Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

Ritz said:
Na wale wadogo zake Kambona waliokaa jela zaidi ya miaka kumi walikuwa na mgogoro na nani.
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Hawa waliumizwa na utendaji mbovu wa idala ya usalama wa taifa kama alivyo umia Dr. Ulimboka hivi karibuni.
 
Mzee Mwanakijiji said:
Ndio ninaita uvivu wenyewe huo; tafuta vitabu vya historia ya Tanganyika.... kweli mnaamini Mohammed Said ndio mtu wa kwanza kuandika historia ya harakati za Uhuru? This is rather sad. Kama uko karibu na Maktaba yoyote nenda ulizia vitabu vya historia ya harakati za Uhuru wa Tanganyika.

Na ukitaka kutafuta vitabu vya baadhi ya wazee wa Kiislamu walioshiriki kwa kiasi kikubwa watu kama kina Shehe Mohammed Ramia wa Bagamoyo tafuta kitabu cha August Nimtz (kimechapwa mwaka 1980). Ungekuwa karibu yangu niingekuazima vya kwangu. Wengine tunamkosoa Mohammed Said kwa sababu tunajua amewataka nyara watu ambao hawajui kutafuta ukweli wa historia na badala yake wanasoma historia wakiongozwa na hisia.
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[TD] MM,

Hujasema kweli.

Kitabu cha Nimtz kinaitwa ''Islam and Politics in East Africa'' kitabu hiki kinatokana na tasnifu yake, ‘The Role of Sufi Order in Political Change,' Ph. D Thesis,Indiana University, 1973.

Nimtz hakuandika historia ya TANU.

Nimtz yeye alijikita katika kutazama ushawishi wa Tariqa Qadiriyya katika siasa na ndiyo maana alikaa sana pale Bagamoyo kwa Sheikh Mohamed Ramiyya ambae kwa wakati ule ndiye alikuwa khalifa wa tariqa hiyo.

Ukweli ni kuwa kabla ya kitabu changu hakuna mwandishi aliyepata kuandika historia ya TANU kwa namna nilivyoandika mimi.





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Son of Alaska said:
MIMI naona unaathirika na "fall out ya madras" sasa world wide web kazi yake nini???si ni kushare knowledge hili hata mliochelewa, mu play catch up
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Hizo kejeli zenu na dhihaka dhidi ya Uislam tumezizoea sisi Madrasa ni matukufu yetu.
 
Mohamed Said said:
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[TD] MM,

Ukweli ni kuwa kabla ya kitabu changu hakuna mwandishi aliyepata kuandika historia ya TANU kwa namna nilivyoandika mimi.



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amewataja baadhi ya wazee wako wa kiiislam waolivyojiingiza katika siasa vilevile kama Shehe Mohammed Ramia? Naona kama kawaida yako unahamisha magoli. Umesema ati baadhi ya wazee wako walikuwa hawajawahi kutajwa katika siasa za Tanzania kuwa hadi wewe ulipokuja ndio kina Shehe Ramiya wanatajwa katika siasa. Sasa umehamisha magoli na kudai haijawahi kuandikwa historia ya TANU kama ulivyoandika wewe.

Sasa hiyo si uamuzi tu wa mtunzi? Kila mtunzi ana namna yake ya uandishi. Wallahi nikiamua miiye kuandika haitofanana na wewe vile vile.
 
Mohamed Said said:
[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD] MM,

Hujasema kweli.

Kitabu cha Nimtz kinaitwa ''Islam and Politics in East Africa'' kitabu hiki kinatokana na tasnifu yake, The Role of Sufi Order in Political Change, Ph. D Thesis,Indiana University, 1973.

Nimtz hakuandika historia ya TANU.

Nimtz yeye alijikita katika kutazama ushawishi wa Tariqa Qadiriyya katika siasa na ndiyo maana alikaa sana pale Bagamoyo kwa Sheikh Mohamed Ramiyya ambae kwa wakati ule ndiye alikuwa khalifa wa tariqa hiyo.

Ukweli ni kuwa kabla ya kitabu changu hakuna mwandishi aliyepata kuandika historia ya TANU kwa namna nilivyoandika mimi.





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Mohamed Said,

Tunashukuru kwa kuweka sawa ili suala watu walikuwa wameishameza mazima.

Umemjibu kwa hekima sana ukutumia neno muongo.
 
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Nsame said:
si vibaya ukitupatia ushahidi wa qalipotatwa hao amabao unadai sii mara ya kwanza kutajwa na mohammed said.
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N,

Nakuongezea na hizi fikra zangu kutoka kitabu changu:

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[TD="width: 601"] Kandoro and Japhet, [1] the two TANU founder members who came to prominence while Abdulwahid was TAA president in 1952 were the only pioneers who worked closely with him during the Meru Land Case. Kirilo’s visit to Dar es Salaam and the engagement of Seaton to represent Meru Citizens’ Union in the conflict was very much facilitated by the intervention of Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership.

It was Abdulwahid who helped Kirilo obtain a passport in Dar es Salaam after he was denied one in Arusha. Kirilo and Seaton, as well as Kandoro, have written their colonial experience, but no where in the two works is Abdulwahid mentioned, even in passing.

The two try to link the Meru Land Case with Nyerere although prior to 1954 Nyerere had not yet made any impact on the politics of Tanganyika. In fact when the Meru Land Case went before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York, Nyerere was at Edinburgh University in Scotland studying for a master’s degree.
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[TD="width: 601"] An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[2] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.

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[TD="width: 601"] Of late there has been interest in Tanzania’s political history and Abdulwahid’s name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[3] newspapers, [4] international magazines,[5] and books.[6] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid.

There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics. In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary.

Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ‘veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten’. [7]

There are also those who have dismissed him as being ‘petty bourgeois’.
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Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class.

In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that:

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[TD="width: 601"] ''...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union. Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers’ union. Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class.'' [8]

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[TD="width: 601"] This was in reference to his nomination in 1948 as the first ever General Secretary to lead a trade union in Tanganyika.

Probably not knowing who Abdulwahid was and what he stood for throughout his life, or perhaps fired with Marxist zeal, Shivji has allowed himself to use wrong tools of analysis.

Engels defines the term ‘bourgeois’ to mean ‘the class of modern capitalist, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage-labour’. [9] However, Sklar has observed that the ‘bourgeois’ concept has undergone evolution thus transforming its original meaning:
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''Recently, the term has been used by Marxists and others to identify dominant class in societies that maintain market economies and allow capitalist accumulation as a consequence of private property in the means of production.'' [10]

[/TD]
[/TR]
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[TD="width: 601"] Had Shivji been exposed to Abdulwahid’s life history chances are that he would have used a different yardstick to gauge and judge him. But since a wrong premise was applied, a wrong conclusion was the result.

No African enterprise under colonialism could qualify to be put under this category, let alone have the capability to employ wage-labour in the sense of labour-capital relationship as defined by classical or neo-Marxists.

This is the kind of confusion surrounding the personality of Abdulwahid and indeed the whole history of nationalism.
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[1] S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.

[2] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika, London, 1965.
[3] Yash Tandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy’ Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[4] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[5] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[6] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State and The Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.

[7] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[8] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam1986, pp. 174.
[9] F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848.
[10] Richard L. Sklar ‘The Nature of Class Domination in Africa’ in JMAS Vol. 17 No.4, 1979, p. 544.

 
Ritz said:
Mohamed Said,

Tunashukuru kwa kuweka sawa ili suala watu walikuwa wameishameza mazima.

Umemjibu kwa hekima sana ukutumia neno muongo.
Click to expand...

Ritz,

Kwa kweli huyu Mwanakijiji anahangaika.
Atapata sana shida na mimi.

Nalijua tatizo lake.
Kama hawa nimeishi nao miaka mingi.

Akili yake inakataa kukubali kuwa haya
anayosoma kwangu ni kweli na muandishi
ni mimi.

Umeona kakimbilia haraka kwa Nimtz.
Kwake yeye Nimtz ndiye mjuzi si Mohamed.

Hicho kitabu kilipotoka kaniletea mtu kutoka
Marekani kwa heshima na taadhima tena
hanijui ila alikuwa kanisoma katika Africa
Events.
 
Mzee Mwanakijiji said:
amewataja baadhi ya wazee wako wa kiiislam waolivyojiingiza katika siasa vilevile kama Shehe Mohammed Ramia? Naona kama kawaida yako unahamisha magoli. Umesema ati baadhi ya wazee wako walikuwa hawajawahi kutajwa katika siasa za Tanzania kuwa hadi wewe ulipokuja ndio kina Shehe Ramiya wanatajwa katika siasa. Sasa umehamisha magoli na kudai haijawahi kuandikwa historia ya TANU kama ulivyoandika wewe.

Sasa hiyo si uamuzi tu wa mtunzi? Kila mtunzi ana namna yake ya uandishi. Wallahi nikiamua miiye kuandika haitofanana na wewe vile vile.
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MM,

Karibu ndugu yangu.
 
Mohamed Said said:
Ritz,

Kwa kweli huyu Mwanakijiji anahangaika.
Atapata sana shida na mimi.

Nalijua tatizo lake.
Kama hawa nimeishi nao miaka mingi.

Akili yake inakataa kukubali kuwa haya
anayosoma kwangu ni kweli na muandishi
ni mimi.

Umeona kakimbilia haraka kwa Nimtz.
Kwake yeye Nimtz ndiye mjuzi si Mohamed.

Hicho kitabu kilipotoka kaniletea mtu kutoka
Marekani kwa heshima na taadhima tena
hanijui ila alikuwa kanisoma katika Africa
Events.
Click to expand...
acha uchochez wewe
 
Mohamed Said said:
N,

Nakuongezea na hizi fikra zangu kutoka kitabu changu:

[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Kandoro and Japhet, [1] the two TANU founder members who came to prominence while Abdulwahid was TAA president in 1952 were the only pioneers who worked closely with him during the Meru Land Case. Kirilos visit to Dar es Salaam and the engagement of Seaton to represent Meru Citizens Union in the conflict was very much facilitated by the intervention of Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership.

It was Abdulwahid who helped Kirilo obtain a passport in Dar es Salaam after he was denied one in Arusha. Kirilo and Seaton, as well as Kandoro, have written their colonial experience, but no where in the two works is Abdulwahid mentioned, even in passing.

The two try to link the Meru Land Case with Nyerere although prior to 1954 Nyerere had not yet made any impact on the politics of Tanganyika. In fact when the Meru Land Case went before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York, Nyerere was at Edinburgh University in Scotland studying for a masters degree.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[2] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Of late there has been interest in Tanzanias political history and Abdulwahids name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[3] newspapers, [4] international magazines,[5] and books.[6] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid.

There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics. In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary.

Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten. [7]

There are also those who have dismissed him as being petty bourgeois.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"]
Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class.

In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that:

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] ''...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union. Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers union. Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class.'' [8]

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] This was in reference to his nomination in 1948 as the first ever General Secretary to lead a trade union in Tanganyika.

Probably not knowing who Abdulwahid was and what he stood for throughout his life, or perhaps fired with Marxist zeal, Shivji has allowed himself to use wrong tools of analysis.

Engels defines the term bourgeois to mean the class of modern capitalist, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage-labour. [9] However, Sklar has observed that the bourgeois concept has undergone evolution thus transforming its original meaning:
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"]
''Recently, the term has been used by Marxists and others to identify dominant class in societies that maintain market economies and allow capitalist accumulation as a consequence of private property in the means of production.'' [10]

[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 601"] Had Shivji been exposed to Abdulwahids life history chances are that he would have used a different yardstick to gauge and judge him. But since a wrong premise was applied, a wrong conclusion was the result.

No African enterprise under colonialism could qualify to be put under this category, let alone have the capability to employ wage-labour in the sense of labour-capital relationship as defined by classical or neo-Marxists.

This is the kind of confusion surrounding the personality of Abdulwahid and indeed the whole history of nationalism.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

[1] S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.

[2] Judith Listowel, The Making of Tanganyika, London, 1965.
[3] Yash Tandon, In Defence of Democracy Inaugural Lecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[4] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[5] New African, London, June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[6] John Cartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State and The Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.

[7] Yash Tandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[8] I.G. Shivji, Law, State and the Working Class in Tanzania, London and Dar es Salaam1986, pp. 174.
[9] F. Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, 1848.
[10] Richard L. Sklar The Nature of Class Domination in Africa in JMAS Vol. 17 No.4, 1979, p. 544.

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Mohamed Said,

Umefanya kazi kubwa sana kuandika hiki kitabu bahati nzuri au mbaya hata wale wanaokumpinga kuna vitu wanajifunza kutoka kwako.
 
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Son of Alaska said:
We will always be grateful to you for bringing us NYERERE,grandmum-rest in peace
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Hapo sasa, why akisha kufa ndio aingie kwenye Uislaam? pata darsa dogo:

"Oh you who believe! Enter into al-Silm wholly." (Qur'an 2:208)


​
"Muslim" is the active participle of the verb "aslama", or one who chooses the state of "silm"/"Islam", so it literally means to willingly submit/surrender oneself/become at peace/become whole, and in Islamic terminology the meaning converges to "submit to Allah" thereby achieving peace/security. Long story short, "Muslim" is one who takes Islam (submission to God) as one's religion. This applies to a person no matter what time and place on earth they may be. If they were alive at the time of Prophet Noah, Abraham, Moses or Jesus (on them all be peace) and followed their original teachings of submission to God, or if they are alive after the time of Muhammad (peace be upon him) - i.e. in this era - and follow his teachings of submission to God, or if they were never exposed to any Prophet or guide but truly submitted their heart to Him anyway.

Ingefaa sana hiyo na ingesaidia sana kama ingekuwa inafatwa kabla ya watu hawajafa. Fikiri.
 
Ritz said:
Mohamed Said,

Umefanya kazi kubwa sana kuandika hiki kitabu bahati nzuri au mbaya hata wale wanaokumpinga kuna vitu wanajifunza kutoka kwako.
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Vingi sana tu. Hilo halina kificho.

Isipokuwa kama wengine walivyokiri humu, wao kazi yao ni kupinga tu ili mradi wapinge tu lakini wanachokipinga wanajuwa kuwa ni ukweli.

Ndugu yangu Ritz hata wanapoupinga Uislaam kwani hawajui ndio ukweli na ndio highway pekee iliyonyooka? wanajuwa sana, lakini wao mradi wapinge tu.

Cha kushangaza, umauti ukiwafika ndio wanaombeana kupumzishwa kwenye Uislam utawasikia na kuwasoma "rest in Peace". Hapo sasa!
 
Mohamed Said said:
Ritz,

Kwa kweli huyu Mwanakijiji anahangaika.
Atapata sana shida na mimi.

Nalijua tatizo lake.
Kama hawa nimeishi nao miaka mingi.

Akili yake inakataa kukubali kuwa haya
anayosoma kwangu ni kweli na muandishi
ni mimi. 11
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Mzee wangu; usijipe moyo kuwa umekutana na mtu kama mimi kabla yangu; wala usijipe moyo huo.

Kwamba mwandishi wa haya ni wewe hilo halina shaka; nimekusoma kwa muda mrefu, nimekusikiliza sana. Mwenzio Shehe Khalifa Khamisi tulilumbana kwa hoja miaka kama ishirini iliyopita toka Mwanza hadi Dar... tulimaliza tukaheshimiana. Kwa muda mrefu nimekuwa nikipuuzia hoja zako kwa sababu nilikuwa naamini watu hawawezi kuamini kwani ulaghai wake wa maneno (fallacies) ni mwingi hata mtoto wa mwaka wa kwanza Chuo Kikuu anaweza kuuona. Lakini miaka hii michache nimeona mbegu uliyopanda kiutalaamu sana iimeanza kukua na kuchanua maua sasa.

Nimtz kaandika kama mtu aliyefanya historia wewe umeandika kama mtu anayesukumwa na hisia. Kwa uhakika sidhani kuna chochote unachoweza kuandika kwa mtindo wako kikakubalika katika majarida ya academia ya historia. Umevunja sheria zote za uandishi wa historia lakin bado ukadai umeandika historia. Maandishi yako yamejaa madai mengi mno ambayo hujaweza kuyathibitisha hata chembe.

Dai lako la muda mrefu kuwa ati wazee unaowataja wewe - kina Dossa, Abdul, Shehe Amir na wengine walikuwa hawajawahi kutajwa kabla yako ni dai lisilo na ukweli; wewe unajua hilo na mimi nalijua hilo. Maskini wa Mungu ni hawa vijana wetu ambao kwa mara ya kwanza wanafikiria wanasoma historia ya uhuru kutoka kwako.

Hivi nikikuuliza kwanini Nyerere aliwaamini Waislamu na kushirikiana nao kirahisi zaidi unaweza kutoa jibu la kweli la historia? au utakuja na yale yale kuwa kwa vile walimkaribisha sana. Nyerere ana historia na Waislamu kabla hajaja Dar. Hajawa karibu na Waislamu baada ya kuja Dar. Kama unajua historia vizuri utajua nina maana gani.
 
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