Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar


Jasusi,
Niwe credible kwa nani?
 

Mag3,

Hizo ngano zako endelea kuwalisha wenzako msome vizuri Nyerere hapo juu anavyoelezea mwenyewe harakati za uhuru wa Tanganyika alikuwa na kina nani na alipelekwa na nani kwa kina Abdulwahid.

Nenda kamuulize Mama Maria kuhusu Nyerere alivyokuwa anaishi na Wazee wa Kiswahili Kariakoo tufahamishe hiyo mikutano mingi ya TAA iliyokuwa inafanyika Pugu kwa Nyerere ni ipi? Nyerere mpaka anaingia kaburini hakuwahi kusema hizo ngano zako za Pugu.

TAA imeanza kupata nguvu baada ya Abdulwahid na Mwapachu kufanya mapinduzi walipochoshwa na uongozi wa wazee bila ya kumshauri mtu yeyote waliivamia ofisi ya TAA na kufanya mapinduzi kwa kumtoa msobe msobe Clement Matamila na kuitisha uchaguzi.
 

I know of no abolitionist movement in the Arab or wider Islamic world. There is nothing in the Arab or Muslim world comparable to the largely Christan-based Abolitionist Movement in England and America that brought about an end to slave trade and slavery itself. We are not sure why there was no Islamic abolitionist movement. I assume it was because the Holy Koran clearly scantions slavery. Thus Islamic clerics and theologians, unlike their Christian counterparts, never challenged an institution so clearly scantioned by the Koran. Hopefully our Muslim readers can provide us more information about this. As a result, the British had to work with an Arab world that was not morally outraged by slavery. In fact, the Arab world generally saw religion scanction for slavery in the Koran itself. And there was considerable resistance to British efforts to end the slave trade. The Madhist rebellion in the Sudan in which General Gordon was killed is a prime example. Slavery was gradually abolished in the Middle East, almost entirelky because of British and other Europen actions. And as a result, aolition was not always fully observed by thecArabs. Abolition in many countries was taken under pressure from European countries (mostly the British) or after the creation of European protecorates and colonies.
 
Jasusi,
Niwe credible kwa nani?

Mohamed,
Uwe credible kwetu. Umesema kuna mwenzetu katuletea bandiko la wazungu kuhusu harakati za TANU. Hapo hapo unasahau kuwa huyu aliyeyaandika hayo alikuwa wakili wa Migeyo huko Bukoba, na alikuwa wakili wa Nyerere katika kesi yake na serikali ya wakoloni. Kwa kifupi huyu mzungu aliaminika kwa TANU.
 
Jasusi,

Nadhani wewe utakuwa unalijua ili vizuri nifahamishe kuhusu tatizo la Bukoba wakati ule na Ali Migeyo mpaka kufungwa jela butimba Mwanza.
 
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Ndio maana nafikiria labda nitoe darasa la mantiq; lakini umefikiria nimeacha kuendelea na hoja hiyo kwa sababu umemenishawishi jidanganye tu. Aliyesoma akanielewa ataelewa jinsi gani hoja yako ilivyo na makosa.

Nyambala... thanks...
Mbona unajidanganya hivyo.Unadhani waliosoma walikuelewa.Natoa changamoto huyo aliyekuelewa aje anifahamishe na mie.
Mimi najua mtambo wa socratic method uliosema utautumia kutoa historia za dini ipi imeitangulia mwenzake kati ya uislamu na ukristo haukufanya kazia kabisa.
Wakati mtambo wako unaiona dunia kama imeanza miaka 2013 iliyopita. Wahyi kwenye Qur'an ina historia kabla hata binadamu yoyote hajaumbwa.Binadamu wa mwanzo ni Adam (A.S) ambaye ni baba yetu sote pamoja na Yesu (A.S).Yeye alikuwa ni muislamu sasa utawezaje kukanusha kwa kutumia historia yako ya kimishionari?.Kama unaweza usikumbushe kwamba wasomaji walikuelewa bali rudia maelezo kama mimi hapa nilivyofafanua suali langu kwako?.
 
[h=2] Ukiangalia hapo utaona kuwa sababu kubwa za kuachana na utumwa ilikuwa ni matatizo ya kiuchumi kutokana na kubadilika mfumo wa uzalishaji.Pamoja na hivyo upinzani wa watumwa wenyewe ndio uliomaliza utumwa kikweli kweli kwani pamoja na juhudi zote kulikuwa na ujanja wa kuendeleza utumwa kichinichini.
Waiengereza na wakristo ndio waliokuwa wafanya biashara halisi ya utumwa.Hivyo matatizo na hatimae juhudi za kuumaliza lazima vianzie kwao.Habari hizi huwezi kukutana nazo katika nchi za kiislamu.
 

Jasusi,
Mie si mtu wa ubishi lakini vipi wakili wa Ali Migeyo anakosea hata kuliandika jina la
mteja wake?

Kisha anasema Ali Migeyo hakuwa mwanasiasa wa maana.

Niko kwenye tab Insha Allah nikirudi kwenye lap top
nitakuwekea taarifa za Ali Migeyo kwa ukamilifu.

Kuhusu credibility hilo halinisumbui hata chembe kwani
najua unyeti wa historia hii.

Kuna watu hawaitaki kwa hiyo toka 1961 walianza kuipiga
vita.

Hao hawanikubali mimi na ushahidi mwepesi uko hapa JF.
Mjadala umetawaliwa na ghadhabu, matusi na kejeli.

Katika hali kama hii nani wa kutafuta credibility?
 
Utumwa hauishii ktk enzi hizo tu! hata leo Waislamu wa TZ kudhulumiwa haki yao ya msingi ya kupata elimu ni Utumwa!
Kadogoo, jaribu kuwa mkweli katika nafsi yako na taifa lako la Tanzania, tuambie watanzania wenzako ni shule gani ya serikali kuanzia msingi na kuendelea iliyowahi kumkataa mwanafunzi kwa sababu ya dini yake ya kiislam?
 
Haya ndio maneno yanayoandikwa na msomi wa madrasa aliyebobea, ukimwita mpuuzi atakuja na makalele ati katukanwa!

Gwalihenzi si ubaki tu kama msomaji au unatafuta umaarufu uonekane mtu wa maana kumbe wewe dhaifu kama nyumba ya buibui kwasababu katika dunia hii nyumba dhaifu kuliko zote ni nyumba ya buibui au kwa kithungu (spider) wewe ni sawa na bui bui kama unabisha soma hapa chini
Sahih International
The example of those who take allies other than Allah is like that of the spider who takes a home. And indeed, the weakest of homes is the home of the spider, if they only knew.
 
Mzee Said,
Kwa vile unataka feedback kuhusu maandishi yako, nitajitahidi kukueleza kiasi changu. Sijui kama nitaweza. Navyojua, hadithi yako ililenga kumuenzi Sykes. Wewe ulitakiwa um-focus yeye bila kulalamika au kusuta wakina Nyerere kwa niaba yake. Mfano mzuri ni hii simulizi ya Mwapachu niliyoitoa Vijana Platform.


The Life and Times of Hamza Mwapachu

On September 18, 2012, in English, Print, by Joji
....



By Amb. Juma Mwapachu

50 years ago, on 17th September, 1962, Hamza Kibwana Bakari Mwapachu, father to Harith Bakari Mwapachu, Rahma Mark Bomani, Juma Volter Mwapachu, Wendo Mtega Mwapachu, Tunu Mwapachu and Jabe Jabir Mwapachu died in Dar-es-Salaam at the early age of 49. He was at the time a Principal Assistant Secretary in the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Born in Tanga, the late Hamza attended primary and secondary schools in Tanga. On completing standard 10, at that time the highest secondary school education standard in Tanganyika, he pursued medical studies at the Sewa Haji Hospital Medical School in Dar-es-Salaam qualifying in 1935 as a Medical Assistant. In 1937, he was posted as a Tutor to the Mwanza Medical School which trained medical support staff. In Mwanza, Hamza met Juliana Volter whom he married in 1938.

An ambitious Hamza succeeded to be admitted at Makerere College, Uganda in 1943 to pursue a Diploma in Medicine. Makerere had not started offering degrees of any kind at that time. As history would have it, Hamza and Julius Kambarage Nyerere joined Makerere at the same time beginning a journey of a very close friendship and political relationship despite a nine years age difference between them. At Makerere, the two befriended Andrew Tibandebage, a fellow education student to Nyerere who was a year senior at the College and the trio established a politically charged Tanganyika Welfare Students Organisation in late 1943. They applied for recognition as an affiliate of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA), but received no response from its head office in Dar-es-Salaam.

On completion of their studies in 1945, both Hamza Mwapachu and Julius Nyerere found themselves in Tabora; Hamza at the Government Hospital and Nyerere at St. Mary's Secondary School where Tibandebage was already a teacher. The trio joined the TAA Branch in Tabora and in 1946 took over its reins with Hamza as President, Nyerere as Secretary and Tibandebage as Treasurer.

At that stage, Hamza had increasingly found his medical profession lacking in the intellectual depth needed to understand the complex dynamics of politics and constitutionalism for an informed attack against colonialism. Thus in 1947 he quit medical practice and joined the University College of South Wales at Cardiff to read a Diploma in Social Work. Whilst in the UK, Hamza was attracted to the Post Second World War Labour Party politics and socialism. He joined the Fabian Society then known as Fabian Colonial Bureau and established a network of close friends who, until he died, were frequent suppliers of books and reading materials to Hamza.

Back in Tanganyika in March 1949, Hamza was posted as Assistant Welfare Officer at Ilala District Office in Dar-es-Salaam. Late Rashid Mfaume Kawawa who completed Standard twelve at Tabora in 1948 worked with Hamza as a Welfare Clerk. Steeped in knowledge of law, constitutionalism and politics and immediately re-linking with his friend Nyerere in Tabora who was by then President of the Tabora TAA Branch but also preparing to leave for Edinburgh to pursue a degree course later that year, Hamza became the intellectual voice and conscience in TAA politics in Dar-es-Salaam.

Joining hands with Abdulwahid Kleist Sykes, a man who became like a blood brother to Hamza, they constituted an Action Group to transform the TAA from a welfarist organization into a political one. They inducted into their group Dr Lucian Tsere, Dr Vedast Kyaruzi, Stephen Mhando and Paul Rupia. Early in 1950, Abdul and Hamza dual-handedly stormed into the TAA Headquarters in Dar-es-Salaam and using fists and flying chairs engineered a leadership coup. They installed Dr Tsere as interim President of TAA. However, following Dr Tsere's transfer to Tanga, TAA held proper elections. Dr Vedast Kyaruzi was elected President, Abdulwahid Sykes became Secretary General, John Rupia was Treasurer, Hamza was elected Secretary for Economics and Stephen Mhando became Secretary of Education.

The new TAA leadership proceeded to review the TAA constitution in mid 1950 giving the institution a tinge of a political party. The first major political act of that leadership was to prepare a Memorandum submitted to the first United Nations Mandated Trust Territory Mission to Tanganyika at the end of 1950 which demanded a clear road map towards Tanganyika's independence. The Memorandum was a collective document of the leadership of TAA but its principal author was Hamza Mwapachu.

Following the submission of the Memorandum, Governor Edward Twining isolated two individuals for the wrath of the colonial state. Dy Kyaruzi was transferred from Dar-es-Salaam Sewa Haji Hospital, then a national hospital, to Kingolwira Prison Health Centre in Morogoro to treat prisoners. Hamza Mwapachu was "exiled" to Ukerewe Island in the heart of Lake Victoria! Dr Kyaruzi has described his posting as "imprisonment in disguise."

Hamza, on the other hand, saw his posting as yet another opportunity to get close to where he always believed to be the nerve centre of Tanganyikan nationalist politics-the Lake Victoria Zone. For example, writing to Nyerere in Edinburgh in late 1951, Hamza noted his pleasure at discovering a brilliant young Paul Bomani in Mwanza who would be an important "asset in our struggle". Moreover, Hamza's house in Ukerewe became a bee hive of political visits throughout the years 1952-1954 which included discussions about Nyerere taking over the leadership of TAA in 1953 and the formation of TANU. It was in this light that the colonial government refused him the permission to travel from Ukerewe to attend the meeting in Dar-es-Salaam that launched TANU on 7th July, 1954! But to all intents and purposes, Hamza was a founder of TANU; in absentia.

Ostensibly promoting him to Assistant District Officer, a position well below his Tanganyikan juniors, Hamza was in early 1955 posted from Ukerewe to Tukuyu, Rungwe District, again a remote part of Tanganyika, far away from the nerve centres of nationalist politics. However, in Tukuyu he linked up with Yatuta Chisiza, then a Police Inspector, and the politics of Malawian independence fired the spirits of the two freedom fighters. Chisiza was later transferred to Iringa and young Juma Mwapachu used to stay with him as he travelled from boarding school in Tukuyu to Morogoro in 1957. Chisiza was independent Malawi's first Minister of Home Affairs. He was killed whilst attempting to overthrow a corrupt and Apartheid South African surrogate regime of Kamuzu Banda.

With the advent of Responsible Government in 1958, Hamza was transferred from the Local Government School, Mzumbe, Morogoro where he had become a close friend of Khalfan Mrisho Kikwete, President Jakaya Kikwete's father as well as of Cecil Kallaghe, later an Ambassador, to Dar-es-Salaam to become Nyerere's first Personal Assistant as Chief Minister. What goes round comes round! Nyerere wanted his friend and confidant to be his principal advisor on the eve to Tanganyika's independence.

Then tragedy struck. Hamza began to develop a serious heart ailment in mid 1960. Hamza had been a chain smoker all his life. So indeed was Nyerere till Hamza died! Nyerere did all he could to save his friend. Hamza was sent to the best hospital in the world, Hammersmith Post Graduate Hospital in London where he underwent heart surgery. However, by September 1962, the weak heart could no longer withstand the continued work pressure and Hamza's ardent commitment to the service of his newly independent country. Hamza passed away at Princess Margaret Hospital, now Muhimbili National Hospital, on 17th September, 1962.

Writing to Mrs Juliana Mwapachu on 28th September 1962, a week after Hamza's death, the Permanent Secretary to the Prime Minister, Mr Dunstan A. Omari could only state:


"I have known Hamza as my personal friend for many years and I can say that I could not have wished for a more charming and co -operative colleague. His death is a loss that Tanganyika call ill afford."

May Almighty God continue to rest his soul in eternal peace. Amin.

Inna lillahi wa inna ilayhi rajiun.

(2:156)


Sina tatizo na "chronology" ya simulizi zote (yako ikiwamo). Suala ni Mtazamo. Utagundua mtindo huu ni karibu sana na ule wa yule bwana aliyetusimulia maisha ya TAA, TANU, Migeyo nk, yaani yule mzungu. Ni nadra sana ukajenga sifa ya unayemsimulia kwa kulaumu wale alioishi nao wakati wake kwa vile utakuwa umeshachagua upande hasi na chanya na ndio walichofanya hawa. Mimi kwa maoni yangu bado unaweza kuwa na historia nzuri sana ya juhudi za kina Sykes, Tewa, Takadir, Bomani nk bila "orientation" ya Nyerere nyumbani kwa Sykes na wenzie. Sijui kama nimekujibu.
 
Boko, mbona unateseka sana kutaka kunisilimisha? nakwambia hivi, mungu wako hana maana yeyote kwangu! unaweza ukanifananisha na chochote unachotaka lakini ukweli unabakia palepale kwamba wewe na zee lako Mohamed Said mnaitumia vibaya dini yenu kwa manufaa yenu binafsi bila kujali maafa ambayo mmeanza kuyasababisha katika nchi yetu. Uislam wako wewe na Mohamed Said sio wa mungu wawaislam wa kweli ila wa mitumbo yenu yenye tamaa!
 
Asante mkuu kwa makala hii.
 
Wickama.

Hilo ni moja ya mapungufu ya ngano za Mohamed Said,

Binafsi sina tatizo na simulizi zake, lakini pale anapogeuka msemaji wa akina Sykes na kuwachokonoa wanaukombozi wenzake ni jambo linalo tukera wengi,


Katika simulizi zote nilizowahi kusoma ama kusimuliwa sijawahi kuona ama kusikia kuwa Abdul Sykes akimshutumu ama kumlalamikia Mwalimu Nyerere kwa lolote juu enzi za harakati zao mpaka utawala kamili.

Vivyo hivyo Mwalimu hajawahi kusema ana ugimvi na Sykes uwe wa kidini ama kisiasa.

Sasa Mohamed anapata wapi kumsemea Sykes na wanaukombozi wengine hasa akimdhihaki Julius Nyerere?
 
Hili tope la sensa serikali yenyewe ya mfumokristo imeamua kuwavimbia tu kila mtu aliyejadili bila kutaka kulitafutia ufumbuzi.Mara Ponda.....mara Radio Imaan................aibu tupu kwa utawala wa kidemokrasia.
Hivyo Nyambala na Nguruvi hawawezi kubadili kitu.Wenye uwezo wa kujibu wakipenda ni serikali baada ya sensa.
Jedwali inaonesha 44.2% mwaka 1957 ya watanganyika walikuwa ni mapagani lakini baina ya (65-90)% ya makabila ya wamakonde,wazigua,wazaramo,warangi na makabila mengine ya pwani walikuwa ni waislamu.Lakini wakristo wakatoliki walipatikana zaidi kwa wachaga na waprotestant kwa wabena.Yametajwa makabila hayo tu.
Hapa tunazungumzia uwezekano tu hivyo kila mmoja wetu ana haki ya kuchambua huo uwezekano.Wewe umeona uwezekano uliopandisha idadi ya wakristo mpaka pengine serikali na makanisa wajiamini kutangaza kwenye magazeti na televisheni ni kwamba wapagani 44.2% walibadilika kuwa wakristo.Hili haliwezekani kutokea kwa 100%.
Lakini tukirudi leo kwenye makabila hayo hayo yaliyokuwa na (65-90) % mwaka huo bado tunaona wengi wao ni waislamu.Tukichukulia ukweli wa ndoa na kuzaana kwa familia za kiislamu uwezekano ni kuwa asilimia hizo zimeongezeka sana kushinda uwezekano wa mapagani kuingia ukristo.
Kwa ujumla ni kuwa idadi ya waislamu bado iko juu na kukataa serikali kuingiza kipengele cha dini kwenye sensa kwa shinikizo la makanisa ni kukwepa ukweli wa idadi ya waislamu Tanzania.
Bila sensa nyengine ya kuangalia dini za watanganyika hoja na jedwali ya sensa ya 1957/1967 si chochote si lolote kutetea uchache wa waislamu kwenye nafasi za masomo ya sekondari na vyuo kama ilivyomshinda Nguruvi.
 
Kadogoo,

..sasa mawaziri wa elimu ni Dr.Shukuru Kawambwa na Dr.Ali Juma Shamhuna.

..je, unawatuhumu mawaziri hao Waislamu kuwatumbikiza Waislamu wenzao Utumwani??

..tunajadili mambo ya msingi hapa halafu unaleta masihara.

Hakuna cha masihara hapa pamezungumzwa utumwa na mpaka leo upo ila ni kwa staili tofauti! angalia hapa:Torture of American soldiers on Muslims.......Shocking images - YouTube !!! kama huu si zaidi ya utumwa ninini? Bla bla za Kudai oo Muislamu ndio waziri, oo Rais ndio Muislamu haisafishi utumwa ulioko ndani na nje ya nchi!
 
Jasusi,
Niwe credible kwa nani?
Na kwanini uwe "credible" wakati kwenye mihadhara watu hawajali unasema kweli au unadanganya! wewe ukiangusha "takidri" wao watajibu kwa hamasa " Allah ..." Naona Jasusi anataka kukuchosha tu hana mpya! achana naye!
 
Ritz, hao wazee wakiswahili wa Kariakoo ndio watu gani tena?
 
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