Utumwa hauishii ktk enzi hizo tu! hata leo Waislamu wa TZ kudhulumiwa haki yao ya msingi ya kupata elimu ni Utumwa!
Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar
Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar
- Thread starter Yericko Nyerere
- Start date
Utumwa hauishii ktk enzi hizo tu! hata leo Waislamu wa TZ kudhulumiwa haki yao ya msingi ya kupata elimu ni Utumwa!
Webabu
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Maskini Nguruvi!.
Ritz uko wapi na miwani yakoya 3D?.
Webabu
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Watumwa waliokuwa waliokuwa wakipitia Zanzibar walikuwa wanapelekwa kwenye mashamba ya wazungu Carribean,Madagascar na hata America.
Hili la kuwaombea wafike salama waendako lilifanywa na makanisa kule Afrika Magharibi.
Wewe unapouliza lini misikiti ilikemea biashara ya watumwa,tukuulize lini umetafuta ushahidi kwa upande wa misikitini ukaukosa.Sijui kwenye makanisa yenu kama kuna sehemu inayokemea biashara hii lakini kwenye misikiti mara nyingi makhatibu wa Ijumaa hutoa khutba zenye makemeo mbali mbali moja wapo ni kutoka aya hii ya Qur'an.
لاَ يُؤَاخِذُكُمُ اللَّهُ بِاللَّغْوِ فِي أَيْمَانِكُمْ وَلَكِن يُؤَاخِذُكُم بِمَا عَقَّدتُّمُ الأَيْمَانَ فَكَفَّارَتُهُ إِطْعَامُ عَشَرَةِ مَسَاكِينَ مِنْ أَوْسَطِ مَا تُطْعِمُونَ أَهْلِيكُمْ أَوْ كِسْوَتُهُمْ أَوْ تَحْرِيرُ رَقَبَةٍ فَمَن لَّمْ يَجِدْ فَصِيَامُ ثَلاثَةِ أَيَّامٍ ذَلِكَ كَفَّارَةُ أَيْمَانِكُمْ إِذَا حَلَفْتُمْ وَاحْفَظُواْ أَيْمَانَكُمْ كَذَلِكَ يُبَيِّنُ اللَّهُ لَكُمْ آيَاتِهِ لَعَلَّكُمْ تَشْكُرُونَ
Mwenyezi Mungu hatakushikeni kwa viapo vyenu vya upuuzi, lakini atakushikeni kwa mnavyo apa kweli kweli kwa makusudio. Basi kafara yake ni kuwalisha masikini kumi kwa chakula cha wastani mnacho walisha ahali zenu, au kuwavisha, au kumkomboa mtumwa. Asiye pata hayo, basi afunge siku tatu. Hii ndiyo kafara ya viapo vyenu mnapo apa. Na hifadhini yamini zenu. Namna hivyo Mwenyezi Mungu anakubainishieni Aya zake ili mpate kushukuru (Qur'an:Almaida(5):89)
Mohamed Said
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Mohamed Said
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Ritz,
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[TD] Abdulwahid Sykes and Dockworkers' Union, 1948
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[TD]But there were indications that Hamilton was not an ordinary white colonial officer. His manners were too easy for a British officer and his views on world affairs were too radical for his African subordinates to comprehend. Barakat had one day received communist literature among his mail addressed to him by name from an unknown source. Hamilton, with whom they shared an office, took the pamphlet away from him without uttering a single word of reprimand. Barakat had once seen Hamilton reading communist literature in his office and he did not bother to hide it even when he knew that Barakat was watching him. In those days communist literature was considered seditious. The day following the communist literature incident, Hamilton invited Barakat for tea at his house and while there he engaged Barakat in a debate as to whether God existed or not. Hamilton gave his diatribe on Charles Darwin's Theory of Evolution to prove his point that God did not exist. To make the matter rest Barakat told him that as a Muslim he totally believed in the existence of God and of His Supremacy.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]At first Barakat thought that Hamilton was spying on them on their political leanings for which he informed Abdulwahid. But it turned out not to be so. It soon dawned to both Abdulwahid and Barakat that Hamilton was a very sinister character with very radical political leanings. In those days communism and its philosophy were considered by the West as betrayal to freedom and humanity. Africans who harboured such radical ideas were not tolerated. A Catholic newspaper Kiongozi had warned: ‘Human stupidness proves to be unlimited. Russia with her Communist regime is beyond any shade of doubt the unreconcilable enemy of mankind.' [1]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]It was therefore unthinkable for a white colonial officer to show sympathy for communism. But there was nothing the two could do about it. Africans did not go about throwing wild allegations against white colonial officers. The only thing that was possible for them to do was to remain on guard while dealing with him.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Abdulwahid also came to learn that his former opponent for the union post and his father's political adversary of many years, Erika Fiah, was instigating the union leadership to overthrow ‘that South African son of Kleist'. Some of the dockworkers were, of course convinced that Abdulwahid should resign and pave the way for Fiah to take over leadership of the union. This created two factions within the union. One faction wanted Abdulwahid to continue leading the union and another called for his immediate resignation. Fiah was preferred because dockworkers thought Abdulwahid was too moderate and supported Fiah's radical stand. As the crisis continued and as there was no signs insight of resolving the dispute, Abdulwahid heeded his father's call and resigned his post in July 1948. Abdulwahid had led the Dockworkers' Union for barely six months.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]But when the reality of Abdulwahid's resignation became obvious, that is, he was actually leaving the union and members were to elect a new secretary, a faction of the membership retracted and asked him to stay on. Abdulwahid did not want to change his mind. He had other pressing problems at home. His father was bedridden with bronchitis and was insisting that Abdulwahid should resign his post immediately. In a show of solidarity the dockworkers carried young Abdulwahid shoulder-high from the Union's offices at Acacia Avenue (Samora Avenue) to Mnazi Mmoja grounds where the Union used to hold its meetings. Abdulwahid's resignation did not mean that he was out of touch with the movement. His resignation was necessitated by a multiplicity of reasons and a complex situation of intrigue and political machinations involving Hamilton, Fiah and some of the union members.
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[1] Father Van Ostroom, Kiongozi Gazeti Katoliki, 1950, Vol.1No.11. p. 192.
Wickama
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Mohamed Said
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Wickama,
Sitokuletea kitu katika private email yako.
Kila kitu utakisoma hapa darsani.
Niwie radhi.
Kadogoo,
..sasa mawaziri wa elimu ni Dr.Shukuru Kawambwa na Dr.Ali Juma Shamhuna.
..je, unawatuhumu mawaziri hao Waislamu kuwatumbikiza Waislamu wenzao Utumwani??
..tunajadili mambo ya msingi hapa halafu unaleta masihara.
Mag3
Platinum Member
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Nguruvi3, huyo ndiye Mohamed Said, kama kuna tunu alipewa na Muumba wake ni utaalamu wake mkubwa katika fani ya ulaghai...kuupaka rangi uongo ili ufananefanane na ukweli. Hapo nyuma kwenye posti na.11543 iliyotolewa na Wickama ikimgusia Oscar Kambona, ukisoma kwa makini utabaki tu unashangaa na kujiuliza maswali mengi kuhusiana hizi porojo za Mohamed Said. Pamoja na yote ushahidi wote tulioweza kuutoa humu toka hii mada ianze nitaongezea tu chache ambazo Mohamed Said, kwa makusudi, kuwaficha wasomaji walengwa kwani zingemuumbua kwa hila zake ovu.
Mohamed Said haongelei mikutano mingi tu ya TAA iliyokuwa ikifanyika mwaka 1953 nyumbani kwa Mwalimu Nyerere akiwa Pugu kabla ya kuhamia jijini Dar es Salaam. Ilikuwa ni nyumba ambayo ni waafrika wachache wangeweza kupewa wakati wa Mkoloni na ilikuwa na nafasi ya kutosha.
Mohamed Said kwa makusudi haelezi kuwa sababu iliowalazimisha waliokuwa viongozi wa TAA kumfuata Mwalimu Pugu ni kwamba shughuli za TAA zilianza kudorora chini ya uongozi wa Abdulwahid Sykes baada ya kuondoka kwa Dr. Vedasto Kyaruzi, na alihitajika kiongozi bora zaidi.
Mohamed Said anaficha umiliki wa jengo lilitotumiwa na TAA na kwa makusudi anasema Abdulwahid Sykes alishuhudia ujenzi wake siku za Jumapili alipofuatana na baba yake. Asichosema ni kuwa je, walikuwa wanajenga hiyo nyumba kama wamilki wa kiwanja au wajenzi tu?
Mohamed Said hasemi Mwalimu alivyoshinda usiku kucha akisoma katiba na sheria zilizotolewa na serikali kuwezesha kuandikishwa kwa TAA na kuangalia uwezekano wa kuigeuza iwe chama cha siasa na mwishowe kugundua kwamba hilo halingewezekana na kuuarifu uongozi wa TAA.
Mohamed Said kwa makusudi hatambui juhudi za Mwalimu, baada ya kukamata uongozi, katika kuiimarisha TAA kama chombo cha Watanganyika na si Dar es salaam peke yake mpango ambao ulikuja kusaidia sana katika kuieneza TANU baada ya kuundwa mwaka moja baadaye.
Son of Alaska
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Mohamed Said, hii plot ya huu mjengo wangetoa wazee wako-ungetumia kurasa kumi kuelezea hii habar.Jengo la new street wamechakachua yet wewe umeficha madhambi yao delibrately
"Nyerere's early days in TANU showing him addressing the people from a make shift platform at Mnazi Mmoja Grounds overlooking where now stands the Adult Education Centre. The open space opposite Mnazi Mmoja Grounds was John Rupia's plot which he later donated to TANU to build the centre."
"Nyerere's early days in TANU showing him addressing the people from a make shift platform at Mnazi Mmoja Grounds overlooking where now stands the Adult Education Centre. The open space opposite Mnazi Mmoja Grounds was John Rupia's plot which he later donated to TANU to build the centre."
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Nyambala
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Mkuu Nguruvi hili la sensa ya 1957 Mohamed analikwepa kwa sababu linakinzana kwa kiasi kikubwa sana na hoja zake mwenyewe. Na hii ni baada ya kugundua kwamba hapa JF sio mahali pa kurusha minamba tu unatakiwa unyumbulishe. Summary ya sensa hiyo ni kama ifuatavyo.
Ikumbukwe kuwa sensa hii kama ilivyoripotiwa ndani ya kitabu African census report, 1957 sensa na kuripotiwa na serikali ile ile iliyoripoti sensa ya 1967. Sensa ya 1957 ilikuwa reported in 1963 by government printers.
Sasa dai la Mzee Saidi ni kuwa eti hiyo idadi ya wakristo iliiyoongezeka mwaka 1967 ilitoka wapi majibu yapo kwenye hilo jedwali. 44.2 in 1967 walikuwa wapagani au hawakujisikia kutaja dini zao. Mkwa mtu wa takwimu hili ni mojawapo ya jibu kuhusu ongezeko. Lakini pia ni Mzee Saidi huyu huyu amezungumza kwa fahari humu ndani kuhusu walimu wa kwanza Tnganyika ambao walikuwa ni "converts" waislamu sasa iweje kwenye sensa ailifikirie suala la converts?
Hii sensa ina kurasa 109, imeanalyze ukabila, mahali pa kuzaliwa , gender nk.
Mzee Saidi tuonane wikiendi.
Mag3
Platinum Member
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Son of Alaska, swali lialonisumbua sana mimi ni kwa nini Mohamed Said anataka sana kuwakweza hao wazee wake? Mathalani nakiri kuwa katika mitaa ya Gerezani, Kipata hadi Karikaoo yawezekana walikwa power house lakini kitaifa? Hapana, hawakufikia kiwango hicho.
Na hapa naomba nieleweke siongelei dini zao tafadhali kwa sababu ingekuwa ni dini, pale mtaa wa New Street, tarehe 7/7/1954 Mwalimu Nyerere asingechaguliwa kuwa Rais wa Kwanza wa TANU. Kilichoangaliwa ni uwezo na ubora, si udini...he had what it takes to be a leader.
Moreover Abdulwahid Sykes hakunyimwa nafasi ya kujipima, no no no, alipewa sana lakini hakufikia kiwango, period. Kama alivyowatahadharisha Chief Kunambi wakati ule, Mwalimu hakuwa mtu wa kugawa vyeo kama zawadi...kama ulifanya uliyofanya ukitegemea malipo kutoka kwa Mwalimu uliula wa chuya.
Mohamed Said said:
Masikini wafuasi wa Mohamed Said, If you believe that, you'll believe anything!
Hii chuki za wazee wa Mohamed kwa Mwalimu Nyerere ambazo na yeye kazirithi nina hakika hazihusiani na mambo ya dini, dini inatumiwa tu kwa sababu ni njia nyepesi ya kuteka akili za walengwa...kuna mtu anadhani analipiza kisasi kwa wazee wake kutokukamata dola, huyo ndiye Mohamed Said.
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Mzee Mwanakijiji
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Mohamed Said
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Son...
Sijui kwa sababu gani unataka kuniburuta katika ubishi na maneno ya kebehi.
Mimi si mtu wa maneno ''chakachua'' nk.
Nimekueleza kuwa sina taarifa ya ugomvi kuhusu ofisi za African Association.
Sasa wewe kama una taarifa Kleist alidhulumu hiyo ofisi eleza hakuna wa
kukuzuia.
Sifurahi sana kuwa tunarudiarudia neno hili tena na tena.
Ikiwa udhalim umepita hilo ni jambo ovu.
Nadhani baada ya haya hatonirudisha tena nyuma Insha Allah.
Mohamed Said
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Wickama,
Kuna ndugu yangu humu anatumia maandishi yaliyoandikwa na Wazungu kueleza historia ya TAA na kufikia kusema
kuwa kulikuwa na mikutano Pugu nyumbani kwa Nyerere na kuwa chama kilikufa baada ya kuondoka Kyaruzi.
Ama hilo la mikutano ya Pugu mimi sina taarifa na wala sijamsikia Nyerere mwenyewe akilisema hilo popote.
Kuhusu TAA kufa baada ya Kyaruzi hilo si kweli.
Wakati huyu ndugu yangu ameegemea yaliyoandikwa na Waingereza mimi nazungumza yale niliyopewa na wazee
wangu.
Lakini hayo yote si kitu.
Muhimu ni kuwa sote wawili, mimi na ndugu yangu tuna haki ya kile tunachoaamini.
Naomba wanajamvi mnisome na mimi kuhusu TAA miaka michache kabla Nyerere hajafika na baada ya kufika kwake
mambo yalikuwaje pale TAA Office, New Street:
TAA Office, New Street Dar es Salaam 1953
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[TD]Many years later after Tanganyika had become independent, Abdulwahid was asked why he did not withdraw his name in the 1953 election to pave the way for Nyerere to assume leadership unopposed. According to one informant, Abdulwahid replied:
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[TD]''There was great opposition against Nyerere at that time and some members within my own executive committee were putting pressure upon me not to concede to him. I was a favourite candidate and withdrawing my name would have marred the election. TAA was a serious political organisation that believed in democratic elections. Leadership of the party had to be acquired through competition with regard to ability and merit. We chose Nyerere to stand for election because we had confidence in him and I was party to that decision.'' [1]
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[TD]But in order for one to understand Abdulwahid's support for Nyerere one needs to analyse the forces at play in the political system in colonial Tanganyika. In 1951, while working to revive TAA, Abdulwahid and Mwapachu were approached by Ivor Bayldon, [2] Brig. Scupham and V.M. Nazerali and were asked to support the formation of a multiracial political party. These three were members of the Legislative Council. Bayldon was a rich settler in the Southern Highlands who had originally immigrated to Tanganyika from South Africa. African members of the Legislative Council who were enthusiastic about that idea were Chief Kidaha Makwaia and Liwali Yustino Mponda of Newala.[3] Other prominent personalities who were consulted and requested to support the formation of a multiracial political party were: Dr Joseph Mutahangarwa, Chief Abdieli Shangali of Machame, Paramount Chief Thomas Marealle of Marangu, Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa, Chief Harun Msabila Lugusha, Dr Mwanjisi, Abdulkarim Karimjee, Dr Vedas Kyaruzi, Liwali Juma Mwindadi, H.K. Viran, Stephen Mhando, Ally Sykes and Dossa Aziz. [4]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]This was a mixture of privileged Europeans, aristocrats like Marealle, African elites such as Mwapachu, Asians in the commercial class such as Karimjee and townsmen such as Dossa. All of them were leaders who commanded following in their own respective communities. Two years later in a letter which Nazerali sent to Ally Sykes to lay down the objective of the intended party, after he was convinced that a multiracial political party was unattainable, Nazerali wrote in part: ‘The desire was to organise a body of people who are sincere, who have faith and belief in the progressive development of the people of our country, with equal opportunities for all.' [5]
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Abdulwahid and the entire membership of TAA could not be privy to such an idea. Much as the objectives of the proposed political party seemed sincere and articulated precisely what TAA was fighting for, Africans could not trust the future of Tanganyika to the good intentions of non-Africans who were working hand in glove with the colonial government. It was obvious that the minorities in Tanganyika did not want to accept the fact that Tanganyika was basically an African country. For TAA to accept the formation of a multiracial political party with African leadership active in its founding, was tantamount to putting African interests under the mercy of the minorities. A few years earlier, a similar idea under what was known as the Capricorn Society was floated by colonialists in areas such as Tabora, where there was quite a good number of educated Africans, mostly in the teaching profession. The beliefs of the society were hinged on the ‘freedom of civilised Africans'. Stephen Mhando, who was in Dar es Salaam and was in contact with George Magembe in Tabora, sent a letter to the TAA leadership there warning them of the dangers posed by the Capricorn. Tanganyika at that time was in need of a political direction and it was not TAA's inner circle alone which was working to provide that leadership.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Soon after Nyerere's takeover, TAA seemed to go into slumber. The militancy and zeal which was associated with the leadership of Abdulwahid was lost. It had only been once in the history of Dar es Salaam that a Christian, Erika Fiah, had held the banner against the colonial state. Nyerere lived out of town and came to Dar es Salaam only on weekends. This affected administration of the Association and for a time members seemed to lose interest in it. Members of the executive committee did not turn up regularly for meetings, in spite of the fact that Dossa Aziz made rounds with his car to collect them.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Dossa Aziz recalls that he would stop outside a member's house and hoot. A child or the wife would come out to announce that he was not in when he in fact was in. For a while it seemed as if Nyerere was going to be a setback to the movement. This had been the tradition with TAA; its life depended on the calibre and commitment of its leadership. In the early phase, with Kleist Sykes and Mzee bin Sudi as leaders at headquarters, TAA made great strides. Likewise, in the era of Ali Juma Ponda and Hassan Suleiman in the Dodoma branch, TAA was very active and its leadership was respected even beyond the borders of Tanganyika.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Abdulwahid was available as Vice-President but he was also keen to see Nyerere, as President assuming his full role and making his own decisions. He consulted the TAA inner circle of fellow townsmen-Ally, Dossa Aziz, Tewa and Rupia, to see what they could do to arrest the deteriorating situation. By then it was clear that the problem was the transfer of power. Members were apprehensive of the new leadership at the top. This was understandable bearing in mind that it was only three years before that Abdulwahid and Kyaruzi had revived the Association after years of near inactivity. It was decided that Muslim elders in the community should be approached and asked to support Nyerere.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The elders were approached. They were told why the TAA leadership had accepted Nyerere. TAA was being transformed into an open mass movement. Abdulwahid told the elders, among whom were sheikhs that, the country was entering the last phase of the struggle and that needed the support of every Tanganyika African irrespective of religion or ethnic identity. The elders were TAA members but they also belonged to their own tribal groups such as the Batetera Union of the Manyema led by Mzee bin Sudi, and the Zaramo Union under the leadership of Makisi Mbwana. Some members were also active in Al Jamiatul Islamiyya. Abdulwahid told the elders that the TAA was headquarters were in great need of their open support, and in particular, the highly educated African leaders such as Julius Nyerere who were close to the colonial state.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The elders consented and began to build Nyerere's image as the unifying force of all Africans. A student of Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Amir recalls to have seen Abdulwahid, Dossa Aziz and Nyerere on several occasions in early 1950s coming to see the sheikh at his madras in Kariakoo on Amani Street, house no. 36. Usually when Abdulwahid, Dossa Aziz and Nyerere went to see him, Mufti Sheikh Hassan Bin Amir would dismiss his students and consultations would take place there, inside the madras, with the young men sitting cross-legged before him. Other prominent elders were Sheikh Suleiman Takadir, nicknamed ‘Makarious,' a well learned Muslim scholar; Mohamed Jumbe Tambaza, a landowner; Mshumi Kiyate, a well-to-do fishmonger; Mwinjuma Mwinyikambi, owner of huge tracts of land planted with coconut and mango trees; Rajab Diwani, a simple carpenter but gifted orator; Makisi Mbwana, leader of the Zaramo community in Dar es Salaam; Sheikh Haidari Mwinyimvua, a simple tailor and a man of integrity; Idd Faizi Mafongo and Idd Tosiri two Manyema brothers, cousins to Sheikh Mohamed Ramia of Bagamoyo, the Khalifa of Tariqa Qadiriya.Idd Tosiri was an active member as was Idd Tulio, a respectable elder; and Mashado Ramadhan Plantan, editor and proprietor of Zuhra, and his brother Schneider Abdillah Plantan, distant relatives to the Sykes brothers.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]That was the turning point in the political history of Tanganyika. The executive committee of the association, with the exception of Julius Nyerere and Abdulwahid, virtually lost all power as the Muslim elders literally took over the movement. Gradually Abdulwahid would also come to lose his grip on the movement particularly after forming TANU, so as to leave Nyerere and the leadership from the provinces to lead Tanganyika to independence. Having overcome the obstacle of non-acceptance of Nyerere, Abdulwahid and Nyerere settled down to the serious business of the association.
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[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]In June, TAA headquarters announced its executive committee with J.K. Nyerere, President; Abdulwahid Sykes, Vice-President; J.P. Kasella Bantu, General Secretary; Alexander M. Tobias and Waziri Dossa Aziz, Joint Minuting Secretary; John Rupia, Treasurer and Ally K. Sykes as Assistant Treasurer. Committee members were Dr Michael Lugazia, Hamisi Diwani, Tewa Said, Denis Phombeah, Z. James, Dome Okochi, C. Ongalo and Patrick Aoko.[6] The composition of the TAA leadership showed East African solidarity that existed during the struggle for independence. Kenyan patriots were elected as office bearers side by side with Tanganyikans. It is said that it was about that time, in the last months of 1953, that Abdulwahid talked to Nyerere seriously about forming an open political party to replace TAA.
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[1] Informanthas requested for anonymity.
[2] IvorBayldon was the founder president of United Tanganyika Party (UTP), formed by Europeans in 1955 to opposeTANU. The Vice-President was Sheikh Hussein Juma, a prominent Manyema in Dar es Salaam.
[3] A biographyof Yustino Mponda was published in Baragumu,19 th April, 1950.
[4] V.M.Nazerali to Ally Sykes 12 th October, 1953. Sykes' papers.
[5] Nazerali,ibid.
[6] Tanganyika Standard, 19 th June 1953.
Nyerere himself has never talked about this election or how he came to lead the Party in Dar es Salaam. The nearest he got to reflect on Abdulwahid was in the farewell speech to Elders of Dar es Salaam, and unfortunately his memory failed him as he could not recall what post Abdulwahid was occupying when he (Nyerere) joined TAA in 1952.
Mohamed, hii quote hapo juu inahitaji masahihisho, kama unataka kuwa credible.
Mohamed, hii quote hapo juu inahitaji masahihisho, kama unataka kuwa credible.