Uchochezi wa Mohamed Said na dhihaka kwa Wapigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Muheshimiwa Mwanakijiji,
Nashukuru sana kwa kunikaribisha. Nimekufahamu kiduchu kwenye maelekezo yako ulonipa.
Napata fadhaa kidogo unapoanza kwa kunishuku Udini,lakini haina neno maana nahisi ndio mambo ya kwenye hii thread/JF.
Nilipoingia tu humu,kuna wale nao walonishuku hasa kutokana na ile bayana yangu ya mwanzo nilomwandikia Mohammed Said . Labda na wao walipata elements fulani za Udini kwenye maandiko yangu(wala silaumu saana,si unajua sisi watu wa Madrasa soote tunashabihiana kama ma-Chinese!). Kuna wengine pia wakahisi labda Mohammed Said anafanya exit strategy kwa kutumia multiple IDs! Once someone harbours that kind of childish thoughts, easily inclined to prejudice and bigotry,which more likely resulting to an infectious mindset.

Udini haujifichi; hisia ya ubora wa mtu na dini yake unakuwa wazi kama jua la asubuhi hata likifunikwa na mawingu.

Nahisi na wewe Bwana Mwanakijiji labda una dasturi ile ile mnayosema kila mara dhidi ya Mohammed Said,ati kwamba anafanya saana conclusions zenye kuangukia kwenye Udini!? Kuna pahala umetaja na kujinasibu u-Tanga wako na kuwa umelelewa na kukulia pale. Mbona leo ustaarabu na dasturi zako unataka kuziharibu ukubwani,si utawaangusha wana-Mjesani wenzio hivyo!?

Ustaarabu na desturi sikufundishwa na watu wa Tanga; nimefundishwa na familia yangu ambayo kwa asili inatoka bara. Tanga ni nimeongezea tu mambo ya elimu na mahusiano ya watu wengine lakini credit ya ustaarabu na desturi inawaendea watu wa bara. Of course, Tanga kwa kiasi kikubwa pana nafasi ya pekee moyoni mwangu.

Most peace loving,clear minded and impartial people,kama watayaona maandiko yangu machache humu na hasa ile bayana yangu ya mwanzo kwa Mohammed Said,basi nina hakika watanipa japo benefit of doubt kama si kukubaliana na mengi nilosema.

Kwa kweli baadhi yetu tulikupa benefit of the doubt and some of us still do. Unajitahidi kuwa balanced lakini mizani yako kama inavyojionesha hapa chini imeelemea upande fulani.

Pale uliposema ati unajua "damu nzito kuliko maji" na kunishuku kuwa sababu zangu za kumkubali Mohammed Said ni kwa sababu ya Udini,hasha! Tatizo hili la fikara za Udini na kugawanya watu baina ya wao na sisi,kila siku mnamlaumu Mohammed Said kumbe na wewe pia unalo!? Infact, I'm little bit saddened with your choice of some words describing my thoughts. I think it is bordering question my analytical skills.

As a matter of fact I do! I'm questioning not just your analytical skills but the lack of intellectual vigor of understanding the nature of Mohammed Said's argument against Nyerere, Christians and the Church in Tanzania. It seems for whatever reason you do not want to accept the fact (easily seen) that Mohammed Said's 'pseudo-history' is fundamentally based on his religious context. He has approached the whole subject with a mentality of "us versus them' where by the "us" are the Muslims and "them" the Christians. Kama hujaelewa hili na unakubali tu kuwa Mohammed Said ameandika kazi ya historia kwa sababu anataka kujazia pale palipopungua basi you very analytical skills need to be questioned and if or when necessary discredited.

Ni muhimu pia utambue,mimi sipo hapa kwa malumbano wala Udini. Nimesha-declare tangia kwenye ile bayana yangu ya mwanzo nilomwandikia Mohammed Said. Mintaarafu yangu ilikua kumshauri na kumsihi aachane na thread hii na afungue nyingine ili kuendelea na mafundisho yake ya Historia. Maana nilishaona muafaka hapa aidha ni mdogo saana au hautakuwepo kabisa,matokeo yake kuna mengi yanasemwa na kashfa kutawala kwa watu kadhaa na Imani zeetu! Mimi binafsi bila ya kuficha kuna mengi nataka kuendelea kujifunza na kujua kutoka kwa Mohammed Said, na ndo maana nikamwomba afungue thread/baraza nyingine ili kwa sisi tunaomkubali na kumtaka iwe wepesi kumsoma na kujadiliana kwa undani nae.

Naam!

Hivyo vipengele ulivyoninyambulia na kuonyesha kwa madaha udhaifu wa hoja za Mohammed Said ,wala haina haja ndugu yangu. Maana nishaiona hiyo athari ya huo mzunguko na kurembeana kusokwisha baina yenu na Mohammed Said.

Wewe ndiye uliyedai kuwa tunabishana juu ya maoni; hoja yangu ni kuwa hatubishanii maoni tunabishania facts; historical fact for that matter. Wewe kutokuelewa hilo na hata kukwepa kuangalia mifano niliyotoa (japo michache) kunaonesha tu you - like some of Mohammed's supporters - are not interested in facts but mere opinions on what has been claimed to be factual.

Mwanakijiji, naona umetajwa mara kadhaa humu kuwa wewe ni mwandishi na mtaalamu mahiri,sasa sijui hizo ethics zenu za uandishi zinakua wapi pale unapoweka allegations/accusations nzito nzito kwa mwandishi/mtaalmu mwenzio,ati kisa mmekhitilafiana kwenye fani yenu au hukubaliani na hoja au maandiko yake fulani!? Si rahisi kama utakavyo kuwa kila atakaeingia humu hata bila ya Udini amkatae Mohammed Said kama unavyotamani. Na asipofanza hivyo inakuwa katweka maarifa,hana mantiki,haangalii mambo kwa utaalamu wa kisayansi n.k Hypotheticaly speaking,tujaalie waTanzania woote tuwe upande mmoja,halafu Mohammed Said awe yeye peke yake,sasa hiyo democracy ya kujadili mambo na kumkosoa kwa kina itatokea wapi!? Hapa unanikumbukusha ile myth ya WWII.

"Myth of WWII" ... oh yeah? nitaiacha lakini inaelezea tu unasimamia wapi.. Lakini upande mwingine ni kuwa I don't consider Mohammed Said mwandishi wa historia; yeye ni msimulizi tu wa vitu ambavyo anatumia historia kuvipamba. Unapozungumzia 'ethics" siyo tu ethics za uandishi bali kuna ethics zinazosimamia uandishi wa historia. Mohammed Said ameshindwa kufuata kanuni na misingi ya uandishi wa kihistoria. Hata nikiamua kumkosoa yaani anaweza kukosolewa kwa pande zote mbili - on the substance of his works and on the methodology of his so called historical research.

Pia nimesoma pahala unajinasibu kuwa wewe ni mtoto wa Mchungaji wa Kanisa

Hapana ulinisoma vibaya; ni mjukuu wa Mchungaji...

na pia ilikua moja ya shughuli zako ni kushindana kwenye ile mihadhara ya malumbano ya kidini pale viwanja vya Jangwani na kina Mwaipopo.

Hapana kushiriki malumbano haikuwa mojawapo ya 'shughuli' zangu na wala haihusiani na mimi kuwa mjukuu wa Mchungaji. Nilikuwa nafanya kama hobby tu ya kukosoa watu wanaotoa hoja vibaya na wakaaminiwa. Ninachofanya leo ni mwendelezo wa kile kile nilichokifanya miaka karibu thelathini nyuma.

Na unadai pia hawakufua dafu juu ya umahiri wako wa malumbano.
Ama kwa hakika niliathirika kidogo nilipoona jambo lako hili,I must admit that my sense of judgement has been coloured since!

Pole sana ndugu yangu kwa kuathirika lakini nitakusaidia. Kinyume na watu wengine ambao wanashiriki malumbano ya kidini mimi sikushikiri kwa maana ya kubishania mistari ya Biblia na Qurani; au ya kushindana ni nani "nabii yule" au kama Mtume Mohammed alitabiriwa katika Biblia. Hayo ningeweza lakini kushiriki kwangu kulikuwa kwenye kukosoa ujengajo hoja wa watu kwa sababu ukishajenga hoja vibaya utafikia hitimisho baya. Hivyo nilichofanikiwa kufanya sana wakati ule ni kuwafanya watu waangalia wanavyojenga hoja na kuonesha makosa ya hoja zao na hivyo wao wenyewe kuweza kuona makosa ya mahitimisho waliyofikia.

Ama kwa hakika mimi ndio natakiwa niwe na shaka ya Udini juu yako na labda pia motives zako kwenye thread hii,not the other way round!
Mimi binafsi nilikua nikichukia saana yale mambo ya mabishano ya kidini,maana nilishajua athari na matokeo yake. Kumbe wewe Mwanakijiji ndio ulikuwa mmojawapo wa vinara pale!? Halafu jinsi unavyomlaumu kila mara kina Njozi,Dau,Mohammed Said na WARSHA ni kama vile wewe ni malaika,au kwa sababu umeshaacha na kujirekebisha!Tuacheni utoto jamani!

Ni matumaini yangu nimeshasahihisha hapo juu; sehemu ambazo nimejaribu kujadiliana na watu kuhusu substance za tofauti za kidini nimefanya hivyo chini ya kanuni kabisa za mijadala ya namna hiyo siyo yale ya Jangwani.

Ndugu yangu pia mmenisikitisha saana kumwacha Gwalihenzi bila hata ya kumuasa, ajifiche nyuma ya pazia la ati kujifanya hana dini/Atheist,na kutukana Uislamu/Waislamu humu pita kiasi mpaka nalipatwa na homa! Halafu mnadai ati manakumbuka saana mapenzi yalokuwapo zamani baina yetu na kuwa Mohammed Said ndio mbaya na mchochezi!? Hivi nyinyi nyoote mmeshindwa hata kumuonyesha RED au kumsihi kwa yale matamshi yake(nakumbuka mimi nilionyeshwa RED na ndugu yangu JokaKuu pahala fulani,japo mimi bado ni mgeni saana humu)!? Maskini mkamwacha Kadogoo peke yake amsihi na ndo pale Gwalihenzi alizidi kibri,je tunaelekea wapi huko waTanzania!?

Hili ni ukosoaji ulio sahihi kabisa; lakini utaniona pia sijakemea watu wanaowasema Wakristu vibaya au Ukristu vibaya au hata kuniita mimi mwenyewe majina mabaya kwa sababu ya tofauti. JIulize kwanini? Kwa sababu naamini tunazungumza na watu wazima kama watu wazima hawajui wenyewe kuchagua maneno ya kiubngwana kujadiliana na hawajui wenywee kubadilishana mawazo kama ndugu mimi nitajivika ukuu wa kuanza kukosoa watu wazima wengine. Hata kwenye siasa utaona malumbano ya watu binafsi siyaingilii kabisa kwa sababu le ile. Mtu mzima akija na kukuuambia utumia lugha nzuri au utumie uungwana manake ni kuwa anakuona uko chini yake ndio maana anakusahihisha. Haya miye nafanya kwa watoto wangu au wadogo zangu; watu wazima watajuana wenyewe vinginevyo tutaanza kutakana nani amkemee nani kama watoto wadogo wakicheza chandimu.

Kwa wengi humu mnaompinga Mohammed Said japo kwa dhamira njema,lakini huwa manapoteza credibility zenu pale mnapomsakama pita kiasi na hasa kwenye vijimakosa viduchu mno,kama vile minor typographical errors,halafu ndo watu kadhaa kushikilia ki-point hicho hicho na kufanya mdahala na darsa nzima kwenda out of context. Naona hii ndo inazidisha tafrani kwenye nyoyo za wengine na kuhisi labda kuna hiden agenda/propaganda ya kutaka kumnyamazisha Mohammed Said na ndipo wengi saana wanataka kumsoma zaidi and in particular Muslims!?

Sasa hapa Gombesugu unatudharau; hatubishani na makosa ya herufi; kusema Nyerere aliingia siasa mwaka 1952 wakati historia inaonesha kuwa alishaingia siasa miaka mingi nyuma siyo suala la herufi; tafadhali ndugu yangu.

Mwanakijiji; kama ni kweli kwa shutuma na wasiwasi ulotoa dhidi ya Mohammed Said basi kipata fursa na wasaa nijaalie majibu japo kiduchu kwa haya hapa nchi yanayonitatiza:

1. Hivi unahisi kuna mantiki gani ilomfanya Bwana Julius Nyerere ashindwe au asitake asilani kumjibu Mohammed Said kwa maandishi au japo kumkemea kwenye vyombo vya habari kwa miaka yoote ile!? Maana soote tunaaambiwa kuwa Nyerere kwenye ukweli, maslahi ya Taifa,na hasa kuhatarisha amani alikua hana ngoja ngoja!?
2. Wengi wenu humu mmeonyesha umahiri na sifa kadhaa za Nyerere,na ukali wake,uadilfu na mengineyo mengi nami sina shaka nakubali ni kweli kabisa. Zaidi ya yoote tunaambiwa kuwa Nyerere aliipenda saana nchi na watu wake. Sasa inakuwaje huyo huyo Nyerere alijua fika kuwa Mohammed Said kaandika uzushi,Udini,kashfa,fitna na kumdhalilisha kihistoria yeye binafsi na family yake, na huenda pakawa na zogo au "janga" kwenye nchi kwa kitabu au habari hizo. Halafu yeye Nyerere akaamua kunyamaza tu!? Sasa hamuoni nyinyi ndo mmnavunjia hishma Nyerere kwa sababu mnaonyesha kuwa alikuwa ni mtu irresponsible na dhaifu na hakujali amani ya nchi!?
3. Mbona Nyerere mara kadhaa aliweza kuwafokea Lowasa,Mwinyi na Malecela tena hadharani,ndio alishindwa "kumshughulikia" Mohammed Said!?
4. Tunajua saana kuwa Nyerere hata alipostaafu lakini bado alikuwa anakubalika na wananchi wengi na pia alikuwa na inffluence kubwa saana kwa marais walomfuatia Mwinyi na Mkapa. Basi alishindwa hata kuwashauri hata wao kuondoa hilo "janga la kihistoria" toka kwa Mohammed Said. Maana mmetaja hapa kuwa WARSHA "ilishughulikiwa" kilivyo na wengine kupata deportation.

Kweli Nyerere angemjibu Mohammed Said; Nyerere kasomea HIstoria na Falsafa; maandishi ya Mohammed Said hayakufuata kanuni zinazokubaliwa za uandishi wa historia na zimevunja vunja kanuni za logic; sasa Nyerere angemjibu kwa kuanzia wapi? Angempa heshima asiyostahili.

Lakini jiulize pia kuwa kwanini Mohammed Said hakumfuata Nyerere na kumhoji? Mohammed Said alifanya juhudi kubwa kweli kupata taarifa za Abdulwahid Sykes; lakini hakufanya hata juhudi moja ya kuwafuata watuw a karibu wa Nyerere. Hakumfuata Nyerere alipokuwa hai, hakumfuata Kawawa alipokuwa hai, hakumfuata Kambona aliyekuwa hai, hakumfuata Fundikira, hakumfuata mama Maria Nyerere ambaye bado yuko hai; wala hajajaribu kuwafuata watoto wa Nyerere. Kweli Nyerere angemjibu?

Lakini hujajiuliza mbona serikali imedaiwa mengi sana; umesoma maandishi yake kuhusu kile alichokiita "Christian Hegemony and the Rise of Islamic Militancy"? Umeona Serikali imemjibu? Amedai mengi kuhusu BAKWATA umeona BAKWATA wamemjibu? Amedai mengi sana kuhusu Kanisa umeona Kanisa limemjibu? Hata Prof. Njozi alidai mengi sana kwenye kitabu cha Mwembe chai madai ambayo ni more substantial kuliko ya Mohammed Said, CCM walisimama kumjibu? Kwanini hawa wote hawajibu? Hujajiuliza kwanini?

1. Mwanakijiji,kuna wakati na kwa sababu uzijuazo wewe binafsi ulikua unahaha kutaka kuandika kitabu kuhusu Rostam Azizi(japo sina hakika kuhusu nini,au ilikua ni biography tu!?). Na ulikua unatafuta watu wowote walokua ati wanamjua kwa njia na nyakati tafauti(shule,Univ. au kikazi) na uliombawakutafute kwa haraka,na uliacha mpaka contact details zako!

Kwani Rostam Aziz sasa ni Mbunge tena au ana nafasi yoyote ya kisiasa? Au unafikiria aliamua kuachilia tu kwa sababu ya uzuri wa mapenzi yake kwa Tanzania?

6. Pia unadai ulikua unawafuatilia habari zao kwa makini kina Dau,Njozi,Mohammed Said na WARSHA na ulishajua athari zao kwa Taifa hili kipindi kirefu. Sasa mbona miaka yoote hiyo umekua kimya na hukumjibu kimaandishi/kitaalamu huyu Mohammed Said. Hivi kweli inaingia akilini,ati uwe na muda wa kuandika kitabu/habari za Rostam Aziz na uache kufanya uzalendo ili kepusha maafa/janga kwenye nchi yako kwa kumvunja kimaandishi "mchochezi" Mohammed Said!? Na mpaka sasa hivi bado unadai uko busy huwezi kumjibu,wakati unajua kuwa uandishi wako na utafiti ni muhimu zaidi kwa hivi sasa kutuepusha na hilo "janga" la Mohammed Said!?

Swali zuri; bado sijaamua kama na mimi nimpe heshima ya kujibu histohisia yake au inatosha tu kujibu hapa hapa. NIkiamua kumjibu nitamjibu na kuvunja vunja hoja zake zote kwa urahisi tu kwani siyo hoja nzito kivile.

1. Kama kuna watu/kikundi hawakubaliani na maandiko ya Mohammed Said,kwanini isitumike Judicial System halafu mahakama ndo isikilize pande zoote kwa undani na kufanza maamuzi yake!?
2. Kama kuna cross section of our society,inahisi kuonewa au kufaniwa dhuluma,na kila kukicha wanatoa malalamiko ambayo wanahisi ati ni ya msingi na ya kitambo na kuwa Serikali haiyashughulikii,sasa kuna ubaya gani wapewe nafasi ya kusikilizwa!? Na wewe unapodai kuwa ati hakuna tatizo kabisa,na wakati walalamikaji au wanaodai kuumia ni wengine!? Je hapa unatumia mantiki gani Mwandani wangu!? Je utajuaje kunguni wa kitanda usichokilala!?

Lakini swali hilo hilo ungeliuliza kwa upande mwingine; kwani yeye anayetoa madai asingefuata njia ya judicial sytem kuleta madai yake. Sababu ni kuwa ushahidi wake hauwezi kusimama mahakamani; hakuna mtu katika mahakama anayeweza kuyachukua madai ya Mohammed Said kama ushahidi wa dhulma vinginevyo wangeshafungua kesi.

Lakini kama kweli ipo cross section ya watu wanaoamini wanadhulumiwa kwanini wasiende mahakamani wao kudai haki yao? Kama kuna ushahidi mzito (kama wadogo zetu kina Ami na Ritz wanaamini) kwanini wasifungue kesi mahakamani na walete ushahidi huo na upimwe kwa kipimo cha mahakama?

Kwa ufupi, Bwana Mwanakijiji kama kweli kama unavyodai kuwa kuna janga kubwa ndani ya maandiko ya Mohammed Said,basi wa kulaumiwa ni wewe Mwanakijiji na Nyerere kwa kushindwa kumjibu kitaaluma tangia wakati huo! Japo inanilazim nimsamehe Bwana Nyerere maana yeye kishatangulia mbele ya haki.
Hebu fikiria ule muda ulopoteza pale viwanja vya Jangwani wakati huo kwenda kushindana na kina Mwaipopo kwenye malumbano ya kidini,na kama ungeutumia kufanya utafiti wa kina na kuandika kitabu cha "kumshushua" Mohammed Said kitaalamu,unafikiri leo yangefikia haya kweli!?


Ahsanta kwa kukubali kuelimishana.

CC;Ami,The Big Show,Kadogoo,Ritz,Sheikh Mohammed Said,Barubaru,Boko Haramu,Jokakuu,Nyambala

Ps:Nguruvi,Mag3
Naona Wataalamu mmenivamia kama nyuki,lakini haina neno najua tuko pamoja na tunaipenda nchi yetu!ahaha!!
Naheshimu sana michango yenu humu!

Yaani wa kulaumiwa sisi? yaani badala ya kumlaumu mchochezi unataka walaumiwe wale wanaompinga au wanaosema kinachofanywa ni uchochezi? Kweli hii ndiyo analytical skills ambayo hutaki ihojiwe? lahaullah!

 

[Wickama]

Mr Sinto Fahamu I urge you address yourself to thread # 12023. That thread is based on a factual, researched and published scholarly article, infact it does not attack mr Said in any way. The article shows that in this country the birth place of TANU and its initiaters are different from what Mr Said ourselves, our fathers and our children have known for a longtime!!! The question posed at the end of that thread is simple, if you are developing a curricula for countrywide schools in history, what is the common ground? No one is under attack here and you dont write books for such answers!!!!

 

[Nguruvi3]

Kweli Nyerere angemjibu Mohammed Said; Nyerere kasomea HIstoria na Falsafa; maandishi ya Mohammed Said hayakufuata kanuni zinazokubaliwa za uandishi wa historia na zimevunja vunja kanuni za logic; sasa Nyerere angemjibu kwa kuanzia wapi? Angempa heshima asiyostahili.

Lakini jiulize pia kuwa kwanini Mohammed Said hakumfuata Nyerere na kumhoji? Mohammed Said alifanya juhudi kubwa kweli kupata taarifa za Abdulwahid Sykes; lakini hakufanya hata juhudi moja ya kuwafuata watuw a karibu wa Nyerere. Hakumfuata Nyerere alipokuwa hai, hakumfuata Kawawa alipokuwa hai, hakumfuata Kambona aliyekuwa hai, hakumfuata Fundikira, hakumfuata mama Maria Nyerere ambaye bado yuko hai; wala hajajaribu kuwafuata watoto wa Nyerere. Kweli Nyerere angemjibu?

Lakini hujajiuliza mbona serikali imedaiwa mengi sana; umesoma maandishi yake kuhusu kile alichokiita "Christian Hegemony and the Rise of Islamic Militancy"? Umeona Serikali imemjibu? Amedai mengi kuhusu BAKWATA umeona BAKWATA wamemjibu? Amedai mengi sana kuhusu Kanisa umeona Kanisa limemjibu? Hata Prof. Njozi alidai mengi sana kwenye kitabu cha Mwembe chai madai ambayo ni more substantial kuliko ya Mohammed Said, CCM walisimama kumjibu? Kwanini hawa wote hawajibu? Hujajiuliza kwanini?

Fundikira alirudi kutoka Uingereza na kila tuhuma, Nyerere hakujibu. Kasanga Tumbo kaja Dar, Nyerere hakumjibu. Kambona karudi tena na madai Jangwani kuhusu kuficha fedha, Nyerere hakumjibu. Haroub Othman kamuuliza, Nyerere hakujibu.Imeandikwa kuwa yeye alimuua Karume, Nyerere hakujibu.

Leo tunaambiwa eti kwanini hajamjibu Mohamed S.A.M.S.
MM, Butiku yupo ambaye alikuwa katibu wake na Nduguye, hajatafutwa kutoa maoni yake.
Mama Maria na wanae wapo, hawajkatafutwa kueleza upande mwingine
Dr Kyaruzi amefariki mwaka jana, hakuwahi kuchukuliwa maelezo au maoni.

Tunaaminishwa kuwa Nyerere alimuogopa sana Mo! Julius K.N! kweli!!!

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Wickama,
Hiyo makala naijua.

Hicho kibao maarufu kiliwekwa nje ya nyumba ya Mzee Mwinjuma
Mwinyikambi.

Kibao nikikijua ila sijui alikiweka nani.

Swali siyo kuijua makala; swali ni je madai ya makala ambayo yanapingana na madai yako yana ukweli. Makala hiyo inadai kuwa:

According to her, the beginnings of Mwinyijuma's interest in politics began when
the British imposed a head tax, and Mwinyijuma approached his fellow local elite about
the possibility of removing the British. He approached Tambaza, who agreed with him
to plan a political movement. However, on approaching their other elders, many of
whom were employed by the government as minor government officials, they found
that they were reticent about overthrowing the government".

Dai 1: Wazo la kuwang'oa Waingereza kwa jiji la Dar halikutoka kwa Sykes bali kwa Mwinyijumba na Tambaza; je ni kweli?

"…..So Mwinyijuma approached members of the new urban elite in Dar es Salaam, such
as the Sykes brothers, John Rupia, and others who were part of a group of urbanites
who had lived in Dar since the period of German rule.

Kwamba ni Mwinyijuma aliyemfuata Sykes na wengine kuhusiana na suala hili.

She claimed that it was Oscar
Kambona who first introduced Julius Nyerere to Mwinyijuma and Tambaza. They had
agreed that they wanted an educated person to lead the movement, so they asked Oscar
Kambona to become its president. She said that he replied ‘I don't want the presidency.
Let's call my friend.' He then introduced Nyerere to the elders, who made him
president of the movement."

Kinyume na madai yako kuwa Nyerere alihitaji kutambulishwa kwa Sykes ili kuweza kuingia katika siasa za Tanganyika makala hii inadai kuwa ilikuwa ni kutambulishwa kwa mzee Mwinyijuma ndiko kulikompa nafasi ya Nyerere kujulikana zaidi. Inawezekana Nyerere alitambulishwa kwa Mwinyijuma na Mzee Tambaza kabla ya kutambulishwa kwa Sykes? Kama hili ni kweli inawezekana vipi kuwa SYkes ndiye alikuwa anaongoza siasa za wakati huo katika jiji la Dar na ambaye bila ya yeye Nyerere asingeweza kujulikana?

Hili siyosuala la maoni tena ni suala la facts...

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mimi ni mgeni katika JF, lakini kila nikiingia humu naona Mohammed Said anapigwa vita juu ya kitabu chake au publications zake, true scholars would counteract by writiing books by enlisting facts, humu sioni ni firimbi tu, kiandikwe kitabu ambacho kita counter facts zilizoandikwa na Mohammed Saidi, , kama nyinyi ni wasomi toeni academic and historical evidence za ku counter Saidi's writings and we can go even, further lets talk about far and beyond.

Sintofahamu,
Ahsante sana ndugu yangu.

Hawa ndugu zetu hawana cha kuandika katika historia ya TANU.

Ilikuwa jambo dogo tu la kuandika hata kitu kidogo cha kurasa
chache na wala si katika kunijibu mie bali katika kujazia kile kwao
wanaona kimepungua.

Kilichotakiwa ilikuwa historia ya TANU ambayo itakuwa haina watu
kama Abdu Sykes, Sheikh Hassan bin Amir, Sheikh Suleiman Takadir,
haina Tatu bint Mzee, Shariffa Bint Mzee, Halima Selengia nk.

Historia ambayo itasimama kwa Nyerere tu mwaka 1953 alipochaguliwa
kuwa rais wa TAA na isielezwe aliingia vipi katika TAA wala ile mikutano
ya siri nyumbani kwa Abdu Sykes isielezwe wala isisemwe kuwa kulikuwa
na TAA Political Subcommittee 1950 ambayo ilikuwa na mipango ya kuunda
TANU na Nyerere hakuwapo.

Haya kwa uchache ndiyo matatizo ya hawa ndugu zetu.
Sawa.

Basi haya andikeni hiyo historia ambayo nyie mnaona ndiyo ya kweli.
Hadi leo hawajaweza wao wamejipa nafasi ya kuuliza maswali ya kejeli,
kebehi na wakati mwingine matusi.

 

[Mzee Mwanakijiji]

Basi haya andikeni hiyo historia ambayo nyie mnaona ndiyo ya kweli.
Hadi leo hawajaweza wao wamejipa nafasi ya kuuliza maswali ya kejeli,
kebehi na wakati mwingine matusi.

Hilo siyo jibu; sisi tunakukosoa ili uandike historia sawasawa bila bias isiyo ya lazima. Haiwezekani kila mtu anayeuliza maswali aandike kitabu chake! Huo tena siyo usomi. Watu wanapoandika kazi za historia wanapopewa taarifa mpya au wanapoulizwa maswali na wao kutafuta majibu basi wanapotoa toleo jipya la kitabu wanaongeza yale mapya na kusahihisha makosa.

Wewe ulitakiwa kutushukuru sisi kwa kukupa changamoto za kisomi ili kuhakikisha kitabu chako kinakuwa kweli cha historia, more well researched and deeply resourceful. Sasa wewe unataka watu waandike vitabu vyao ili kiwe nini wakati wewe utaendelea kurudia madai yako yale yale kana kwamba umegoma kujifunza? Umeng'ang'ania (hili si neno zuri) historia 'yako' kiasi kwamba imebakia kuwa ni 'yako' na siyo historia ya taifa letu.

Watendee haki wasomaji wako kwa kuandika upya kitabu chako na kufanya masahihisho ya hoja, facts n.k. Ila usiache kutupa yale masimulizi yako matamu ambayo ni heart warming. Maana kuna masimulizi yako mengine ukiyasoma hadi mtu anasikia donge kooni la kulengwa na machozi. Mfano wa kile kisa cha Nyerere kuangaza angaza kutafuta nyumba ya Bi. Mkubwa yule (mamake na Sykes) kwa kweli kile kinasisimua. Au kile kisa ukipendacho alichosimulia Nyerere mwenyewe cha Mshume Kiyate...

Mkuu wangu nikisoma visa kama vile basi naona umahiri wako katika kusimulia.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mohamed, kwamba tulidhani Nyerere alienda UNO kama mtalii!!!! Hii imeandikwa na inajulikana ndio maana wengine tulitunduwaa kusikia aliibeba kwenda kuisoma kama ilivyo kutoka kwa wazee.

Nguruvi,
Unasema maneno kwa hamaki.

Pitia kitabu changu na fananisha na hayo uanyosema kuhusu hotuba ya UNO.

Najua kwa yakini kabisa kuwa kabla ya mimi kuandika hamkuwa mnajua historia
ya hotuba ile wala historia ya safari ya UNO ilipangwa vipi.

Ndiyo maana kuja kuambiwa kuwa chanzo cha hotuba ile ni TAA Political Subcommittee
mmepata mshtuko na kuja kusikia kuwa mratibu wa safari alikuwa Idd Faiz Mafongo
mweka hazina wa TANU na Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika hakika hapo ndiyo ikawa
mmevurugikiwa kabisa.

Hii kwenu ni historia mpya kabisa.

Sasa hebu soma hapa chini:

[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD]But the two most remarkable occasions in Nyerere's second trip to the south were firstly the tawaswil performed on Nyerere by Sheikh Yusuf Badi himself with a few selected Muslims and sheikhs in attendance; [1] the second was the karam (Muslim lunch) hosted by Mussa Athman Lukundu the head foreman of Dockworkers' Union in Lindi in his honour.

This was a great honour shown to Nyerere; it is the highest expression of love and respect any Muslim can show to a non-Muslim.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The finest hour for Lindi was the Independence Day, 9 th December, 1961.

Sheikh Badi, the poet was asked by TANU to write the independence speech to be delivered by Yusuf Chembera before the colonial District Commissioner as the representative of the outgoing British administration.

The speech was dictated by Sheikh Badi and was written in Arabic script by Chembera.

As a young boy Chembera was sent to Sheikh Yusuf Badi by his father to study Islamics and was under his tutorship until when he completed his studies.

Sheikh Badi did not find any speech written by a mortal worth the occasion.

Sheikh Badi dictated to his former student the dua kunut (prayer) which is recited by Muslims in every fajir (morning) prayer.

Midnight on the 9 th December, 1961 was a great moment for both teacher and student, as the people assembled at the golf course heard Chembera reciting the famous dua.

But soon after independence, the educated Christians began to undermine what they perceived as uneducated Muslim leadership in TANU. Suleiman Masudi Mnonji was detained under the Preventive Detention Act of 1962 for ‘mixing religion and politics', and other veterans were thrown out of leadership positions.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

---

[1] Tawaswil is a special prayer conductedprivately in which Allah's mercy and help is sought and invoked through references
to good deeds of the prophets and walii (saints) in the Muslim history.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mohamed, kwamba tulidhani Nyerere alienda UNO kama mtalii!!!! Hii imeandikwa na inajulikana ndio maana wengine tulitunduwaa kusikia aliibeba kwenda kuisoma kama ilivyo kutoka kwa wazee.

Nguruvi,
Unasema maneno kwa hamaki.

Pitia kitabu changu na fananisha na hayo uanyosema kuhusu hotuba ya UNO.

Najua kwa yakini kabisa kuwa kabla ya mimi kuandika hamkuwa mnajua historia ya hotuba ile wala historia ya safari ya
UNO ilipangwa vipi.

Ndiyo maana kuja kuambiwa kuwa chanzo cha hotuba ile ni TAA Political Subcommittee mmepata mshtuko na kuja
kusikia kuwa mratibu wa safari alikuwa Idd Faiz Mafongo mweka hazina wa TANU na Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika
hakika hapo ndiyo ikawa mmevurugikiwa kabisa.

Hii kwenu ni historia mpya kabisa.
Sasa hebu soma hapa chini:

[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD]But the two most remarkable occasions in Nyerere's second trip to the south were firstly the tawaswil performed on Nyerere by Sheikh Yusuf Badi himself with a few selected Muslims and sheikhs in attendance; [1] the second was the karam (Muslim lunch) hosted by Mussa Athman Lukundu the head foreman of Dockworkers' Union in Lindi in his honour.

This was a great honour shown to Nyerere; it is the highest expression of love and respect any Muslim can show to a non-Muslim.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The finest hour for Lindi was the Independence Day, 9 th December, 1961.

Sheikh Badi, the poet was asked by TANU to write the independence speech to be delivered by Yusuf Chembera before the colonial District Commissioner as the representative of the outgoing British administration.

The speech was dictated by Sheikh Badi and was written in Arabic script by Chembera.

As a young boy Chembera was sent to Sheikh Yusuf Badi by his father to study Islamics and was under his tutorship until when he completed his studies.

Sheikh Badi did not find any speech written by a mortal worth the occasion.

Sheikh Badi dictated to his former student the dua kunut (prayer) which is recited by Muslims in every fajir (morning) prayer.

Midnight on the 9 th December, 1961 was a great moment for both teacher and student, as the people assembled at the golf course heard Chembera reciting the famous dua.

But soon after independence, the educated Christians began to undermine what they perceived as uneducated Muslim leadership in TANU. Suleiman Masudi Mnonji was detained under the Preventive Detention Act of 1962 for ‘mixing religion and politics', and other veterans were thrown out of leadership positions.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

---

[1] Tawaswil is a special prayer conductedprivately in which Allah's mercy and help is sought and invoked through references
to good deeds of the prophets and walii (saints) in the Muslim history.

 

[Yericko Nyerere]

Fundikira alirudi kutoka Uingereza na kila tuhuma, Nyerere hakujibu. Kasanga Tumbo kaja Dar, Nyerere hakumjibu. Kambona karudi tena na madai Jangwani kuhusu kuficha fedha, Nyerere hakumjibu. Haroub Othman kamuuliza, Nyerere hakujibu.Imeandikwa kuwa yeye alimuua Karume, Nyerere hakujibu.

Leo tunaambiwa eti kwanini hajamjibu Mohamed S.A.M.S.
MM, Butiku yupo ambaye alikuwa katibu wake na Nduguye, hajatafutwa kutoa maoni yake.
Mama Maria na wanae wapo, hawajkatafutwa kueleza upande mwingine
Dr Kyaruzi amefariki mwaka jana, hakuwahi kuchukuliwa maelezo au maoni.

Tunaaminishwa kuwa Nyerere alimuogopa sana Mo! Julius K.N! kweli!!!

Natafakari sana hata wazungu wanaompa fursa za majukwaa ya kuhadhiri hivi kumbe nao wanafikra za kufanana na Mohamed Said.

Huenda huwa wanamsanifu tu huko kwenye mihadhara.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Fundikira alirudi kutoka Uingereza na kila tuhuma, Nyerere hakujibu. Kasanga Tumbo kaja Dar, Nyerere hakumjibu. Kambona karudi tena na madai Jangwani kuhusu kuficha fedha, Nyerere hakumjibu. Haroub Othman kamuuliza, Nyerere hakujibu.Imeandikwa kuwa yeye alimuua Karume, Nyerere hakujibu.

Leo tunaambiwa eti kwanini hajamjibu Mohamed S.A.M.S.
MM, Butiku yupo ambaye alikuwa katibu wake na Nduguye, hajatafutwa kutoa maoni yake.
Mama Maria na wanae wapo, hawajkatafutwa kueleza upande mwingine
Dr Kyaruzi amefariki mwaka jana, hakuwahi kuchukuliwa maelezo au maoni.

Tunaaminishwa kuwa Nyerere alimuogopa sana Mo! Julius K.N! kweli!!!

Nguruvi,

Hebu soma maneno haya hapo chini:

[TABLE="class: MsoNormalTable"]
[TR]
[TD]In Dar es Salaam at the Kitumbini Mosque a hawli (prayer of remembrance for a departed Muslim) is held each year in the month of October to remember Abdulwahid Kleist Sykes. It is more or less a family affair with only relatives in attendance. Apart from the obligatory duty of praying for the departed as is the custom in Islam, Abdulwahid is accorded this respect for other reasons. In his short lifetime he used to pray regularly at the mosque and it was from this mosque that Abdulwahid made his last journey to meet his Creator. Abdulwahid was an important personality in the Muslim community. He had for many years been active in Al Jamiatul Islamiyya fi Tanganyika (The Muslim Association). He had also been Secretary of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA) and later its President. Although historians so far have not acknowledged his political achievements, Abdulwahid was the brains behind the formation of the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), the political party which united the people of Tanganyika for their independence struggle against the British.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Many of Abdulwahid's contemporaries are still living and pray at the same mosque. They cherish this yearly occasion. Most of these are TANU veterans of the 1950s. They are now old and for bitter reasons they have lost interest in the Party. Apart from a small circle of relatives (now comprising of his grandchildren), close friends and former TANU members , nobody in the Party which he founded in 1954 seems to remember him. Abdulwahid has been completely forgotten. His name is hardly associated with the Party or with the political history of Tanzania. Yet this person was the main driving force in Tanganyika's independence movement.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]A team of party historians, commissioned by the Party-Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) to research and write an official history of TANU, did not even mention Abdulwahid's name in the entire book.[1] The dominant school of thought in the book is the assertion that before the emergence of Julius Nyerere in April 1953, when he was elected TAA President, the African Association leadership did not articulate any concrete political thought. This premise has denied many patriots a place of honour in the political history of Tanzania and also eroded the status of the Association as a political movement. Local historians and post-independence party bureaucrats do not want to credit the African Association with a political identity. Kambona referred to the African Association as a debating society:
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]It is just a little over one year since the inception of the Tanganyika African National Union and during this period it has grown from strength to strength, sometimes in the teeth of great opposition. As you are well aware it superseded the former Tanganyika African Association which was little more than a debating society.[2]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Ulotu has referred to the organisation as a welfare association.[3] Others have referred to the Association as a social organisation: Nyerere (1966),[4] Japhet and Seaton (1966),[5] John Hatch (1976).[6] In other places it is referred to as a semi-protest movement: Kaniki (1974),[7] as a semi-political movement: Nyerere (1953).[8] Julius Nyerere appearing in an oral hearing at the Trusteeship Council at the United Nations, New York, on 7 th March, 1955, shifted his position and referred to the Association as a semi-political movement:
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]The Tanganyika African National Union is, in one sense, a new organisation, but in another it is an old organisation. It was taken over from what was formerly called the Tanganyika African Association, which was founded in 1929, largely as a social organisation. The Tanganyika African National Union, which took over from the African Association about ten months ago, is a new organisation in the sense that it is a political organisation, where as the former was semi-political.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Other scholars have reduced the association to the level of club: Mwenegoha(1976) writes: ‘In 1954, after 25 years of inertia, Nyerere remodelled TAA from a social club into a formidable political organisation called the Tanganyika African National Union'. [9]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Abdulwahid as one of the main actors in the modern history of political parties in colonial Tanganyika referred to the association as a political party (1951).[10] Among writers and scholars who have analysed the African Association, it is only Nyerere and Hatch who have shifted their positions.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Nyerere, writing to Edward Twining the Governor of Tanganyika on 10 th August, 1953, referred to TAA as a political party.[11] Nyerere has for a very long time maintained this view which has appeared in all his subsequent writings and speeches on the African Association.[12] But recently he qualified his earlier statements on the subject referring to the association as a ‘political party without a political constitution'. Hatch (1976) refers to the association in one place as a social organisation [13] and as ‘a serious political party' in another. [14]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]John Kabudi has referred to the Association as a ‘private civil organisation of a nationalistic character'.[15] It is worth noting that even the pioneers of the organisation are not referred to as politicians. Kaniki, for lack of an appropriate word with which to refer to the pioneers, gave them quotation marks:
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Nyerere, hitherto almost unknown to the majority of ‘politicians' in Tanganyika, was then schoolmaster at St. Francis' Secondary School, Pugu, near Dar es Salaam, and he had been elected Territorial President the previous year. [16]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Iliffe (1968)[17] indicated that the written history of TANU was incomplete and went further in his analysis of the association perceiving its direction and membership as being political.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Kandoro and Japhet, [18] the two TANU founder members who came to prominence while Abdulwahid was TAA president in 1952 were the only pioneers who worked closely with him during the Meru Land Case. Kirilo's visit to Dar es Salaam and the engagement of Seaton to represent Meru Citizens' Union in the conflict was very much facilitated by the intervention of Abdulwahid and the TAA leadership. It was Abdulwahid who helped Kirilo obtain a passport in Dar es Salaam after he was denied one in Arusha. Kirilo and Seaton, as well as Kandoro, have written their colonial experience, but no where in the two works is Abdulwahid mentioned, even in passing. The two try to link the Meru Land Case with Nyerere although prior to 1954 Nyerere had not yet made any impact on the politics of Tanganyika. In fact when the Meru Land Case went before the Trusteeship Council of the United Nations in New York, Nyerere was at Edinburgh University in Scotland studying for a master's degree.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]An exception to this omission of Abdulwahid is Judith Listowel (1965)[19] who, although only in passing, mentioned Abdulwahid in her book as one of the leading TANU pioneers.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Of late there has been interest in Tanzania's political history and Abdulwahid's name has been coming up every now and then in journals,[20] newspapers, [21] international magazines,[22] and books.[23] These publications vary in their perception of Abdulwahid. There are some which shed light on the centrality of Abdulwahid in the founding of the Party and in initiating Julius Nyerere into politics. In these publications Abdulwahid appears as a revolutionary. Tandon called Abdulwahid and other patriots like Chege Kibachia, Makhan Singh, Fred Kubai, James Kivu, I.K. Musazi, Erika Fiah and Gama Pinto as ‘veteran leaders of the struggle of the peoples of East Africa... whom our recent historians have forgotten'. [24] There are also those who have dismissed him as being ‘petty bourgeois'.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Professor Shivji has accused Abdulwahid of cooptation, classifying him as a petty bourgeois who did not belong to the working class. In his analysis of the relationship between Abdulwahid and the pre-independence dockworkers movement Shivji concluded that:
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]...the government intrigued to foist a petty-bourgeois leadership on the union. Around February 1948 Abdul Sykes, son of a well-known African businessman, was asked by the government to become secretary of the dockworkers' union. Abdul Sykes did not come from among the dockers nor even from the working class. [25]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]This was in reference to his nomination in 1948 as the first ever General Secretary to lead a trade union in Tanganyika. Probably not knowing who Abdulwahid was and what he stood for throughout his life, or perhaps fired with Marxist zeal, Shivji has allowed himself to use wrong tools of analysis. Engels defines the term ‘bourgeois' to mean ‘the class of modern capitalist, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage-labour'. [26] However, Sklar has observed that the ‘bourgeois' concept has undergone evolution thus transforming its original meaning:
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Recently, the term has been used by Marxists and others to identify dominant class in societies that maintain market economies and allow capitalist accumulation as a consequence of private property in the means of production. [27]
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Had Shivji been exposed to Abdulwahid's life history chances are that he would have used a different yardstick to gauge and judge him. But since a wrong premise was applied, a wrong conclusion was the result. No African enterprise under colonialism could qualify to be put under this category, let alone have the capability to employ wage-labour in the sense of labour-capital relationship as defined by classical or neo-Marxists. This is the kind of confusion surrounding the personality of Abdulwahid and indeed the whole history of nationalism.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Among the TANU founding members, it is only those from the headquarters who could give a correct account of the formation of the Party. These are: John Rupia, Dossa Aziz, Tewa Said Tewa, Julius Nyerere, Dome Budohi, Abdulwahid and Ally Sykes. The two Sykes brothers, Abdulwahid and Ally, have a family connection in the African Association, their father Kleist Sykes having been founder Secretary of the Association in 1929. The Sykes files make very interesting reading for any researcher in the political history of colonial Tanganyika. These records contain information on Nyerere's early political career and it is surprising that when Party historians were researching, these records, which have so much information about Nyerere, and the party itself, were not consulted. No member of the family, including Ally and Abbas Sykes, the two surviving members of the three Sykes brothers, were interviewed.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]In the late 1960s, when John Iliffe from Cambridge University, then at the Department of History, University of Dar es Salaam, began his research on Tanzania's history he obtained a lot of information on the African Association from one of his students, Aisha Daisy Sykes, Abdulwahid's daughter. Although Daisy informed Iliffe that it was her father who provided her with additional primary information articulated in her history seminar papers on Tanzania, it is very strange that Iliffe, interested as he was in the modern history of Tanzania, did not bother to meet Abdulwahid.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[TR]
[TD="width: 752, bgcolor: transparent"]Iliffe, however, realising the potential in the Sykes' records encouraged Daisy to write a biography of her grandfather, Kleist Sykes[28] which she did. When Abdulwahid died in 1968, Daisy, encouraged by the success of her previous work, wanted to work on the biography of her late father. Daisy was fired by the passion to write after realising that history had been unfair to her father and it was time she put the record straight. Daisy had in her possession Abdulwahid's files and diaries. Iliffe, for reasons probably unknown to Daisy at that time, discouraged her from writing on the grounds that the timing was inappropriate, and that the subject should be given time. There was no doubt in Iliffe's mind that Abdulwahid was a reliable source of information on TANU and its history; and any work on his life history would have been a great contribution to the political history of Tanzania. Following Iliffe's negative response Abdulwahid's biography was never to be written by her daughter.
[/TD]
[/TR]
[/TABLE]

---

[1]KivukoniIdeologicalCollege, Historia ya Chama Cha TANU 1954-1977,Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[2] Oscar Kambona toBaldwin Rogers, 18 th October, 1955Party Archives, Fabian Colonial Bureau File No.202.
[3] Ulotu A. Ulotu, Historia ya TANU, (1971) p. 11.
[4] Julius Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, Dar es Salaam, 1966, p. 38.
[5] Kirilo Japhet andEarle Seaton, The Meru Land Case, Nairobi, 1966, p.16.
[6] John Hatch, Two African Statesmen, London 1976, p.17.
[7] M.H.Y. Kaniki,TANU, ‘The Party of Independence and National Consolidation' inG. Ruhumbika (ed) TowardsUjamaa, Twenty Years of TANU Leadership,Nairobi, 1974,pp.1-2.
[8] JuliusK. Nyerere, TanganyikaAfrican Association, to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August,1953. Sykes' Papers.
[9] H.A.K. Mwenegoha,Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, Nairobi, 1976, p. 5.
[10] SecretaryTanganyika African Association to Chairman and members of the AfricanAssociation 7 th January,1951. Sykes' Papers.
[11] Julius K. NyererePresident Tanganyika African Association to Governor Edward Twining, 10 th August, 1953. Sykes' Papers.
[12] Nyerere, op. cit.p. 38.
[13] Hatch, op. cit.p.17.
[14] Ibid. p. 91
[15] John Kabudi, ‘TheParty System and Socialism in Tanzania'(1986 Seminar Paper).
[16] Kaniki, op. cit.Also see Uamuzi wa Busara, Idara yaHabari ya Chama, p. 2.
[17] JohnIliffe, ‘The Role of the African Association in the Formation and Realizationof Territorial Consciousnessin Tanzania'.Mimeo. University of East Africa SocialSciences Conference, 1968, p. 24.
[18]S.A. Kandoro, Mwito wa Uhuru, Dar es Salaam, 1981.
[19]JudithListowel, The Making of Tanganyika,London, 1965.
[20] YashTandon, ‘In Defence of Democracy' InauguralLecture Series No. 14, Dar es Salaam, 1979, pp. 47-48.
[21] Daily Nation, 16 th April, 1986.
[22] New African, London,June, 1985; Africa Events,London, March/April, 1988, September, 1988.
[23] JohnCartwright, Political Leadership in Africa,New York, 1983, p. 164. Also I.G. Shivji, Law State and The Working Class in Tanzania on and Dar es Salaam, 1986, p.174.
[24] YashTandon, op. cit. pp. 47-48.
[25] I.G.Shivji, Law, State and the Working Classin Tanzania,London and Dares Salaam1986, pp. 174.
[26] F.Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party,1848.
[27] RichardL. Sklar ‘The Nature of Class Domination in Africa' in JMAS Vol. 17 No.4, 1979, p. 544.
[28] DaisySykes Buruku, ‘The Townsman: Kleist Sykes', in Iliffe (ed) Modern Tanzanians, Nairobi,1973, pp. 95-114.

 

[Ding'ano ya mbongo]

Kumbuka kuwa kitabu cha Mohamed Said ni cha kitaluma (academic). Hivyo kwa msomi yoyote anaelewa kuwa kitabu cha kitaluma uandishi wake natanguliwa na utafiti. Sasa kwa kukusaidia hapa NAKUELEZA KITU CHOCHOTE CHA KITAALUMA KINAPINGWA KITAALUMA kwa mana na wewe andika kitabu chako kupingana na hichi cha Mohamed Said kama unao uwezo lakin kukosoa hapa JF utakuwa uitendei haki jamii kama unahisi kuna pahala ailimpuruchuka. Tunasubiri kitabu chako kukosoa haya ya Ms

aisee mohammed said anafanya kaz nzur

 

[Ding'ano ya mbongo]

Kupinga kitabu cha mo said hapa jf noi kukosa taaluma.andika kitabu chako tena kwa reference zilizoshiba ndo umpinge mo.we unakalia somalia somalia... Huko ni kuishiwa na hoja.ina maana ww na elimu yako uchwara bado haujui hujuma wanayofanyiwa muslims dunian kote na mataifa yenye nguvu?jipange bro... Mohammed said FUNGUKA

 

[Nguruvi3]

By Mohamed Said Basi haya andikeni hiyo historia ambayo nyie mnaona ndiyo ya kweli.Hadi leo hawajaweza wao wamejipa nafasi ya kuuliza maswali ya kejeli,kebehi na wakati mwingine matusi.

Hatuulizi maswali, tunajenga background kwanza halafu tunabomoa hoja dhaifu kwa ulaini. Tulikuuliza kuhusu Warioba ukaleta ushahidi tukatoa facts ambazo hujaweza kuinua kalamu na kujibu hata herufi moja.

Hutuulizi maswali tunafanya analysis kama ile ya takwimu, sensa n.k ambazo hujaweza kunyanyua ndimi kuzijibu.
Hatuulizi maswali tunafanya fikra kama ile waliokuonyesha kuwa Hamza Azizi alisaidiwa na Nyerere in fact ni mhalifu mkubwa.

Hutuulizi maswali tunaweka facts kama ile ya Cecil Matola na ufisadi wa nyumba ya Cameron uliotendwa na familia Pendwa ya Sykes.

Hapa Mohamed si mahali pa kuburuza mtu, ni mahali watu wanaunganisha dot tena kwa fikra.
Ndiyo maana wakakwambia muongo! Nyerere alifika Dar miaka 6 kabla ya uzao wako.
Watu wakafanya fikra na kukuambia Aziz Dosa alikuatana na Nyerere hivyo HQ walimjua ni nani.

Na sasa nitakwambia ''... a founder na ....among the founding members zina maana tofauti.
Si kweli kuwa Abdul alikuwa founder wa TANU bali ''among'' kama ilivyokuwa kwa baba yake na AA.

Mo hapa si kijiweni unakoweza kumkusanya kila mtu na kumtupia utakacho. Hilo umelitambua.
Upo katika denial state, lakini historia itabaki kuwa Nyerere ni Rais wa kwanza wa Tanganyika na si Abdul.
Tunathamini mchango wa kila mtu bila kumdhalilisha mwingine lakini basi ukweli usemwe hata kama ni mchungu ka shubiri.

Na kwamba Nyerere hakuwa na sababu ya kujibizana nawe! Mwanakijiji na Mag3 wameainisha uzuri tu.
Pata funda tatu za maji ukate wahka na uwasome kwa furaha.

Mimi nipo hapa napata chai na mhogo wa kibandameno. Mchana nitapita nyumbani kwa erasto Mang'enya.
Jioni nitakula ndezi na ngogwe.

masalaam wasalimie kipata.

 

[Yericko Nyerere]

aisee mohammed said anafanya kaz nzur

Anafanya kazi nzuri? Daaah kazi ipi? Hii ya kuchochea maasi katika taifa?

 

[Yericko Nyerere]

Kupinga kitabu cha mo said hapa jf noi kukosa taaluma.andika kitabu chako tena kwa reference zilizoshiba ndo umpinge mo.we unakalia somalia somalia... Huko ni kuishiwa na hoja.ina maana ww na elimu yako uchwara bado haujui hujuma wanayofanyiwa muslims dunian kote na mataifa yenye nguvu?jipange bro... Mohammed said FUNGUKA

Nashukuru mkuu,

Nakuomba nifanyie hisani kwakuziainisha hapa hizo dhulma hata kumi tu zitatosha na uweke ushahidi kamili/halisni sio hisia.

Wakati nasubiri majibu yako mkuu, mie naendelea kupata supu ya maharage hapa Samora/azikiwe jirani kabisa na JD Famasi kwa Mangi/Fulu.

 

[Ritz]

Hatuulizi maswali, tunajenga background kwanza halafu tunabomoa hoja dhaifu kwa ulaini. Tulikuuliza kuhusu Warioba ukaleta ushahidi tukatoa facts ambazo hujaweza kuinua kalamu na kujibu hata herufi moja.

Hutuulizi maswali tunafanya analysis kama ile ya takwimu, sensa n.k ambazo hujaweza kunyanyua ndimi kuzijibu.
Hatuulizi maswali tunafanya fikra kama ile waliokuonyesha kuwa Hamza Azizi alisaidiwa na Nyerere in fact ni mhalifu mkubwa.

Hutuulizi maswali tunaweka facts kama ile ya Cecil Matola na ufisadi wa nyumba ya Cameron uliotendwa na familia Pendwa ya Sykes.

Hapa Mohamed si mahali pa kuburuza mtu, ni mahali watu wanaunganisha dot tena kwa fikra.
Ndiyo maana wakakwambia muongo! Nyerere alifika Dar miaka 6 kabla ya uzao wako.
Watu wakafanya fikra na kukuambia Aziz Dosa alikuatana na Nyerere hivyo HQ walimjua ni nani.

Na sasa nitakwambia ''... a founder na ....among the founding members zina maana tofauti.
Si kweli kuwa Abdul alikuwa founder wa TANU bali ''among'' kama ilivyokuwa kwa baba yake na AA.

Mo hapa si kijiweni unakoweza kumkusanya kila mtu na kumtupia utakacho. Hilo umelitambua.
Upo katika denial state, lakini historia itabaki kuwa Nyerere ni Rais wa kwanza wa Tanganyika na si Abdul.
Tunathamini mchango wa kila mtu bila kumdhalilisha mwingine lakini basi ukweli usemwe hata kama ni mchungu ka shubiri.

Na kwamba Nyerere hakuwa na sababu ya kujibizana nawe! Mwanakijiji na Mag3 wameainisha uzuri tu.
Pata funda tatu za maji ukate wahka na uwasome kwa furaha.

Mimi nipo hapa napata chai na mhogo wa kibandameno. Mchana nitapita nyumbani kwa erasto Mang'enya.
Jioni nitakula ndezi na ngogwe.

masalaam wasalimie kipata.



[/COLOR][/COLOR]

Nguruvi3,

Bana nimependa msosi wako umetisha kaka unakula ndezi ngongwe...ha haa haaa vipi muhogo hauna nazi.

 

[Mag3]

Hatuulizi maswali, tunajenga background kwanza halafu tunabomoa hoja dhaifu kwa ulaini. Tulikuuliza kuhusu Warioba ukaleta ushahidi tukatoa facts ambazo hujaweza kuinua kalamu na kujibu hata herufi moja.

Hutuulizi maswali tunafanya analysis kama ile ya takwimu, sensa n.k ambazo hujaweza kunyanyua ndimi kuzijibu.
Hatuulizi maswali tunafanya fikra kama ile waliokuonyesha kuwa Hamza Azizi alisaidiwa na Nyerere in fact ni mhalifu mkubwa.

Hutuulizi maswali tunaweka facts kama ile ya Cecil Matola na ufisadi wa nyumba ya Cameron uliotendwa na familia Pendwa ya Sykes.

Hapa Mohamed si mahali pa kuburuza mtu, ni mahali watu wanaunganisha dot tena kwa fikra.
Ndiyo maana wakakwambia muongo! Nyerere alifika Dar miaka 6 kabla ya uzao wako.
Watu wakafanya fikra na kukuambia Aziz Dosa alikuatana na Nyerere hivyo HQ walimjua ni nani.

Na sasa nitakwambia ''... a founder na ....among the founding members zina maana tofauti.
Si kweli kuwa Abdul alikuwa founder wa TANU bali ''among'' kama ilivyokuwa kwa baba yake na AA.

Mo hapa si kijiweni unakoweza kumkusanya kila mtu na kumtupia utakacho. Hilo umelitambua.
Upo katika denial state, lakini historia itabaki kuwa Nyerere ni Rais wa kwanza wa Tanganyika na si Abdul.
Tunathamini mchango wa kila mtu bila kumdhalilisha mwingine lakini basi ukweli usemwe hata kama ni mchungu ka shubiri.

Na kwamba Nyerere hakuwa na sababu ya kujibizana nawe! Mwanakijiji na Mag3 wameainisha uzuri tu.
Pata funda tatu za maji ukate wahka na uwasome kwa furaha.

Mimi nipo hapa napata chai na mhogo wa kibandameno. Mchana nitapita nyumbani kwa erasto Mang'enya.
Jioni nitakula ndezi na ngogwe.

masalaam wasalimie kipata.

Nguruvi3, amini usiamini kazi tunayoifanya imeanza kuzaa matunda. Hii hapa chini ni nukuu kutoka post No. 12039

The two Sykes brothers, Abdulwahid and Ally, have a family connection in the African Association, their father Kleist Sykes having been founder Secretary of the Association in 1929.

Taratibu nyumba iliyojengwa kwa barafu kwa miaka 15 sasa inaanza kuporomoka baada ya jua kuchomoza!...Hatimaye Kleist Sykes anaelezwa kama founder Secretary tu! Cecil Matola bila shaka sasa atapewa nafasi yake muafaka.

 

[Yericko Nyerere]

Nguruvi3, amini usiamini kazi tunayoifanya imeanza kuzaa matunda. Hii hapa chini ni nukuu kutoka post No. 12039

Taratibu nyumba iliyojengwa kwa barafu kwa miaka 15 sasa inaanza kuporomoka baada ya jua kuchomoza!...Hatimaye Kleist Sykes anaelezwa kama founder Secretary tu! Cecil Matola bila shaka sasa atapewa nafasi yake muafaka.

Mungu ni mkubwa,

Kila kitu kitakuwa huru mda si mrefu, hata Mohamed Said nae atakuwa huu na kurejea kwenye ukweli tunaoutetea, bila shaka dhambi aliyoisimamia kwa miaka 15 inamuumiza sana,

Kwakuwa sisi ni waamini wa amani tuna msamehe na kumuomba Mungu pia amsamehe.

 

[Ritz]

Nguruvi3, amini usiamini kazi tunayoifanya imeanza kuzaa matunda. Hii hapa chini ni nukuu kutoka post No. 12039

Taratibu nyumba iliyojengwa kwa barafu kwa miaka 15 sasa inaanza kuporomoka baada ya jua kuchomoza!...Hatimaye Kleist Sykes anaelezwa kama founder Secretary tu! Cecil Matola bila shaka sasa atapewa nafasi yake muafaka.

Naona mmeamua kujifariji na kujiliwaza, mnajitekenya wenyewe mnacheka wenyewe.

 

[Ritz]

Mungu ni mkubwa,

Kila kitu kitakuwa huru mda si mrefu, hata Mohamed Said nae atakuwa huu na kurejea kwenye ukweli tunaoutetea, bila shaka dhambi aliyoisimamia kwa miaka 15 inamuumiza sana,

Kwakuwa sisi ni waamini wa amani tuna msamehe na kumuomba Mungu pia amsamehe.

Yericko Nyerere,

Unamuongelea Mungu yupi?