mtz one
JF-Expert Member
- Dec 25, 2012
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hiki ndicho kitu pekee kinachokuweka CCM kumbuka mwenyekiti alishawakana kwamba hataki udini sasa sijui unangojea nini:target:
hiki ndicho kitu pekee kinachokuweka CCM kumbuka mwenyekiti alishawakana kwamba hataki udini sasa sijui unangojea nini:target:Ndiyo maana nakuambia tulizana usome...hawa wazee hawajawahi kuwa CCM wala hawaijui.
nisikilize nini mmejaza uongo na husda hasa hao akina ilunga wenu ndo wanawajaza mushkeli mara mfumo kristo mara nini mtatumiwa kama maganda ya muwa utamu ukiisha mtatupiliwa mbaliNinachokusahauri tulizana kwenye huu uzi utajifunza mengi sana ambayo ulikuwa ujawahi kuyasikia kuhusu historia ya Tanganyika.
mtu asome minyoo halafu atuambie nini?Mzee wangu; usijipe moyo kuwa umekutana na mtu kama mimi kabla yangu; wala usijipe moyo huo.
Kwamba mwandishi wa haya ni wewe hilo halina shaka; nimekusoma kwa muda mrefu, nimekusikiliza sana. Mwenzio Shehe Khalifa Khamisi tulilumbana kwa hoja miaka kama ishirini iliyopita toka Mwanza hadi Dar... tulimaliza tukaheshimiana. Kwa muda mrefu nimekuwa nikipuuzia hoja zako kwa sababu nilikuwa naamini watu hawawezi kuamini kwani ulaghai wake wa maneno (fallacies) ni mwingi hata mtoto wa mwaka wa kwanza Chuo Kikuu anaweza kuuona. Lakini miaka hii michache nimeona mbegu uliyopanda kiutalaamu sana iimeanza kukua na kuchanua maua sasa.
Nimtz kaandika kama mtu aliyefanya historia wewe umeandika kama mtu anayesukumwa na hisia. Kwa uhakika sidhani kuna chochote unachoweza kuandika kwa mtindo wako kikakubalika katika majarida ya academia ya historia. Umevunja sheria zote za uandishi wa historia lakin bado ukadai umeandika historia. Maandishi yako yamejaa madai mengi mno ambayo hujaweza kuyathibitisha hata chembe.
Dai lako la muda mrefu kuwa ati wazee unaowataja wewe - kina Dossa, Abdul, Shehe Amir na wengine walikuwa hawajawahi kutajwa kabla yako ni dai lisilo na ukweli; wewe unajua hilo na mimi nalijua hilo. Maskini wa Mungu ni hawa vijana wetu ambao kwa mara ya kwanza wanafikiria wanasoma historia ya uhuru kutoka kwako.
Hivi nikikuuliza kwanini Nyerere aliwaamini Waislamu na kushirikiana nao kirahisi zaidi unaweza kutoa jibu la kweli la historia? au utakuja na yale yale kuwa kwa vile walimkaribisha sana. Nyerere ana historia na Waislamu kabla hajaja Dar. Hajawa karibu na Waislamu baada ya kuja Dar. Kama unajua historia vizuri utajua nina maana gani.
nisikilize nini mmejaza uongo na husda hasa hao akina ilunga wenu ndo wanawajaza mushkeli mara mfumo kristo mara nini mtatumiwa kama maganda ya muwa utamu ukiisha mtatupiliwa mbali
Mzee wangu; usijipe moyo kuwa umekutana na mtu kama mimi kabla yangu; wala usijipe moyo huo.
Kwamba mwandishi wa haya ni wewe hilo halina shaka; nimekusoma kwa muda mrefu, nimekusikiliza sana. Mwenzio Shehe Khalifa Khamisi tulilumbana kwa hoja miaka kama ishirini iliyopita toka Mwanza hadi Dar... tulimaliza tukaheshimiana. Kwa muda mrefu nimekuwa nikipuuzia hoja zako kwa sababu nilikuwa naamini watu hawawezi kuamini kwani ulaghai wake wa maneno (fallacies) ni mwingi hata mtoto wa mwaka wa kwanza Chuo Kikuu anaweza kuuona. Lakini miaka hii michache nimeona mbegu uliyopanda kiutalaamu sana iimeanza kukua na kuchanua maua sasa.
Nimtz kaandika kama mtu aliyefanya historia wewe umeandika kama mtu anayesukumwa na hisia. Kwa uhakika sidhani kuna chochote unachoweza kuandika kwa mtindo wako kikakubalika katika majarida ya academia ya historia. Umevunja sheria zote za uandishi wa historia lakin bado ukadai umeandika historia. Maandishi yako yamejaa madai mengi mno ambayo hujaweza kuyathibitisha hata chembe.
Dai lako la muda mrefu kuwa ati wazee unaowataja wewe - kina Dossa, Abdul, Shehe Amir na wengine walikuwa hawajawahi kutajwa kabla yako ni dai lisilo na ukweli; wewe unajua hilo na mimi nalijua hilo. Maskini wa Mungu ni hawa vijana wetu ambao kwa mara ya kwanza wanafikiria wanasoma historia ya uhuru kutoka kwako.
Hivi nikikuuliza kwanini Nyerere aliwaamini Waislamu na kushirikiana nao kirahisi zaidi unaweza kutoa jibu la kweli la historia? au utakuja na yale yale kuwa kwa vile walimkaribisha sana. Nyerere ana historia na Waislamu kabla hajaja Dar. Hajawa karibu na Waislamu baada ya kuja Dar. Kama unajua historia vizuri utajua nina maana gani.
Mzee wangu; usijipe moyo kuwa umekutana na mtu kama mimi kabla yangu; wala usijipe moyo huo.
Kwamba mwandishi wa haya ni wewe hilo halina shaka; nimekusoma kwa muda mrefu, nimekusikiliza sana. Mwenzio Shehe Khalifa Khamisi tulilumbana kwa hoja miaka kama ishirini iliyopita toka Mwanza hadi Dar... tulimaliza tukaheshimiana. Kwa muda mrefu nimekuwa nikipuuzia hoja zako kwa sababu nilikuwa naamini watu hawawezi kuamini kwani ulaghai wake wa maneno (fallacies) ni mwingi hata mtoto wa mwaka wa kwanza Chuo Kikuu anaweza kuuona. Lakini miaka hii michache nimeona mbegu uliyopanda kiutalaamu sana iimeanza kukua na kuchanua maua sasa.
Nimtz kaandika kama mtu aliyefanya historia wewe umeandika kama mtu anayesukumwa na hisia. Kwa uhakika sidhani kuna chochote unachoweza kuandika kwa mtindo wako kikakubalika katika majarida ya academia ya historia. Umevunja sheria zote za uandishi wa historia lakin bado ukadai umeandika historia. Maandishi yako yamejaa madai mengi mno ambayo hujaweza kuyathibitisha hata chembe.
Dai lako la muda mrefu kuwa ati wazee unaowataja wewe - kina Dossa, Abdul, Shehe Amir na wengine walikuwa hawajawahi kutajwa kabla yako ni dai lisilo na ukweli; wewe unajua hilo na mimi nalijua hilo. Maskini wa Mungu ni hawa vijana wetu ambao kwa mara ya kwanza wanafikiria wanasoma historia ya uhuru kutoka kwako.
Hivi nikikuuliza kwanini Nyerere aliwaamini Waislamu na kushirikiana nao kirahisi zaidi unaweza kutoa jibu la kweli la historia? au utakuja na yale yale kuwa kwa vile walimkaribisha sana. Nyerere ana historia na Waislamu kabla hajaja Dar. Hajawa karibu na Waislamu baada ya kuja Dar. Kama unajua historia vizuri utajua nina maana gani.
TANU ilizaa CCM maudhui yenu ni mamoja acheni udini nyie mtaangamiza taifaMkuu huku anga za AA, TAA, TANU.
Umepotea njia.
Khalifa Khamis na Mohamed Said wapi na wapi...
Khalifa Khamis na Mohamed Said wapi na wapi...
Ndio tatizo lenu hilo vijana; usidhani hawajuiani hawa...
nakuuliza tena Ritz haya unayoshabikia yanakusaidia nini wenzenu wamekazana kujenga vyuo wewe unakazana na history yenye mrengo wa udini nyerere ndiye mkombozo wa taifa hili anastahili heshima ya pekeeMzee Mwanakijiji,
Hao wote mie ninawajua vizuri tena kwa kuongea nao wewe ndiyo hujui tofauti ya Mohamed Said na Khalifa Khamis, Mohamed Saidi siyo mtu wa malumbano.
Halafu usidhani mie mtoto marais wote wanne wa Tanzania nimewaona kwenye utawala wao.
Wewe wa kunifahamisha kuwa Khalifa Khamis na Mohamed wanajuana, lazima wajuane wanakutana miskiti ya Mtoro, Manyema, Kipata, na mingineyo.
Mzee Mwanakijiji,
Hao wote mie ninawajua vizuri tena kwa kuongea nao wewe ndiyo hujui tofauti ya Mohamed Said na Khalifa Khamis, Mohamed Saidi siyo mtu wa malumbano.
Halafu usidhani mie mtoto marais wote wanne wa Tanzania nimewaona kwenye utawala wao.
Wewe wa kunifahamisha kuwa Khalifa Khamis na Mohamed wanajuana, lazima wajuane wanakutana miskiti ya Mtoro, Manyema, Kipata, na mingineyo.
nyerere was abled leader hana mfano wake naamini lilikuwa chaguo halisi la mungu kwa watanzania sipati picha hao watu wasiofaa wangetwaa madaraka tungekuwa wapi leo tunatembea vifua mbele kwa misingi madhubuti aliyotuachia baba wa taifa mungu amrehemu mzee wetuMkombozi? Usitake kuchekesha watu.
nyerere was abled leader hana mfano wake naamini lilikuwa chaguo halisi la mungu kwa watanzania sipati picha hao watu wasiofaa wangetwaa madaraka tungekuwa wapi leo tunatembea vifua mbele kwa misingi madhubuti aliyotuachia baba wa taifa mungu amrehemu mzee wetu
2015 CCM wanasimamisha mtoto wa askofu utakimbilia wapi??Mkombozi, endelea kutupa darsa tunakusoma.
N,
Nakuongezea na hizi fikra zangu kutoka kitabu changu:
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[TD="width: 601"] Kandoro and Japhet, [1] the two TANU founder members who came to prominence while Abdulwahid was TAA president in 1952 were the only pioneers who worked closely with him during the Meru Land Case. Kirilos visit to Dar es Salaam and the engagement of Seaton to represent Meru Citizens Union in the conflict was very much facilitated by the intervention of Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership.
It was Abdulwahid who helped Kirilo obtain a passport in Dar es Salaam after he was denied one in Arusha. Kirilo and Seaton, as well as Kandoro, have written their colonial experience, but no where in the two works is Abdulwahid mentioned, even in passing.
The two try to link the Meru Land Case with Nyerere although prior to 1954 Nyerere had not yet made any impact on the politics of Tanganyika. In fact when the Meru Land Case went before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York, Nyerere was at Edinburgh University in Scotland studying for a masters degree.
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[TD="width: 601"] An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[2] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.
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[TD="width: 601"] Of late there has been interest in Tanzanias political history and Abdulwahids name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[3] newspapers, [4] international magazines,[5] and books.[6] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid.
There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics. In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary.
Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten. [7]
There are also those who have dismissed him as being petty bourgeois.
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Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class.
In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that:
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[TD="width: 601"] ''...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union. Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers union. Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class.'' [8]
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[TD="width: 601"] This was in reference to his nomination in 1948 as the first ever General Secretary to lead a trade union in Tanganyika.
Probably not knowing who Abdulwahid was and what he stood for throughout his life, or perhaps fired with Marxist zeal, Shivji has allowed himself to use wrong tools of analysis.
Engels defines the term bourgeois to mean the class of modern capitalist, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage-labour. [9] However, Sklar has observed that the bourgeois concept has undergone evolution thus transforming its original meaning:
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''Recently, the term has been used by Marxists and others to identify dominant class in societies that maintain market economies and allow capitalist accumulation as a consequence of private property in the means of production.'' [10]
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[TD="width: 601"] Had Shivji been exposed to Abdulwahids life history chances are that he would have used a different yardstick to gauge and judge him. But since a wrong premise was applied, a wrong conclusion was the result.
No African enterprise under colonialism could qualify to be put under this category, let alone have the capability to employ wage-labour in the sense of labour-capital relationship as defined by classical or neo-Marxists.
This is the kind of confusion surrounding the personality of Abdulwahid and indeed the whole history of nationalism.
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[1] S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika, London, 1965.
[3] Yash Tandon, In Defence of Democracy Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[4] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[5] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[6] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State and The Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.
[7] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[8] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam1986, pp. 174.
[9] F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848.
[10] Richard L. Sklar The Nature of Class Domination in Africa in JMAS Vol. 17 No.4, 1979, p. 544.
nakuuliza tena Ritz haya unayoshabikia yanakusaidia nini wenzenu wamekazana kujenga vyuo wewe unakazana na history yenye mrengo wa udini nyerere ndiye mkombozo wa taifa hili anastahili heshima ya pekee
nyerere was abled leader hana mfano wake naamini lilikuwa chaguo halisi la mungu kwa watanzania sipati picha hao watu wasiofaa wangetwaa madaraka tungekuwa wapi leo tunatembea vifua mbele kwa misingi madhubuti aliyotuachia baba wa taifa mungu amrehemu mzee wetu