukio ya sasa, pamoja na ugumu ambao wale walio karibu na Muhoozi wanaonekana kuwa nao katika kumshawishi.

Pia wanataja kurudi nyuma zaidi kwa Rais Museveni. Jukumu lake la umma linalozidi kuwa dogo limeonekana wazi zaidi katika miezi ya hivi karibuni, mchakato ambao unaonekana kuharakishwa na ugonjwa wa Janet Museveni. Alionekana mara ya mwisho hadharani mwezi Machi mwaka huu , na hivi karibuni ilitambuliwa kwamba alinusurika hofu kubwa ya kiafya .

Uvumi kuhusu afya ya Rais pia umeongezeka, ukiimarishwa na maoni kutoka kwa mshirika wa Muhoozi na mtu wa ndani wa serikali Andrew Mwenda, ambaye hivi karibuni alimtaja Museveni kama " mzee na mchovu, kiakili na kimwili ", mwenye uwezo mdogo tu wa kusimamia mambo ya serikali. Iwe tathmini hiyo ni sahihi au la, mtazamo wa Rais ambaye hayupo umekuwa sehemu muhimu ya mienendo ya kisiasa ya sasa.

Nani anatawala Uganda?​

Swali pana zaidi ni kama Rais Museveni bado anadhibiti mfumo wa kisiasa alioutumia miongo minne kuujenga. Matukio ya hivi karibuni yanaonyesha kwamba muundo wa kufanya maamuzi binafsi umezidi kuongezeka, huku Muhoozi akichukua jukumu kuu - akipanua ushawishi wake kwa UPDF na NRM kwa kasi kubwa.

Lugha inayozidi kutumiwa na wafuasi wake inaonyesha imani hiyo. Wakati mpiganaji wa NRM Ofwono Opondo alipouliza kama "NRM ambayo Waganda waliichagua tarehe 15 Januari 2026 haipo tena", Katibu Mtendaji wa Ligi ya Patriotic Uganda alijibu kwa ujasiri kwamba hii ndiyo ilikuwa kweli. Ingawa ujumbe huo ulifutwa baadaye , ulitoa mwangaza wa jinsi sehemu za PLU sasa zinavyoona mandhari ya kisiasa: wao ndio wanaoongoza.

Mtindo huo huo umeonekana kwingineko. Kufuatia kufungwa kwa Nation Media Group, haikuwa wizara inayohusika au mamlaka ya udhibiti iliyotangaza mazungumzo kuhusu uwezekano wa kufunguliwa tena, bali Andrew Mwenda , mmoja wa washirika wa karibu wa kisiasa wa Muhoozi na mtu anayeongoza ndani ya PLU.

Jinsi mchakato huu utakavyofikia hatua bado haijulikani. Ndani ya jamii pana na duru za kisiasa, kuna wasiwasi mwingi kuhusu nani, au taasisi gani itakayofuata, na jinsi mchakato huu utakavyofikia hatua. Mkusanyiko wa madaraka, nia ya kuyatumia, na ushupavu wake wote unaashiria nyakati za wasiwasi na zenye matatizo zijazo.

Kristof Titeca ni Profesa katika Taasisi ya Sera ya Maendeleo (IOB) katika Chuo Kikuu cha Antwerp, na Mshirika Mwandamizi katika Taasisi ya Egmont (Brussels).
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Chanzo: democracyinafrica.org
 
01 July 2026

| DAY BREAK | Uganda: Past meets future [ Part 2]

View: https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=AjBK7gi-6AI
The Kenya Editors' Guild (KEG) has condemned the military shutdown of the Nation Media Group (NMG) in Uganda, ordered by the country's Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) Muhoozi Kainerugaba.
General Muhoozi, son of President Yoweri Museveni, forced the shutdown of NTV Uganda, Spark TV and Daily Monitor on Sunday, vowing a crackdown on free press.

KEG President Zubeidah Kananu said in a statement on Monday that the forced closure presents a grave threat to media freedom and infringes on the right to access independent information.

The Kenya Editors Guild (KEG) has strongly condemned President Yoweri Museveni's shutdown of Uganda's Nation Media Group outlets and describes the move as a serious threat to press freedom and democratic rights
 
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