State Capture and Treason in Tanzania & Tanganyika -The Port Saga

State Capture and Treason in Tanzania & Tanganyika -The Port Saga

Kwa kiwango cha upuuzi kinachofanywa na viongozi hapa tanganyika,Njia pekee iliyobaki ya kukomesha huu upuuzi ni mapinduzi ya kijeshi.mahakama,bunge,executive,vyombo vya ulinzi ispokuwa tu jw kote huko ni upuuzi mtupu.mapinduzi yanahitajika hasa kipindi hiki ambapo bandari za tanganyika zimeporwa rasm
 
Rais Samia alisema ndani ya miezi sita atakuwa akisoma moja kwa moja kile kinachofanyika pale ikulu akiwa ofisini kwake Dodoma au Dar.

Kuna ustaarabu mpya kabisa wa kimaisha unaenda kuwakuta wachache waliozoea maisha ya wizi na utapeli pale bandarini.

Mbinu yao ya kutegemea kuuhadaa umma wa watanzania humu mitandaoni imekwenda kukwama mazima.
 
Machafuko, ama mapinduzi ya kijeshi ndio yatarejesha heshima ya mifumo yetu ya kiutawala.
Ni namna gani tunapima serikali haiendeshwi kijeshi? Je ni lazima mwendeshaje avae koti la kijeshi ama la kutambua kuwa serikalo inaendeshwa na mwanasheji?

Tuanzie hapa kwanza!
 
Acha ujinga ndugu yangu. Tanzania hatuna bunge, kama unaelewa maana ya bunge.
Wewe ndo wa kuacha ujinga na upumbabmvu. Tanzania si tu tunalo bunge bali tuna bunge lenye mamlaka sawa na mabunge mingine. Jaribu kuwa ' sober' wakati ukijibu hoja. Hoja hujibiwa kwa hoja na sio matusi wala dharau.
 
Kwa kiwanfo cha upuuzi kinachofanywa na viongozi hapa tanganyika,Njia pekee iliyobaki ya kukomesha huu upuuzi mapinduzi ya kijeshi.mahakama,bunge,executive,vyombo vya ulinzi ispokuwa tu jw kote huko ni upuuzi mtupu.mapinduzi yanahitajika hasa kipindi hiki ambapo bandari za tanganyika zimeporwa rasm
Mapinduzi pekee yanayoweza kufanyika ni ya humu Jamii Forum huko mtaani ukijaribu utaumia vibaya sana.

Mkuu wa majeshi Mabeyo alimhakikishia utii rais Samia siku ile wakati wa msiba wa JPM kule Chato.
 
Hilo ni kundi moja linalokubali kwamba Hukumu hii ni nzuri lakini lipo kundi lingine linalopinga sasa hujiulizi kila kundi likifanya linachoamini itakuwaje?
 
Yanahitajika mapinduzi makubwa sana nchi hii. Kisiasa, Kijamii na Kiuchumi.
Kikubwa ni Kijamii. Uhuru wa Mtanzania unaenda kuratibiwa na Wakoloni wetu wote hivi karibuni, Wazungu na Waarabu na hivi sasa Wazanzibari na wafiadini. Tusikubali hali hii.

CCM must go. Wakae wajitafakari na kujitathmini

Amani ikufikie.
 
huu mkataba watanzania wengi walikataa naposema watanzania wa pande zote mbili bara na visiwani, binafsi nimekutana na wananchi wa kawaida wa visiwani wanasema wazi huu muungano unavunjika sababu ya swala la bandari . Hii inaonyesha tatizo la muungano kwa upande wa Zanzibar lipo Kwa viongozi na sio wananchi wa kawaida.
Hili jambo kilikuwa linatuunganisha site bila kujali dini, kabila au misimamo ya vyama ila Kuna watu Kwa kutaka umaarufu walilivuruga,walilivurugaje?
Maandamano yalitakiwa yafanyike nchi nzima hasa maeneo yaliyoathirika na mikataba. Lakini Kuna watu waliandaa maandamano Kwa kurupuka ndio maana mwitikio ilikuwa Mdogo kama maandamano yangeandaliwa vizuri yangepata sapoti kubwa maana hata hao polisi wanaupinga huu mkataba.
Hata kesi iliyofunguliwa ilifunguliwa Kwa haraka ndio maana baadae wakawa wanaomba michango inaonyesha hawakujiandaa. Mkataba wa Do world unagusa sehemu nyingi ikiwemo ardhi hivyo lilitakiwa jopo la wanasheria wabobezi wa ardhi kama Shivji, wenye utaalamu wa uwekezaji kama Nshala na nyanja nyingine lazima serikali ingebanwa tu wasingepata pa kitokea.
Prof Assad alisema tatizo letu ni uelewa mdogo halafu tunakuwa wa kwanza kupiga makelele kila mahali.

DP World wanakwenda kumiliki eneo la bandari la asimilia nane tu hizo asilimia tisini na mbili zote zipo chini ya TPA.

Mnakuja na uongezaji mwingi wa chumvi ili mziteke akili za watu wa kawaida huko mtaani, lakini upotoshaji siku zote una mwisho mbaya.
 
Njia za kuzuia au kukaribisha maandamano yasiyo na kikomo

When Dictators Fall: Preventing Violent Conflict During Transitions from Authoritarian Rule​

Conflict Prevention and Management

OUTLINE
JCM and Qatari Foreign Minister vsit Nyala

UN Photo/Albert González Farran
EXPECTED END DATE:2020•03•25PROJECT STATUS:Completed

UNU-CPR RESEARCHERS: Adam Day, Luise Quaritsch​

EXTERNAL RESEARCHERS: Dirk Druet​

Why does one country peacefully transition out of authoritarian rule while another falls into violent conflict, and what can the UN do to influence pathways away from violence?​

This paper concerns the transitions out of entrenched authoritarian rule, the often volatile moments when new leadership comes into power.​

Some transitions take place peacefully, largely within constitutional order, but others may descend into civil unrest or even escalate into all-out civil war. In support the UN’s prevention mandate, this project is driven by the question, why does one country peacefully transition out of authoritarian rule while another falls into violent conflict, and what can the UN do to influence pathways away from violence?​

This project draws on scholarship around authoritarianism and neo-patrimonial States as well as original research by United Nations University Centre for Policy Research into entrenched political systems. It identifies four key factors that may influence whether a transition tends to result in violent conflict​


Entrenched authoritarian systems are those where a leader or group has centralized power and resources in a manner that limits meaningful political and economic inclusion, instrumentalizes key State institutions, reduces democratic space and often allows a specific individual to remain in power well beyond typical constitutional limits.
  1. past forms of rule (democratic or authoritarian);
  2. the way in which a political system transitions (e.g. through a coup, election, death, transfer of power or popular uprising);
  3. the fate of the individual leader, including questions of personal property and accountability for human rights abuses; and
  4. economic performance and the degree of inequality within a given society.
It further finds that, while all regime types have experienced both violent and peaceful transitions, those that are highly personalized (vesting power in an individual rather than institutions) tend to experience greater difficulties in moving into inclusive forms of governance, which may influence longer-term prospects for peace.

In exploring a comprehensive set of cases over the past 30 years, this project also makes some broader (and often counter-intuitive) findings about the role of violence in such transitions.

The transitions that occurred with the lowest levels of violence were in systems with some of the poorest governance indicators. In fact, countries at various points on the governance scale witnessed transitions that brought about dramatic and sustained change in the distribution of power with little or no violence, a finding which suggests that the quality of governance may not be directly linked to violence levels in transitions.

In contrast, two factors did appear to correlate with relatively high levels of violence: those involving foreign intervention, and transitions triggered by public uprisings. The significant rise in frequency of popular uprisings as the dominant form of transition in recent decades has meant that transitional moments have become more prone to large-scale violence. These findings raise significant questions about the role of external actors in transitional processes, and how the international community might engage before, during and after changes in leadership.

These trends in transitions present a complex and interrelated set of challenges for the UN, which often must balance its prevention mandate alongside respect for sovereignty and host State consent. The UN is often poorly placed to ramp up its prevention activities in entrenched authoritarian systems, in part because national leadership tends to be strongly resistant to engagement on politically sensitive subjects.

Additionally, these systems tend to have weak and/or highly politicized institutions, raising dilemmas for UN efforts to build institutional capacity as a hedge against violent conflict. UN leverage over the political leadership in-country is frequently constrained, given that authoritarian leaders tend to be isolated and less susceptible to traditional forms of pressure (e.g. sanctions or moral pressure). That said, there is strong evidence from this project’s case studies that the UN has engaged in creative and impactful practices in transitional settings, helping to reduce the risks of violence and building bridges towards longer-term outcomes.

Based on these findings, the paper offers twelve conclusions and recommendations for the UN when confronted with transitional moments from entrenched authoritarian rule. READ THEM
Source : When Dictators Fall: Preventing Violent Conflict During Transitions from Authoritarian Rule - United Nations University Centre for Policy Research
767 Third Avenue, 35th Floor
New York, NY 10017
United States

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After 37 years, a titan falls
 
Kuna ustaarabu mpya kabisa wa kimaisha unaenda kuwakuta wachache waliozoea maisha ya wizi na utapeli pale bandarini.
Huo Ustaa wa Kiarabu ndio Wananchi hawautaki. Hatahivyo ni vizuri ukaelezea pia, waliozoea maisha ya wizi na Utapeli Serikalini wakae chonjo. Ugawiaji na manguvu yanayotumika kuhalilisha Ukoloni mamboleo kupitia Bandar, ni wizi na utapeli wa hali ya juu.
 
Huo Ustaa wa Kiarabu ndio Wananchi hawautaki. Hatahivyo ni vizuri ukaelezea pia, waliozoea maisha ya wizi na Utapeli Serikalini wakae chonjo. Ugawiaji na manguvu yanayotumika kuhalilisha Ukoloni mamboleo kupitia Bandar, ni wizi na utapeli wa hali ya juu.
Ustaa wa kiarabu hautakiwi ila unatakiwa ni ule wa kina Sukuma Gang. Mkuu ongea kama mtu aliyekula mchana wa leo hii.

Ukoloni mamboleo kupitia bandari unakwenda kugusa maisha ya wengi sana na pengine na wewe utakuwa mmojawao.
 
Mahakama za kutofata vifungu vya sheria na kutoa haki stahiki badala yake wanaamua kwa kupigiwa simu moja tu kutoka serikalini unadhani kuna mhimili hapo
 
Prof Assad alisema tatizo letu ni uelewa mdogo halafu tunakuwa wa kwanza kupiga makelele kila mahali.

DP World wanakwenda kumiliki eneo la bandari la asimilia nane tu hizo asilimia tisini na mbili zote zipo chini ya TPA.

Mnakuja na uongezaji mwingi wa chumvi ili mziteke akili za watu wa kawaida huko mtaani, lakini upotoshaji siku zote una mwisho mbaya.
Hizo asilimia nane zimeandikwa.kwenye Mkataba au umetunga wewe na genge lako?

Mkataba unasema All Ports Ocean and lakes
 
Ni namna gani tunapima serikali haiendeshwi kijeshi? Je ni lazima mwendeshaje avae koti la kijeshi ama la kutambua kuwa serikalo inaendeshwa na mwanasheji?

Tuanzie hapa kwanza!
Ukisikia neno na hili mkaliangalie, ujue hiyo ni serikali ya kiraia hata kama wako madarakani kwa wizi wa kura.
 
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