Wapi marekani ilisema wataivamia Korea?
Wewe jamaa inaonekana huna taarifa nyingi halafu unataka ubishi.
Kwa kifupi wewe jamaa ni mbishi usie na data.
Kama nilivyosema watanzania wengi tunajifanya wajuaji sana.
Haya ngoja nikusaidie utoe ujuaji.
Soma hapo chini.
How North Korea Deterred an American Invasion in 2002
Colin Powell’s former chief of staff revealed that an invasion was considered but deemed too risky – well before North Korea’s nuclear deterrent was in place.
By A. B. Abrams
January 31, 2022.
American discourse regarding possible military options against North Korea has changed markedly since late 2017, after U.S. intelligence confirmed that the country had gained the capability to launch nuclear strikes against the American mainland using its then newly tested Hwasong-14 and Hwasong-15 intercontinental range ballistic missiles. Prior to that point, calls from both civilian and military leaders for an attack on North Korea had been considerable and growing, with examples from the Trump administration’s first year in office ranging from Senator Lindsey Graham to Army Colonel Ralph Peters.
Since 2018, Washington has increasingly drawn a softer line against North Korea’s testing of ballistic missiles. Previously, any modernization of the country’s missile deterrent was harshly condemned as unacceptable and frequently responded to with sanctions (though all these efforts, including some ambitious Obama-era electronic sabotage efforts, failed to prevent North Korea from making rapid progress).
The shift was best exemplified by then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and National Security Advisor John Bolton’s assertions in 2019 that Washington had an understanding with Pyongyang that only testing of missiles capable of hitting the U.S. mainland would cease. On that basis, Trump administration officials downplayed and chose not to respond to multiple ballistic missile tests from other classes that year.
This continued into the Biden administration. North Korea’s continuously modernizing missile arsenal has become an accepted fact, where it previously sparked furor and calls to action in the Western world. This process mirrors the West’s gradual coming to terms with the Soviet and Chinese nuclear and missile deterrents during the Cold War.
Before 2018, U.S. military options were widely discussed and called for, either to set back Pyongyang’s nuclear and missile programs or to invade and occupy the entire country. However, North Korea’s significantly superior conventional capabilities relative to other potential targets for U.S. attacks have long provided a degree of deterrence. This was an important factor ensuring North Korea did not ensure the same fates as Yugoslavia, Iraq, Libya, and the other former Soviet security partners which the United States attacked during the height of its power. North Korean conventional capabilities were an important deterrent when the Bill Clinton and Barack Obama administrations both came close to launching attacks on its nuclear program in 1994 and 2016, respectively.
In 2002, while the George W. Bush administration was preparing for its invasion of Iraq, it was simultaneously considering an attack on North Korea. Providing important new insight into Washington’s decision not to take military action against North Korea, former U.S. Army colonel Lawrence Wilkerson specifically discussed the issue in a December