Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

Remote said:
mzee mohamed hiyo lugha uliandika dullah haielewi
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Remote,

Haya wewe unaelewa lugha hebu tupe basi fikra zako kuhusu habari hiyo niliyokuwekea
ya historia ya miaka 100 iliyohifadhiwa hadi hii leo kuhusu African Association unasemaje?
 

Mbona swali lako nilijibu? Kikwete ktk Uchaguzi wa 2010 ndio alishtuka sana kuhusu mfumo Kristo baada ya kupata 60 asilimia kulinganisha na 85 ya uchaguzi wa 2005! sasa Hana budi kuutii mfumo huo ili aweze kutawala mpaka 2015! na baadae aishi kwa raha na mafao yake ya uzeeni!
Kilichomshtua Kikwete ni matamko mfululizo ya Kanisa dhidi ya Serikali yake na Uislamu na ilibidi Serikali kuongeza fedha inazowapa Kanisa chini ya Mkataba wa MOI toka sh/ bilioni 300 hadi 600 na kuondoa ushuru wa forodha kwa Mashirika ya dini (Kikristo) maana Waislamu wao wakiingiza bidhaa zinaambiwa ni za Magaidi, au ni Majambia toka Uarabuni! na ndipo Serikali yake ikapata afueni kidogo na matishio kupungua!

Kama unakubariana na mzee mohamed asilimia 100 kwamba kuna historia imeachwa nyuma au imefichwa huo ni ukweli, jee, unaweza kutuambia hapa kuwa ni historia ipi hiyo iliyofichwa ili tufaidike!
 

Nikijuwa kuwa hayo ya uwenye heri na utakatifu wanapewa wafu tu. Sasa Mkuu wa mkoa wa sasa ni marehemu? Duhh, unauhakika na uyasemayo?
 
Yericko Nyerere said:
Hajaandika ameiakisi tu
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Y,

Ikiakisiwa haiwezi kuchangiwa tukapata faida?

Basi na wewe nakupa hii hebu nipe fikra zako:

''When in August 1951, the United Nations Visiting Mission came to
Tanganyika for the third time to determine if we were ready to rule
ourselves, TAA submitted memoranda to the mission.

As a result of this Dr. Kyaruzi was transferred from Kingolwira Prison
Hospital to Nzega.

The post of the president became vacant and Abdulwahid became
secretary and acting president of the Association.

TAGSA also submitted a petition to the Visiting Mission to draw the
attention of the United Nations to the problems of colonialism in
Tanganyika.

I signed the memorandum as secretary and Rashid Kawawa, Stephen
Mhando, Othman Chande and Leonard Bakuname signed as committee
members.

Since TAGSA had submitted a petition, its leadership that is me,
Kawawa and Dr. Mwanjisi were also served with letters of transfer.

The transfer of TAGSA leadership was a punishment for challenging
the government.

For a while it seems as if the African leadership was going to disintegrate.''
 

Mada ni yako au mada ni Kitabu Cha Mohamed Said, wewe umeleta copy na paste na wewe ndiye unarusha shutuma bila ushahidi halafu ushahidi unataka alete Mohamed Said, wewe ahh ahh ahh. Hivi, samahani sana, wewe ulienda shule ipi na uliishia darasa la ngapi? inaonesha upeo wako wa kuelewa ni mfinyu sana.
 

Mkuu history ambayo imesahaulika ni ya AA na TAA. kuna wazee (kina sykes and others), walitoa mchango mkubwa sana. Lakini kutowatambua kwenye history kama ilivyo sasa, hilo ni tatizo kubwa.
 

Zomba,

Nimeweka post mbili naonyesha siasa zilikuwa katika hali gani 1950
kabla hata ya TANU kuundwa.
 

Laiti ningeenda vile utakavyo hakika baba yangu angelisikitika badala ya kkujivunia!

Mada nimeileta na ushahidi upo wakutosha bila mawaa, sasa sijui unafiria nini mpaka kutokuelewa kilichopo!
 
Mohamed Said said:
Zomba,

Nimeweka post mbili naonyesha siasa zilikuwa katika hali gani 1950
kabla hata ya TANU kuundwa.
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Nikukosoe kidogo ndugu yangu, miaka hiyo hakukuwa na siasa Tanganyika bali harakati!

Siasa zilianza rasmi baada ya mwanzoni mwa 1953 hadi 1961

Baada ya filosofia ya TAA kubadilika hasa kwa ujio wa Nyerere aliyekuja na filosofia yake kutoka TAWA
 
Yericko Nyerere said:
Nikukosoe kidogo ndugu yangu, miaka hiyo hakukuwa na siasa Tanganyika bali harakati!

Siasa zilianza rasmi baada ya mwanzoni mwa 1953 hadi 1961

Baada ya filosofia ya TAA kubadilika hasa kwa ujio wa Nyerere aliyekuja na filosofia yake kutoka TAWA
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Yericko,

Pole sana sahib wangu.

Mimi sitaigusa TAWA kwa heshima yako kwa maana kama si wewe
mimi nisingekuwa hapa ukumbini nasomesha.

Wewe ndiye mwajiri wangu kwa kufungua huu uzi.

Yericko unazungumza kutokana na hisia zako mimi nazungumza kupitia
kalamu ya Abdulwahid Sykes.

Msikize Abdu Sykes anasema nini mwaka 1950:

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[TD] TAA Political Subcommittee, 1951[/TD]
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[TD] No records exist which show that the African Association a clear official policy or programme on the country's political situation.

To understand the direction of African politics as they appeared at that time one need to observe the behaviour of the leadership and its reaction to different African problems.

Abdulwahid's first move was to form what was known as TAA Political Subcommittee [1] comprising himself as secretary; Sheikh Hassan bin Amir as the Mufti of Tanganyika; Dr Kyaruzi; Mwapachu; Said Chaurembo who was the liwali at Kariakoo local court; John Rupia and Stephen Mhando.

The task given to this committee was to deal with political issues in the country.

The creation of this committee was a turning point in the history of organised politics in colonial Tanganyika.

Throughout the entire twenty-one years of its existence, the African Association had functioned under a non-political constitution.

For the first time, in 1950, TAA under new leadership gave itself political status, not by changing the existing constitution, but by forming a political committee within the Association. [/TD]
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[1] Annual Report of the Secretary of Tanganyika African Association,
7 January, 1951. Sykes' Papers.
Sasa Yericko baada ya hapo juu hitimisha na hii hapa chini kisha rudi tujadili
Insha Allah:

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[TD] A team of party historians, commissioned by the Party-Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) to research and write an official history of TANU, did not even mention Abdulwahid's name in the entire book.[1]

The dominant school of thought in the book is the assertion that before the emergence of Julius Nyerere in April 1953, when he was elected TAA President, the African Association leadership did not articulate any concrete political thought.

This premise has denied many patriots a place of honour in the political history of Tanzania and also eroded the status of the Association as a political movement.

Local historians and post-independence party bureaucrats do not want to credit the African Association with a political identity.

Kambona referred to the African Association as a debating society:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"]
''It is just a little over one year since the inception of the Tanganyika African National Union and during this period it has grown from strength to strength, sometimes in the teeth of great opposition.

As you are well aware it superseded the former Tanganyika African Association which was little more than a debating society.''[2] [/TD]
[/TR]
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[TD="width: 601"] Ulotu has referred to the organisation as a welfare association.[3] Others have referred to the Association as a social organisation: Nyerere (1966),[4] Japhet and Seaton (1966),[5] John Hatch (1976).[6] In other places it is referred to as a semi-protest movement: Kaniki (1974),[7] as a semi-political movement: Nyerere (1953).[8]

Julius Nyerere appearing in an oral hearing at the Trusteeship Council at the United Nations, New York, on 7 th March, 1955, shifted his position and referred to the Association as a semi-political movement:[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] ''The Tanganyika African National Union is, in one sense, a new organisation, but in another it is an old organisation.

It was taken over from what was formerly called the Tanganyika African Association, which was founded in 1929, largely as a social organisation.

The Tanganyika African National Union, which took over from the African Association about ten months ago, is a new organisation in the sense that it is a political organisation, where as the former was semi-political.''
[/TD]
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[TD="width: 601"] Other scholars have reduced the association to the level of club: Mwenegoha(1976) writes: ‘In 1954, after 25 years of inertia, Nyerere remodelled TAA from a social club into a formidable political organisation called the Tanganyika African National Union'. [9]
[/TD]
[/TR]
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[TD="width: 601"] Abdulwahid as one of the main actors in the modern history of political parties in colonial Tanganyika referred to the association as a political party (1951).[10]

Among writers and scholars who have analysed the African Association, it is only Nyerere and Hatch who have shifted their positions.[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Nyerere, writing to Edward Twining the Governor of Tanganyika on 10 th August, 1953, referred to TAA as a political party.[11]

Nyerere has for a very long time maintained this view which has appeared in all his subsequent writings and speeches on the African Association.[12]

But recently he qualified his earlier statements on the subject referring to the association as a ‘political party without a political constitution'.

Hatch (1976) refers to the association in one place as a social organisation [13] and as ‘a serious political party' in another. [14] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] John Kabudi has referred to the Association as a ‘private civil organisation of a nationalistic character'.[15] It is worth noting that even the pioneers of the organisation are not referred to as politicians. Kaniki, for lack of an appropriate word with which to refer to the pioneers, gave them quotation marks:
[/TD]
[/TR]
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[TD="width: 601"] ''Nyerere, hitherto almost unknown to the majority of ‘politicians' in Tanganyika, was then schoolmaster at St. Francis' Secondary School, Pugu, near Dar es Salaam, and he had been elected Territorial President the previous year.'' [16] [/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Iliffe (1968)[17] indicated that the written history of TANU was incomplete and went further in his analysis of the association perceiving its direction and membership as being political.[/TD]
[/TR]
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[1] Kivukoni Ideological College, Historia ya Chama Cha TANU 1954-1977,Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Oscar Kambona to Baldwin Rogers, 18 th October, 1955 Party Archives, Fabian Colonial Bureau File
No.202.

[3] Ulotu A. Ulotu, Historia ya TANU, (1971) p. 11.
[4] Julius Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam, 1966, p. 38.

[5] Kirilo Japhet and Earle Seaton, The Meru Land Case, Nairobi, 1966, p.16.
[6] John Hatch, Two African Statesmen, London 1976, p.17.

[7] M.H.Y. Kaniki, TANU, ‘The Party of Independence and National Consolidation' in G. Ruhumbika (ed)
Towards Ujamaa, Twenty Years of TANU Leadership, Nairobi, 1974, pp.1-2.

[8] Julius K. Nyerere, Tanganyika African Association, to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August,
1953. Sykes' Papers.

[9] H.A.K. Mwenegoha, Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Nairobi, 1976, p. 5.
[10] Secretary Tanganyika African Association to Chairman and members of the African Association
7 th January, 1951. Sykes' Papers.

[11] Julius K. Nyerere President Tanganyika African Association to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August,
1953. Sykes' Papers.

[12] Nyerere, op. cit. p. 38.
[13] Hatch, op. cit. p.17.
[14] Ibid. p. 91
[15] John Kabudi, ‘The Party System and Socialism in Tanzania' (1986 Seminar Paper).
[16] Kaniki, op. cit. Also see Uamuzi wa Busara, Idara ya Habari ya Chama, p. 2.
[17] John Iliffe, ‘The Role of the African Association in the Formation and Realization of Territorial
Consciousness in Tanzania'. Mimeo. University of East Africa Social Sciences Conference, 1968, p.24.


Baada ya kusoma haya yote na hizi nyekundu rafiki yangu Yercko napenda
nikuulize hivi kati ya Abdu Sykes na Nyerere nani alikuwa akiifahamu TAA
zaidi.

Abdu au Nyerere?
 
Nakujibu mkuu,

Mohamed:

Abdul ndie aliyekuwa anaijua zaidi TAA na filosofia yake ambayo kimsingi haikuwa ya kisiasa na kudai uhuru, bali ilikuwa na filosofia ya kudai HAKI tu,

Ujio wa Nyerere ndani ya TAA ulileta mageuzi ya kimuundo na kisera ikiwepo filosofia yake ambapo TAA iliakisi filosofia/ideology kutoka TAWA
 

Yericko,

Karibu sahib yangu karibu sana.

Nakuongeza na hii labda itafungua ubongo wako ujifunze kujifunza vitu vipya:

''Under the Shadow of British Colonialism...''

''I did not receive any reply from the government.

I wrote another letter to the Chief Secretary and for the first time in the history of our struggle against British rule, without mincing my words and without any ambiguity, I questioned British jurisdiction over our country.

I told the Chief Secretary that legally it is the United Nations Organisation, which should administer Tanganyika and not Britain.

It is generally believed that the people of Tanganyika asserted their mandate status in March 1955 when Nyerere spoke before the Trusteeship Council.

But we had established our status as a mandate territory in 1950 when Abdulwahid, Hamza Mwapachu, Stephen Mhando and Dr. Kyaruzi took over the leadership of TAA.

Very few people are aware that the speech, which Nyerere delivered before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in 1955, was in TAA files since 1950.

 It was then that we realised that the colonial government was all out to frustrate Africans.

It was this realisation that caused radical politics to emerge in TAGSA.

At the end of 1951 Dr. Mwanjisi who was president of TAGSA at that time delivered his inaugural speech to members by attacking the government calling the British as "uncivilised."

In that speech he reminded the British that intelligence does not correspond with skin pigmentation.

Dr. Mwanjisi called upon the government to allow African civil servants to take part in politics.

This speech, TAGSA memorandum to the United Nations and my letter to the Chief Secretary created problem to all of us.

I was transferred to Mtwara Public Works Department; Dr. Mwanjisi was transferred from Sewa Haji Hospital in Dar es Salaam to Kingolwira Prison Hospital near Morogoro.

Kawawa was transferred to Bukoba.

I refused my transfer and remained in Dar es Salaam maintaining contact with Kawawa keeping him informed of what was taking place in Dar es Salaam and TAGSA headquarters.

The colonial government realising that I was adamant in the position I had taken, that is, I would not accept the transfer, decided to let me stay in Dar es Salaam but under severe scrutiny.''
 
Kitu pekee ambacho Bw. Mohammed Said ameshindwa kukionesha hadi hivi sasa japo anakidai kwa maneno ni kuwa wazee wa Kiislamu na Waislamu kwa ujumla walipigania uhuru peke yao bila ushirika wa ndugu zao Wakristu. Amejitahidi sana lakini mara zote anajikuta historia inamkatalia...

Angelikuwa na uwezo wa kufuta ushiriki wa wazee Wakristu na wasio Wakristu katika harakati za Uhuru angewafuta... angejaribu kuandika historia ya harakati zaWaislamu peke yao kupigania uhuru angejaribu
 
Mkuu wangu Mohamed Saidi, naomba nikufahamishe kwamba mimi ni mdau wa Elimu, nimefanya kazi ya ualimu wa shule za sekondari kwa miaka 38 mpaka sasa. Madai ya vijana wetu wa kiislam kuwa NECTA inawaonea sio ya kweli kabisa. Kwa kuwa wewe ni mtafiti basi na kuomba ufanye utafiti mdogo tu. Wachague walimu waislam waadilifu waliohitimu shahada ya kwanza ya ualimu, wachukue syllabus ya wizara ya elimu na mafunzo ya ufundi, waende kwenye malengo mahsusi (specific objectives), watunge maswali kwa uadilifu kutoka hapo kwenye specific objectives, wawape vijana hao wafanye mtihani huo na wasahihishiwe na walimu hao hao. Njoo utupe matokeo yake hapa jukwaani!! Mohamed Saidi naamini kabisa kelele hizi unazopiga hapa utaziacha kabisa ndugu yangu. Mfumo wa Elimu umesambalatika, James Mbatia yuko sahihi, Kawambwa wako kaua elimu kabisa sio kwa waislam tu bali kwa Tanzania yote. Mohamed Saidi, ukienda hospitali usikivunje kipimajoto "thermometer" kwa kuwa kimekuonesha kwamba unajoto kubwa, badala yake tafuta nini kimesababisha joto hilo! NECTA ni kipimajoto tu.
 
Mkuu nimeupenda mchango wako, hakika umeona mbali sana!
 

G,

Tusubiri Insha Allah.
 
Shekh Mohamed Said, tumalizie basi ile kasheshe ya Sheikh Abubakar Mwilima na Halmashauri kuu ya CCM iliishaje? Mwilima alifukuzwa au alilazimishwa kujiuzulu? au alikamatwa? uliishia pale wajumbe waliporudi baada ya kunwa chai kikao kiliendelea bila ya kugusia hoja ya Mwilima! halafu............

Shekh nawewe bwana wacha kutuanzishia story halafu inapoanza kunoga unaacha! au ndo tayari Yerico ameshaingia barazani na ile lozi na kashata uliyomwandalia imewanogea? (uchokozi kidogo! nadhani inaruhusiwa!)
 

MM,

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[TD] Father Smith of the Roman Catholic Church and the Party seem to be of the same mind on this dissension. [1] Both Kiwanuka and Fr Smith are expressing their own personal opinion, not facts. No one denies the fact that some Christians were there. Indeed Christian names appear in the dramatis personae of the play. But no one can deny the truth that they did not occupy centre stage. This work has given a descriptive analysis of the role of urban Muslims in the struggle for independence; their contribution in the founding of TANU; in membership drives and composition which took strong Muslim characteristics. Dar es Salaam Province TANU Elders Council under its chairman Sheikh Suleiman Takadir had 173 members who were all Muslims. [2] [/TD]
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[1 For the understanding of political parties and the role of culture, groupings, ideology, etc., see
Maurice Duverger, Political Parties, Their Organisation and Activity in the Modern State, (New York,
1963).

[2] See Elder Council Section File 376, Party Archives, Dodoma.
 
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