Ukweli kuhusu waasisi wa TANU na harakati za kupigania uhuru

[Webabu]

Kumbe Mkuu haukujua kuwa huko walikotokea wakina Dr. William Mwanjisi, Mzee John Mwakangale, Mzee Japhet Kirilo aliyesimamia kidete kesi ya mgogoro wa adhi wa wameru. Na wengine waliotoka nje ya mikoa unayoijua wewe ni wakina Mzee Joseph Kimalando kutoka Moshi ambaye amehusika katika harakati za kupinga ukoloni toka miaka ya 1930s akiwa ameajiriwa kwenye shirika la reli Tanganyika, mhehe Julius Mwasanyaji, mhindi Amir Jamal kutoka Morogoro, Frank Humplick na dada zake Mary na Regina ambao nyimbo zao ndizo zilitumika kuhamasisha wana TANU. Hata huko Tanga kwenye waislamu wengi, mchango wa Stephen Mhando na mdogo wake Peter Mhando katika kuhamasisha wabondei hauwezi kudharauliwa! ( kutoka " Nyerere and Africa: End of an era cha Godfrey Mwakikagile"). Na hawa ni sehemu ndogo tu ya waliohusika katika mapambano hayo. Ukweli nikuwa sehemu za pwani bila kuungwa mkono na sehemu nyingine za Tanganyika zisingefua dafu mbele ya mkoloni. Wote walihusika, tofauti na unavyotaka kutuaminisha.

Amandla.........

MOHAMME SAID AKAJIBU HIVI:

FM: Pole sana ndugu yangu. Mwakikagile amenakili kazi yangu. Ungesoma kitabu changu ungestaajabu na kusema mbona hii kama inatoka kitabu cha Mohamed Said? Ndiyo maana nikikusisitizia kuwa soma kwanza kitabu ndipo utakuwa katika hali nzuri ya kufanya majadiliano. Mwakikagile si wa kwanza kufanya hivyo watu wengi sana wanatumia kazi zangu kama zao na mimi ninafuata mila ya Kiislam kuwa elimu na taalamu haviuzwi kwa hiyo hata mtu akichukua kazi yangu akaitumia huwa kwangu si kitu hata kama hakunitaja.

NA WEWE FUNDI NCHUNDO UKAJIBU HIVI:

Cha msingi hapa ni je anayosema ni uongo? Kuwa hao wote hawakuhusika katika jitihada za kugombea uhuru? Kama Mwakikagile amenakili kazi yako na yote alioyaandika yamo kwenye kitabu chako basi huu si ushahidi tosha kuwa hata wewe unajua kuwa walihusika wengi katika kudai uhuru na sio waislamu au wakina Sykes au wazee wako peke yako? Kama ukweli huu unaujua na umeuandika kwenye kitabu chako kwa nini basi kwenye mihadhara yako hausemi hivyo bali unashikilia kuwa ni waislamu PEKE YAO ndio waliohusika katika mpambano huo na wakristu walibebwa tu? Na kama Mwakikagile amenakili kazi yako bila kukutaja kwa nini basi usimpleke kwa Pilato maana plagiarism ni kosa kubwa sana!! Lakini kama amekunukuu na kukutaja, hiyo ni kawaida katika uandishi kama wewe mwenyewe jinsi ulivyonukuu kazi za wengine. Mimi nimekuambia tangu mwanzo kuwa maandishi yako yanakushitaki maana humo humo una-refute haya unayoyasema hadharani kwa wale ambao ni wavivu wa kufikiri.
Amandla.......

UCHAMBUZI WANGU-AMI

Pamoja na kwamba hutaki kukiri makosa yako katika huu mjadala,kwamba kwa kutokukisoma kitabu cha Mohammed kwanza kama ambavyo amekusisitiza mara nyingi halafu ndio ukaja kuchangia,umekuwa ukichanganya sana.
Mimi nililoliona hapa katika majibu yako ni kuwa wewe na Lole mumekubali kuwa si kweli kwamba Mohammed Said katika utafiti wake amekuwa akiwataja waislamu pekee.
Kumbuka,hapa hukuwa na jibu kuonesha kinyume chake Mohammed aliposema kuwa Mwakikagile amenakili kazi yake.Badala yake umerukia jee hayo yaliyosemwa na Mwakikagile ni uongo?.
Jibu ni kuwa ni kweli ndio maana Mohammed akaandika kama alivyoona kuwahusu wao na kuwahusu waislamu walio wengi.

 

[JokaKuu]

k pont bado hujaigusa, said anasema licha ya waislam kuwa mstari wa mbele ktk harakati za kudai uhuru. lkn baada ya uhuru wazee hao walitengwa kabisa hii ndio point unatakiwa pia uitete

Yaya,

..hakuna anayepinga kwamba hao aliowataja Mohamed Saidi hawakushiriki ktk harakati za uhuru wa Tanganyika.

..kinachompa matatizo Mohamed Saidi ni kwamba ameficha au amepuuza mchango wa wanaharakati wa uhuru wa Tanganyika toka bara na wale anaotofautiana nao kidini.

..pia wakati Mohamed Saidi anazielezea harakati za uhuru kwamba ziliongozwa kwa misingi ya kidini, wanaompinga wanadai harakati zile zilijikita zaidi ktk uzalendo wa Tanganyika, na ushahidi wa hilo ni jinsi zilivyojumuisha watu wa imani, rangi, na kabila, mbalimbali.

..madai mengine ya Mohamed Saidi ni kwamba Mwalimu aliwafunga wanaharakati wa Kiislamu kutokana na chuki za kidini. wale wanaompinga Mohamed wanadai kwamba, Mwalimu aliwaweka kizuizini hata Wakatoliki wenzake kama Joseph Kasella Bantu, na Christopher Kassanga Tumbo. Mwalimu pia aliwaweka karibu Waislamu kama Rashidi Kawawa, Rajabu Diwani,Masudi Mtandika,na hata kuwa na Mkuu wa Majeshi, na Wakurugenzi wa usalama wa Taifa waislamu. wanaompinga Mohamed wanadai ugomvi wa Mwalimu na hao jamaa aliowatia ndani ulikuwa siasa na siyo dini.

..hii Tanzania ambayo Mohamed Said anadai ina conspiracy ya Wakatoliki dhidi ya Waislamu, imeshawahi kuwakilishwa zaidi ya mara moja na balozi Muislamu huko Vatican.

..zaidi, Mwalimu Nyerere anayetuhumiwa kwa kuupendelea Ukatoliki dhidi ya Uislamu, alitaifisha shule na taasisi za dhehebu hilo kuliko madhehebu yoyote yale Tanzania. je, Wakatoliki wakija wakisema Mwalimu alikuwa Mkatoliki mnafiki kutakuwa na hoja gani za kuwapinga?

..kuna hoja nyingine kwamba serikali ya Tanzania ilisaini MOU na taasisi za Kikristo ili kushirikiana ktk masuala ya utoaji huduma za jamii bila kuwashirikisha Waislamu. yuko mchangiaji hapa jamii forums ambaye alikuwepo ktk mazungumzo hayo amedai kwamba Bakwata walishiriki kama wasikilizaji na baadaye wakajiondoa bila kuomba kushirikishwa ktk MOU hiyo. mchangiaji huyo amedai kwamba ni serikali ndiyo ili-initiate mazungumzo hayo. zaidi MOU hiyo ilisainiwa wakati Raisi wa Tanzania akiwa ni Muislamu.

..bila kujali dini,kabila,kanda, kuna jamii nyingi tu ambazo zimeendelea kuwa nyuma kimaendeleo toka tupate uhuru. ni makosa kusema kwamba hali hiyo inatokana na conspiracy fulani dhidi ya Uislamu. kwa mfano unai-challenge vipi fact kwamba Waislamu wa Kilimanjaro na Kagera, wamesoma kuliko Wakristo wa Pwani na Tanga?

..tatizo la Mohamed Saidi ni kuelezea kila tatizo kwa kutumia udini na conspiracy ya Wakristo[read Wakatoliki] dhidi ya Waislamu. he has no time kuelezea kwamba kuna policies[vijiji vya ujamaa,mpango wa upe, utaifishaji mali..] zilizojaribiwa hapa na zika-fail na wananchi bado wanataabika. hatumii usomi wake kuchunguza kwamba kuna colonial legacies ambazo bado ziko mpaka leo, mojawapo ni kwamba Mkoloni alikuwa aki-recruit wanajeshi toka maeneo fulani ya Tanganyika. miaka 40+ toka tupate uhuru maeneo hayohayo yameendelea kuwa na mwamko zaidi wa kujiunga jeshini kuliko maeneo mengine. kuna makabila kama Wamaasai ambao Mkoloni aliamua kuachana nao waendelee kuishi kwa mila zao, mpaka leo hii ni kazi kubwa kuwashawishi Wamaasai waandikishe watoto shule.

 

[Mohamed Said]

JK: Tatizo ni kuwa muhusika mkuu mwenyewe alikaa kimya hadi alipoondoka duniani. Majibu sasa yanatoka kwa wengine. Hili ni tatizo kubwa. Labda ningeuliza swali lingine kuwa ilikuwaje Nyerere akaikubali historia ya TANU iliyoandikwa na Chuo Cha Kivukoni ilhali akijua kuwa ilikuwa na makosa na imeacha kutaja wazalendo wengi mmojawapo akiwa marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes, Dossa Aziz, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir, Suleiman Takadir, Mshume Kiyate na wengine watu waliokuwa karibunae mno? Kuna mwanaukumbi anaweza kujaribu kutoa jibu hata kwa njia ya speculation?

 

[Mohamed Said]

FM: Hatari ya kunakili ni hii. Dr Mwanjisi jina lake kamili ni Wilbard Mwanjisi lakini mimi katika kitabu changu nilikosea jina nikaandika William Mwanjisi. Mdogo wa Dr Mwanjisi Roland Mwanjisi aliposoma kitabu aliliona kosa lile akamwandikia barua Bwana Ally Sykes akiomba anifahamishe kosa lile. Katika mswada wa Kiswahili (tafasiri nimefanya masahihisho) hebu soma hapo chini na fananisha:

Kueleweka kwa nini Abdulwahid alimuunga mkono Nyerere inahitajika uchambuzi kuelewa siasa za mfumo wa kikoloni katika Tanganyika. Mwaka wa 1951 Abdulwahid na Mwapachu walipokuwa wakishughulika kuifufua TAA, walijiwa na Ivor Bayldon, Brig. Scupham na V.M. Nazerali kuombwa kuunga mkono kuundwa kwa chama cha kisiasa kitakachojumuisha Watanganyika wa rangi zote. Hawa walikuwa wajumbe wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria. Bayldon alikuwa mlowezi tajiri kutoka Nyanda za Juu za Kusini na alikuwa amehamia Tanganyika kutoka Afrika ya Kusini. Wajumbe wa Kiafrika wa Baraza la Kutunga Sheria walioliunga mkono wazo hili walikuwa Chifu Kidaha Makwaia na Liwali Yustino Mponda wa Newala . Watu wengine mashuhuri walioshauriwa na kuombwa kuunga mkono chama hiki walikuwa: Dr Joseph Mutahangarwa, Chifu Abdeli Shangali wa Machame, Chifu Mkuu Thomas Marealle wa Marangu, Chifu Adam Sapi Mkwawa, Chifu Haruna Msabila Lugusha, Dr Wilbard Mwanjisi, Abdulkarim Karimjee, Dr Vedasto Kyaruzi, Liwali Juma Mwindadi, H.K. Viran, Stephen Mhando, Ally Sykes na Dossa Aziz .

 

[JokaKuu]

Mohamed Said,

..sidhani kama jukumu la kurekebisha historia ya uhuru lilikuwa la Mwalimu peke yake.

..wote walioshiriki harakati zile wana wajibu wa kuweka ukweli kuhusu ushiriki wao.

..tatizo lako ni kwamba umezivika kilemba cha UDINI harakati za kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika. wengi wanajaribu kukuelekeza kwamba umeteleza.

..research uliyofanya ni nzuri, and that is the reason other historians are quoting your work-- they dont quote your conclusions though. you are also a talented story teller. tatizo liko kwenye conclusions zake zinaelemea kwenye UDINI-UDINI peke yake.

 

[Jasusi]

huyu ni member hapa Jamii Forum,yeye posting kama hizi huvaa njuga na kusumbua sana watu,kama unavyofanya wewe,he is a knowledge able person.I am surprised hajatokea,i hope ni mzima wa buheri

Son of Alaska.
GT ni mzima kabisa. Yuko kwenye kampeni za January Makamba na Kikwete.

 

[Mohamed Said]

JK: Hiyo njama (conspiracy) aliyetueleza ni John Sivalon na van Bergen. Kanisa Katoliki walichofanya ni kuzuia hivyo vitabu visisambae. Prof. Njozi na yeye akaeleza namna Kanisa linavyofanya dhulma dhidi ya Waislam kitabu kikapigwa marufuku na serikali ya Benjamin Mkapa. Mimi si wa kwanza kueleza hiyo dhulma.

 

[Mohamed Said]

JK: Hapana Nyerere hakuwa wa kurekebisha historia. Ukweli ni kuwa aliposoma habari za kwanza Kleist Sykes na African Association 1929, kisha kuja kusoma habari za Abdulwahid Sykes katika King's African Rifles (KAR) Burma Infantry 6th Battalion ambayo Abdulwahid alikuwa keshawakusanya askari wa Tanganyika kuunda chama cha TANU 1945, halafu alipomsoma Abdulwahid katika Dockworkers Union 1947 na harakati za kudai haki za makuli na mgomo wa 1949, kisha tena 1950 alipochukua nafasi ya baba yake Kleist Sykes ya kuwa katibu wa TAA, kuja kusoma nyaraka zake na za baba yake kwa serikali ya Muingereza kuanzia 1930s hadi 1950s inasemekana Nyerere hakuamini macho yake. Alipigwa na butwaa. Nyerere alikuwa hajamjua marehemu Abdu alikuwa nani. Ubongo wake ulikuwa si wa kawaida. Ulimi wake katika kuzungumza na kuandika Kiingereza haukuwa wa kawaida. Kijana wa Mswahili wa Gerezani anaandika na kutunza shajara zake kwa hati mkato (shorthand). Marafiki zake katika siasa za Tanganyika wakati ule kama akina V.M. Nazerali, Abdulkarim Karimjee, achilia akina Kenyatta na Kungu Karumba, Earle Seaton, Chief Kidaha Makwaia...majina ni mengi sana. Roho ilimuuma. Sasa hapo hajasoma habari za masheikh kama Hassan bin Ameir wazee wake akina Plantan, Mwinjuma Mwinyikambi, Mshume Kiyate...Hii ilikuwa historia ya aina ya pekee. Ilikuwa wazi haikuwezekana kuitenganisha historia ya TANU na historia ya famili ya Kleist Sykes. Ndani ya TANU Abdu alikuwa na wadogo zake wawili wote waasisi. Nyerere aliifanyia njama historia hii iliyokuwa ikiandikwa na Abdu na Dr Klerruu. Haja yake kuu ilikuwa historia ya kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika na kuanzishwa kwa TANU ianze na yeye Nyerere. Lakini huu ulikuwa muhali mkubwa. Itawezekanaje? Hebu soma hapo chini siasa zilivyokuwa Dar es Salaam 1949:

"Early one morning what had begun as a clandestine operation against the stevedoring companies suddenly erupted into open confrontation. The neighbourhood was still sleeping when the dockworkers, many of them bare chest, surrounded Kleist's house, shouting at the top of their voices demanding to see Abdulwahid. The dockworkers had marched all the way from the port shouting anti-colonial slogans and singing to keep their morale high. This scenario was unprecedented. It was the first time the people of Tanganyika had witnessed such open defiance against colonial authority in the streets of Dar es Salaam. Young Abdulwahid peeping through his bedroom window was taken aback by the sight of the crowd. He was able to recognize some of his port contacts and other members of the clandestine committee. When he came out to meet the angry dockworkers they told him that the strike was on and that they would not resume work until all their demands were met."

 

[Lole Gwakisa]

JK: Hapana Nyerere hakuwa wa kurekebisha historia. Ukweli ni kuwa aliposoma habari za kwanza Kleist Sykes na African Association 1929, kisha kuja kusoma habari za Abdulwahid Sykes katika King's African Rifles (KAR) Burma Infantry 6th Battalion ambayo Abdulwahid alikuwa keshawakusanya askari wa Tanganyika kuunda chama cha TANU 1945, halafu alipomsoma Abdulwahid katika Dockworkers Union 1947 na harakati za kudai haki za makuli na mgomo wa 1949, kisha tena 1950 alipochukua nafasi ya baba yake Kleist Sykes ya kuwa katibu wa TAA, kuja kusoma nyaraka zake na za baba yake kwa serikali ya Muingereza kuanzia 1930s hadi 1950s inasemekana Nyerere hakuamini macho yake. Alipigwa na butwaa. Nyerere alikuwa hajamjua marehemu Abdu alikuwa nani. Ubongo wake ulikuwa si wa kawaida. Ulimi wake katika kuzungumza na kuandika Kiingereza haukuwa wa kawaida. Kijana wa Mswahili wa Gerezani anaandika na kutunza shajara zake kwa hati mkato (shorthand). Marafiki zake katika siasa za Tanganyika wakati ule kama akina V.M. Nazerali, Abdulkarim Karimjee, achilia akina Kenyatta na Kungu Karumba, Earle Seaton, Chief Kidaha Makwaia...majina ni mengi sana. Roho ilimuuma. Sasa hapo hajasoma habari za masheikh kama Hassan bin Ameir wazee wake akina Plantan, Mwinjuma Mwinyikambi, Mshume Kiyate...Hii ilikuwa historia ya aina ya pekee. Ilikuwa wazi haikuwezekana kuitenganisha historia ya TANU na historia ya famili ya Kleist Sykes. Ndani ya TANU Abdu alikuwa na wadogo zake wawili wote waasisi. Nyerere aliifanyia njama historia hii iliyokuwa ikiandikwa na Abdu na Dr Klerruu. Haja yake kuu ilikuwa historia ya kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika na kuanzishwa kwa TANU ianze na yeye Nyerere. Lakini huu ulikuwa muhali mkubwa. Itawezekanaje? Hebu soma hapo chini siasa zilivyokuwa Dar es Salaam 1949:

In red Mkuu Mohammed Said you are overplaying with your own imagination and leanings.
Hizo stori ni za kuwahadithia wajukuu wako jioni ukinywa kahawa.
It has no bearing of any truth but your own fertile imagination.
In actual fact sidhani kama unajua unachokiongea. Mimi mjomba wangu hata leo yupo hai na amepigana Banghazi, El Alamein na Burma.
Mjomba wangu anatukumbusha sana kutochezea amani, maana mara kadhaa ananikumbusha the opening offensive action ya Mkuu wao wa Majeshi Montgomery(huwa anasema kule jangwani Libya) na mpaka leo anashangaa mizinga ilivyopigwa continously kwa siku nzima kama radi.
Yeye wala hakumbuki juu ya huyo Sykes kwa kufanya hivyo unavoelezea.
You are blowing that false trumpet almost too hard

Cha ajabu ni hawa unaowasifia sana bado wakampa Mwalimu hatamu zote za uongozi wa TANU, ili Mwalimu awafix!!
Sasa hapo hata imagination yangu inagota.

 

[Mohamed Said]

LG: Hilo halinishangazi. Nyerere kakaribishwa TAA na marehemu Abdulwahid na akamjulisha kwa wote Dar es Salaam lakini katika hotuba ya mwana 1985 ya kuwaaga wazee wa Dar es Salaam Nyerere akasema hakumbuki katika Abdu alikuwa na cheo gani katika TAA. Hii ndiyo dunia ilivyo watu wanapishana sana kwa uwezo wa kukumbuka mambo. Mimi binafsi matatizo kama haya hayanishughulishi mie kazi yangu siku zote ni kueleza kila ninachokijua na wala simlazimishi mtu kukubaliana na mimi na katika hali hiyo hiyo sikubali mtu kunikataza kueleza kile ninachokifahamu. Nawaomba wanaukumbi wasome hapa chini hali ya siasa katika Dockworkers Union (Chama Cha Makuli) Dar es Salaam:

The Dockworkers' Union, 1948

In 1948 the colonial government brought into the country a professional trade unionist, G. Hamilton, from Britain who was seconded to the Labour Department to advise the union on the principles of collective bargaining. Hamilton shared the same office with Barakat and fully engaged him as his assistant in the establishment and setting up of the union. Hamilton had been a docker with the Port of London and had wide experience in port unrest. The offices of the Dockworkers' Union were in a wooden shack with corrugated iron roofing situated in front of the Avalon Cinema where now stands the Regional Immigration Office. All meetings were held there and were attended by Hamilton and Barakat from the Labour Department and Abdulwahid and his executive committee representing the Union. Hamilton was living at Gerezani European Quarter where there are now the Railway Quarters. Abdulwahid was living at Stanley (called Aggrey Street after independence in honour of Dr Aggrey and later to be renamed Makisi Mbwana Street after one of the founding fathers of TANU) not far from Hamilton's house. During the early days of the setting up of the union, Hamilton worked very closely with Abdulwahid, at times visiting him at his house to thrash out problems. It was quite a spectacle to see Abdulwahid and a white man sitting on the veranda talking or bending over a mass of papers. In those days Africans perceived Europeans to be superior beings and could only watch Abdulwahid rubbing shoulders with a white man with awe.


The creation of the union and the bureaucracy that subsequently developed with it, typical of any formal organisation, created a new problem for Abdulwahid. Collective bargaining demands participation of all interested parties to a labour dispute. Dockworkers' demands had first to be discussed by the executive committee of the union and then Abdulwahid had to submit them to their representatives. Then at a later stage the demands had to be discussed by all parties including Hamilton and Barakat from the Labour Department. Abdulwahid's writing flair, his knowledge of shorthand and his good command of the English language helped greatly in pushing forward quickly most of the union's paperwork.


Unfortunately, very few decisions were made and most of the time negotiations seemed to be stalling. No meaningful decisions or agreements were ever concluded. To the dockworkers, the new system was tedious, cumbersome and time-consuming. Negotiating was a new experience to them and something they had not bargained for. This created industrial unrest within the Dockworkers' Union itself. Abdulwahid now faced an entirely new problem, a precarious situation which threatened to break the Union and destabilise his leadership. He could not negotiate directly with shipping companies, nor could he negotiate at his own speed and style. He informed union members of his predicament. He made it clear to them that the labour conditions obtaining at the moment did not favour militant action against the shipping companies or their agents.


Seeing no quick progress in their grievances the dockworkers began to exert pressure on Abdulwahid to speed up negotiations; otherwise they threatened to call a strike of their own without official backing of the Union. The method of negotiation for solutions to industrial conflict therefore became a source of friction. Union members continued to put pressure on Abdulwahid to refuse negotiating and to call for immediate strike action. An internal crisis within the leadership of the union ensued and the dockworkers once again resorted to marches in processions between the union office and Abdulwahid's house, pressurising him to call for strike action against the stevedoring companies. During the period of internal crisis which was threatened to split the union, Abdulwahid, Barakat and Hamilton were in constant contact using both their personal capacities as well as their official positions and government authority to avert a split in the union leadership.


Abdulwahid wanted to settle the simmering dispute amicably and in the most orderly manner possible. But the dockworkers were in no mood for niceties. They demanded strike action to solve their labour dispute once and for all. While Abdulwahid was trying to solve the dispute and diffuse tension between his leadership and union members, a go-slow strike was effected by dissidents against the companies without his authority or consent. After realising that dockworkers were not ready for any compromise short of strike action, Kleist advised Abdulwahid to resign his post so as to avert a collision with the government. It was obvious to him that the port labour movement was getting out of control and his son was unable to contain it. Kleist had experience in labour politics and from 1939-1947 he had witnessed three strikes. As trade unionist and TAA Secretary he was summoned to appear before a tribunal appointed by the government to investigate the industrial unrest.


As an experienced politician and trade unionist, Kleist asked his son Abdulwahid to restrain the movement. He was worried about the safety of his son and of the political implications of the strike. He knew that neither the African Association nor the nucleus of the labour movement led by Abdulwahid could stand government reprisals. It was obvious to him that sooner or later the mighty hand of the government with its unlimited resources would fall on his son, the dockwokers and the whole movement.


At that time Barakat rented a room in a house in Kariakoo among some of the dockworkers. He received information from the dockworkers that the mzungu (white man) was inciting them to rebel against the leadership of Abdulwahid and calling them to strike. At the same time rumours filtered to Abdulwahid that Hamilton was also instigating dockworkers to call for his resignation. Union members complained that Abdulwahid was a sell-out, not militant enough, and should therefore be ousted or made to resign his post immediately. Hamilton became a problem and a big liability to both Abdulwahid and Barakat. The two were flabbergasted, and the rumours about Hamilton seemed to make no sense at all. How could a white colonial officer on a colonial assignment possibly, take sides with the dockworkers, who, in the eyes of the government were only trouble makers?


But there were indications that Hamilton was not an ordinary white colonial officer. His manners were too easy for a British officer and his views on world affairs were too radical for his African subordinates to comprehend. Barakat had one day received communist literature among his mail addressed to him by name from an unknown source. Hamilton, with whom they shared an office, took the pamphlet away from him without uttering a single word of reprimand. Barakat had once seen Hamilton reading communist literature in his office and he did not bother to hide it even when he knew that Barakat was watching him. In those days communist literature was considered seditious. The day following the communist literature incident, Hamilton invited Barakat for tea at his house and while there he engaged Barakat in a debate as to whether God existed or not. Hamilton gave his diatribe on Charles Darwin's Theory of Evolution to prove his point that God did not exist. To make the matter rest Barakat told him that as a Muslim he totally believed in the existence of God and of His Supremacy.


At first Barakat thought that Hamilton was spying on them on their political leanings for which he informed Abdulwahid. But it turned out not to be so. It soon dawned to both Abdulwahid and Barakat that Hamilton was a very sinister character with very radical political leanings. In those days communism and its philosophy were considered by the West as betrayal to freedom and humanity. Africans who harboured such radical ideas were not tolerated. A Catholic newspaper Kiongozi had warned: ‘Human stupidness proves to be unlimited. Russia with her Communist regime is beyond any shade of doubt the unreconcilable enemy of mankind.'


It was therefore unthinkable for a white colonial officer to show sympathy for communism. But there was nothing the two could do about it. Africans did not go about throwing wild allegations against white colonial officers. The only thing that was possible for them to do was to remain on guard while dealing with him.


Abdulwahid also came to learn that his former opponent for the union post and his father's political adversary of many years, Erika Fiah, was instigating the union leadership to overthrow ‘that South African son of Kleist'. Some of the dockworkers were, of course convinced that Abdulwahid should resign and pave the way for Fiah to take over leadership of the union. This created two factions within the union. One faction wanted Abdulwahid to continue leading the union and another called for his immediate resignation. Fiah was preferred because dockworkers thought Abdulwahid was too moderate and supported Fiah's radical stand. As the crisis continued and as there was no signs insight of resolving the dispute, Abdulwahid heeded his father's call and resigned his post in July 1948. Abdulwahid had led the Dockworkers' Union for barely six months.


But when the reality of Abdulwahid's resignation became obvious, that is, he was actually leaving the union and members were to elect a new secretary, a faction of the membership retracted and asked him to stay on. Abdulwahid did not want to change his mind. He had other pressing problems at home. His father was bedridden with bronchitis and was insisting that Abdulwahid should resign his post immediately. In a show of solidarity the dockworkers carried young Abdulwahid shoulder-high from the Union's offices at Acacia Avenue (Samora Avenue) to Mnazi Mmoja grounds where the Union used to hold its meetings. Abdulwahid's resignation did not mean that he was out of touch with the movement. His resignation was necessitated by a multiplicity of reasons and a complex situation of intrigue and political machinations involving Hamilton, Fiah and some of the union members.


Soon after Abdulwahid's resignation, Fiah, Kleist's arch-enemy was elected General Secretary of the Dockworkers' Union to replace him. But Fiah did not stay long in power; he was soon phased out by Union members and one Salum Mohamed took over the leadership from him.


On 1st February, 1950, the dockworkers staged a violent strike in which they clashed with riot police in full battle gear. The colonial authority perceived the dockworkers' persistent unrest as violent politics against the state. The government set up the riot police (known as the Kavirondo by the coastal people) upon them. Kavirondo were askaris from up-country known for their blind viciousness in executing colonial orders. As a rule, they were always deployed outside their home areas to stifle any sentiment should they be commanded to go into action against their own tribesmen. As a result, they were considered by town Muslims who were involved in the struggle against British rule as colonial agents and an uncivilised lot. In the clash between the Kavirondo and the dockworkers, nineteen Kavirondos were killed.

After the dust had settled, Hamilton was put under house arrest and was quietly deported back to Britain. Many dockworkers were rounded up, thrown in remand prison and criminal charges opened against them. The government had come to realise that Hamilton, the trade union expert it had brought into the country was in fact a member of the British Communist Party. Throughout his tenure with the Labour Department and the Dockworkers' Union Hamilton was persistently inciting union members to create permanent industrial unrest at the port. As a true Marxist, Hamilton was a believer in the superiority of labour over capital. He believed that industrial unrest at the port in Dar es Salaam would spill over to other vital economic sectors as the experience had been in the 1947 General Strike. This explains to some extent why Abdulwahid resigned his post after only six months in office and the reason behind the change of leadership in the union, three times in the span of two years. In June, 1950 the Dockworkers' Union was dissolved by court order and dockers' trade union activities were not to resume until 1955 after the founding of TANU.

 

[Jasusi]

Mohammed Said,
As long as hukuongea ana kwa Ana na Abdulwahid Kleist, na as long as hukufanya mahojiano na Mwalimu Nyerere mwenyewe, hayo unayosema "inasemekana," yataendelea kuwa dhana zako mwenyewe. Iweje Mwalimu, ambaye alikaaa na Abdluwahid Kleist nyumbani kwake, asijue hata chembe ya historia ya mwenyeji wake mpaka aje kupigwa butwaa? Hawa watu kweli hawakufahamiana baada ya ukarimu wote huo wa Abdulwahid? It boggles the mind.

 

[Webabu]

Mkuu umenena , lakini wajikanganya katika maoni yako.
Kama umepitia maoni ya wadau wote waliobandika katika mada hii utaona umuhimu wa kujadili mada hii kwa wigo mpana zaidi kuliko ule wa kutetea uislamu.
Kama nada iliwekwa in the first place na "msaigon" mwenzio ikiwa ni changa la macho for narrow Islamic objectives,basi ndio maana unaona mwisho wake unaelekea kusiko tazamiwa na kusiko pendeza.
Kama mada iliwekwa kuutukuza uislamu basi vile vile hapa si mahala pake.
Halikadhalika kama mada iliwekwa kuelezea matatizo ya uislamu na umaskini, na mtanzania mwingine yoyote asivyofaidika na maendeleo , leo miaka 50 baada ya uhuru, basi hapo kuna mjadala.
Hakuna mwenye ujuzi wa kujadili matatizo ya uislamu kama mwislamu mwenyewe.
Asiye mwislamu anapotea muda wake kuchangia katika hili.
Waislamu ndo wanajua fika kwa nini hawa kujisomesha wakati wa mkoloni na vile vile hata kabla ya mkoloni kufika nchini, miaka ya 1600 na kurudi nyuma
Utafiti , kama wa Mohammed Said, usiwe wa kujiridhisha moyo kutafuta mchawi wa matatizo ya kukosa maendeleo yake.
Narrow mindedness ya Maalim Mohammed Said unaiweka wazi tatizo la maeneo yanayokaliwa na waislamu kukosa maendeleo in very simplistic form
Jamaa huyu anaweka mjadala kwa nia ya kuudhibiti ukristo ili uislamu uneemeke kwa sababu yoyote ile. Na vile vile basi anatazamia watu wakae doro na kukubali yale yanayotolewa na kuelezewa as if mipango yote ya kuleta uhuru ilifanyika na kina Sykes na waislamu wengine, na Mwalimu akakaribishwa tu ku-officiate the occassion.
History cannot be so simple and cheap.
Nimeona mkuu MS unamwomba FM alete uchunguzi wa mapambano ya kuleta uhuru kutika sehemu zingine za Mbeya na Arusha, is this an admission that your own research is faulty and inconclusive?
You are not being fair to your selves and the public in general.

Ujinga unatabia moja mbaya, una tabia ya kujitukuza katika mambo ambayo mtu huwa hauji, na bado ukielimishwa unaona kama unadhalilishwa na kutukanwa.
Na ndio maana naona Mwalimu wakati Mwingine alichukua drastic measures za kuwaweka ndani wapinzani wake waelimishwe na kuwekwa katika hali ya kutumika ili waone umuhimu wa umoja.
Kwa sisi tuliopitia miaka hiyo ya Mwalimu tunaelewa hilo, na vijiwe kama vya Saigon tunavifahamu ingawaje tunajua vilianzishwa kutukuza yale wenyewe wasiyoyafahamu.

Umesema:
Hakuna mwenye ujuzi wa kujadili matatizo ya uislamu kama mwislamu mwenyewe.Asiye mwislamu anapotea muda wake kuchangia katika hili.
Waislamu ndo wanajua fika kwa nini hawa kujisomesha wakati wa mkoloni na vile vile hata kabla ya mkoloni kufika nchini, miaka ya 1600 na kurudi nyuma

Na mimi vile vile nakuusia Lole uwe unasoma vitu unavyoshauriwa kusoma ili usirudie makosa katika michango yako.Vile vile inakupasa kusoma vitu vya msingi katika uislamu kabla kubishana na waislamu.
Mimi nilikushauri usome katika hii link: Mchango wa waislamu katika kuipeleka mbele elimu ,lakini hukutilia umuhimu kufanya hivyo.Matokeo yake unarudia makosa kwa kusema
"Waislamu ndo wanajua fika kwa nini hawa kujisomesha wakati wa mkoloni na vile vile hata kabla ya mkoloni kufika nchini, miaka ya 1600 na kurudi nyuma."
Humo maelezo utakayoyapata ni kwa ufupi tu lakini inatosha kukupa picha kuwa waislamu kusoma ni wa mwanzo na katika karne nyingi kabla wakristo.Mfano wa maelezo yaliyopo hapo kuhusiana na Chemistry jina linaotokana na jina na kiarabu Alchemy ni kama hivi:
In a world that knew no stronger acid than concentrated vinegar, the 8th century Muslim chemist Jabir discovered Nitric acid and described the operations of distillation, sublimation, filtration, coagulation and crystallization. Abu Bakar Al-Razi (Rhases) of the 9th century was the first to describe the properties of Sulpheric acid. His contribution in his time is comparable, according to John Draper, to the contributions of Lavoisier and Priestley in the West, in their times. Abu-Musa Al-Kufi who lived in the late 8th century contributed greatly to chemistry to the extent that some of his works were translated into Latin and French; some as late as the 17th century. The orientation of Muslim chemists was on the applied side. They knew about the distillation of water, plasters, syrups, ointments and the tampering of steel. Many English terms in Chemistry originated from Arabic terms such as: camphor, alcohol, elixir, al-kali and syrup (Draper, History of the Intellectual Development of Europe 1: 26-27)
Sasa inakuwaje wewe unawashutumu waislamu kwa kusema Waislamu ndo wanajua fika kwa nini hawa kujisomesha wakati wa mkoloni na vile vile hata kabla ya mkoloni kufika nchini, miaka ya 1600 na kurudi nyuma.
Huo ni katika mtazamo ulio mpana wa uislamu ulimwenguni lakini hata hapa Tanzania tumeonesha kuwa wakati wa ukoloni waislamu walizuiwa kufanya miradi ya kielimu na kusoma kama walivyopenda,hivyo hivyo baada ya uhuru kupatikana.
Utakumbuka kuwa kabla mkoloni kuja,nyuma ya karne ya 13 na si 15/16 unayosema wewe hapa Afrika Mashariki palikuwa na utawala wa kiislamu uliokuwa na makao makuu yake Kilwa.Utawala huu ulikuwa ukiendeshwa kisomi na hata kuwa na fedha yake yenyewe.
Mimi nadhani bakia na usemi wako kuwa "Asiye mwislamu anapoteza muda wake kuchangia katika hili."Wewe unapompinga Mohammed kuhusu ukweli wa historia ya TANU unapoteza muda wako bure hutokuwa na la maana la kusema kuliko yeye ambaye ni muislamu na waasisi wengi ni waislamu kama yeye.Hivyo hivyo wewe Lole huwezi kubadili ukweli ambao hata wazungu na wakristo wenzako wameuona.
Pamoja na yote hayo inaonesha ipo haja ya kuendeleza mjadala ambao nimewahi kukutana nao pahali, kuhusu maana ya elimu.Inaonekana Wakristo walio wengi hawajui maana ya elimu, ndio maana wanakuwa wepesi wa kuwadharau waislamu kuwa hawana elimu.
Mimi ninaloelewa ni kuwa waislamu wa Tanzania wamedhulumiwa katika fursa za kupata elimu, lakini kuhusu elimu wako mbele.Angalia mimi unayebishana naye ni mtu wa madrasa lakini mpaka umekubali kunipa mji kwa jinsi ambavyo nimeonesha udhaifu wa michango yako.

 

[Ogah]

Yaya,

..hakuna anayepinga kwamba hao aliowataja Mohamed Saidi hawakushiriki ktk harakati za uhuru wa Tanganyika.

..kinachompa matatizo Mohamed Saidi ni kwamba ameficha au amepuuza mchango wa wanaharakati wa uhuru wa Tanganyika toka bara na wale anaotofautiana nao kidini.

..pia wakati Mohamed Saidi anazielezea harakati za uhuru kwamba ziliongozwa kwa misingi ya kidini, wanaompinga wanadai harakati zile zilijikita zaidi ktk uzalendo wa Tanganyika, na ushahidi wa hilo ni jinsi zilivyojumuisha watu wa imani, rangi, na kabila, mbalimbali.

..madai mengine ya Mohamed Saidi ni kwamba Mwalimu aliwafunga wanaharakati wa Kiislamu kutokana na chuki za kidini. wale wanaompinga Mohamed wanadai kwamba, Mwalimu aliwaweka kizuizini hata Wakatoliki wenzake kama Joseph Kasella Bantu, na Christopher Kassanga Tumbo. Mwalimu pia aliwaweka karibu Waislamu kama Rashidi Kawawa, Rajabu Diwani,Masudi Mtandika,na hata kuwa na Mkuu wa Majeshi, na Wakurugenzi wa usalama wa Taifa waislamu. wanaompinga Mohamed wanadai ugomvi wa Mwalimu na hao jamaa aliowatia ndani ulikuwa siasa na siyo dini.

..hii Tanzania ambayo Mohamed Said anadai ina conspiracy ya Wakatoliki dhidi ya Waislamu, imeshawahi kuwakilishwa zaidi ya mara moja na balozi Muislamu huko Vatican.

..zaidi, Mwalimu Nyerere anayetuhumiwa kwa kuupendelea Ukatoliki dhidi ya Uislamu, alitaifisha shule na taasisi za dhehebu hilo kuliko madhehebu yoyote yale Tanzania. je, Wakatoliki wakija wakisema Mwalimu alikuwa Mkatoliki mnafiki kutakuwa na hoja gani za kuwapinga?

..kuna hoja nyingine kwamba serikali ya Tanzania ilisaini MOU na taasisi za Kikristo ili kushirikiana ktk masuala ya utoaji huduma za jamii bila kuwashirikisha Waislamu. yuko mchangiaji hapa jamii forums ambaye alikuwepo ktk mazungumzo hayo amedai kwamba Bakwata walishiriki kama wasikilizaji na baadaye wakajiondoa bila kuomba kushirikishwa ktk MOU hiyo. mchangiaji huyo amedai kwamba ni serikali ndiyo ili-initiate mazungumzo hayo. zaidi MOU hiyo ilisainiwa wakati Raisi wa Tanzania akiwa ni Muislamu.

..bila kujali dini,kabila,kanda, kuna jamii nyingi tu ambazo zimeendelea kuwa nyuma kimaendeleo toka tupate uhuru. ni makosa kusema kwamba hali hiyo inatokana na conspiracy fulani dhidi ya Uislamu. kwa mfano unai-challenge vipi fact kwamba Waislamu wa Kilimanjaro na Kagera, wamesoma kuliko Wakristo wa Pwani na Tanga?

..tatizo la Mohamed Saidi ni kuelezea kila tatizo kwa kutumia udini na conspiracy ya Wakristo[read Wakatoliki] dhidi ya Waislamu. he has no time kuelezea kwamba kuna policies[vijiji vya ujamaa,mpango wa upe, utaifishaji mali..] zilizojaribiwa hapa na zika-fail na wananchi bado wanataabika. hatumii usomi wake kuchunguza kwamba kuna colonial legacies ambazo bado ziko mpaka leo, mojawapo ni kwamba Mkoloni alikuwa aki-recruit wanajeshi toka maeneo fulani ya Tanganyika. miaka 40+ toka tupate uhuru maeneo hayohayo yameendelea kuwa na mwamko zaidi wa kujiunga jeshini kuliko maeneo mengine. kuna makabila kama Wamaasai ambao Mkoloni aliamua kuachana nao waendelee kuishi kwa mila zao, mpaka leo hii ni kazi kubwa kuwashawishi Wamaasai waandikishe watoto shule.

Asante sana Mkuu JokaKuu................

Unajua kuna lile dai la kwamba namba za Mitihani zilianza kwa Prof Malima alipokuwa Waziri wa Elimu...........lili/limenifanya niwaone hawa ndugu zangu kuwa ni wanafiki sana...............

 

[Mohamed Said]

Tatizo linabaki palepale. Wizara ya Elimu imeshutumiwa sasa yapata miaka 15 haijakataa shutuma hizo wala kukana kuwa si moja ya majimbo ya Kanisa Katoliki. Majibu kwa Waislam yanatoka kwa watu walio pembeni. Sivalon na Bergen katika vitabu vyao narudia tena kusema wameeleza dhulma iliyoko. Sivalon na Bergen si Waislam. Badala ya Kanisa kutoa majibu walificha vitabu. Ukienda Cathedral Bookshop wanakwambia vitabu vimekwisha. Labda niufahamishe ukumbi. Kitabu cha Sivalon kinashidana na Barzanj kinatembea mkono kwa mkono kutoka Muislam mmoja hadi mwingine wanakisoma na kupashana habari za dhulma dhidi yao. Haitatusaidia sana kujifanya mbuni kutia kichwa mchangani wakati mwili wote na mkubwa sana uko nje unaonekana na kila mwenye macho. Nchi yetu ina tatizo la ubaguzi wa dini.

 

[Jasusi]

Mohammed,
Kitabu cha Sivalon ninacho. Wala tusikiite kitabu. Ni kijitabu. Mimi sijaona lolote ya dhulma ndani ya kile kijitabu ila Padri wa Kikatoliki kujisifia mbele ya wakubwa wake jinsi alivyokuwa karibu na serikali ya Nyerere. Any missionary could have written that book to show that the money the headquarters is spending on the missions is worth every penny. Kama kuna dhulma dhidi ya Waislamu hatuhitaji Sivalon kutufumbua juu ya dhulma hiyo.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Jasusi: Huo mshangao ulionao wewe hata mimi ninao. Kweli sikumhoji nmarehemu Abdulwahid wakati ule anafariki mimi ni kijana mdogo wa sekondari. Lakini hili ni la uhakika. Siku ya uhuru marehemu Abdu hakualikwa kwenye sherehe za uhuru. Hakuwepo pale Uwanja wa Taifa. Sheikh Haidar Mwinyimvua na wenzake akina Idd Faiz Mafongo na wengineo hawakualikwa wanasema walimwona Nyerere kakaa jukwaani na wale waliokuwa wakibeza TANU na kuja kuingia katika siasa baada ya 1958 walipoona sasa Muingereza hana nguvu tena na hawawezi tena kupoteza kazi zao. Sheikh Haidar Mwinyimvua anasema ni siku ile kakaa majanini akimtazama Nyerere na timu yake mpya jukwaani Union Jack inashushwa ndipo alipomkumbuka marehemu Sheikh Suleiman Takadir. Ukweli kuhusu historia ile iliyoandikwa na Abduwahid Sykes mwenyewe na Dr Klerruu ni kuwa haikumpendeza Nyerere na aliihujumu na kuja na historia mpya ya TANU kama ilivyoandikwa na Chuo cha Kivukoni mbayo ndiyo inayotumika hadi leo kueleza harakati za kupigania uhuru.

 

[Mohamed Said]

Jasusi: Hapana neno lakini sisi hatukichukulii hivyo na ndiyo maana kitabu au kijitabu hicho ni muhimu kwa Waislam maana kimetufunulia yale ambayo hatukuwa tunayajua kuhusu Kanisa Katoliki na serikali.

 

[Mohamed Said]

WANAUKUMBI: Naweka kitu kingine hapo chini kuhusu siasa zilivyokuwa zikiendeshwa pale Makao Makuu ya TAA New Street. Nyaraka hizo zote zilizokuwa zikipita kati ya marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes na TAA, serikali, Kenneth Kaunda, Jomo Kenyatta etc. zimehifadhiwa na akina Sykes. Mimi ndiye nilikuwa mtafiti wa kwanza kufunuliwa hazina hii katika kipindi cha miaka 30. Hadi leo nakumbuka ile siku Bwana Ally Sykes aliponifungulia "safe" na kunionyesha zile file za TAA. Ofisi ya Bwana Ally nikiingia mara nyingi na pale iilipokuwa ile "safe" nikipaona miaka nenda miaka rudi lakini haikunipitikia hata kidogo kuwa pale katikakati ya kabati lile kubwa imejificha "safe" yenye kubeba historia muhimu ya Tanganyika na "safe" yebyewe haijapata kufunguliwa kwa miaka 30. Ilikuwa mithali ya "wavumbuzi" wa zama hizo walipokuwa wakitia mguu kutoka meli zao kukajaga ardhi ya nchi za mbali. Soma kwa furaha:

The Association had reorganized its administrative machinery at the headquarters and had included several Kenyan nationalists in its executive committee. This had a special significance to the colonial government. The political situation in Kenya was tense. Mau Mau was having skirmishes with government troops. On 20 th October, 1952, the colonial government in Kenya, failing to control Mau Mau guerilla activities, declared a state of emergency. Kenyatta and the entire KAU leadership were arrested and detained. On 8 th April, 1953, they were sentenced to seven years' imprisonment with hard labor. The inclusion of Kenyan nationalists in the TAA leadership was, therefore, a cause of concern to the colonial governments in East Africa and TAA was, as a result, closely watched. The Kenyan nationalists were all considered Mau Mau suspects. Whether the Special Branch was also aware that Abdulwahid had made contact and met the Mau Mau leadership in 1950 is still open to speculation. But if one is to go by the belief that TAA's confidential files were surrendered to the colonial government at a price by one of its executive staff, one can conclude that Abdulwahid's contact with Kenyatta was known to the government. We shall return later to discuss this episode.

1 August, 1953, the colonial administration published Government Circular No. 5 banning African civil servants from politics. Legally, of course, there was no political party in Tanganyika. The Governor did not need to go to the Registrar of Societies to check the simple fact; it was known the Africans in Tanganyika had not gone beyond formation of welfare associations. But the government was forced to react in the way it did because of developments after 1950 when the Makerere intellectuals took over the TAA. The government decided to react against TAA because it was aware of its political character. Since 1950 when Abdulwahid and Dr Kyaruzi assumed power, TAA headquarters began to capitalize on the social discontent in the country in order to legitimize its own existence in the eyes of the people of Tanganyika.

The formation of the Political Sub-Committee in TAA in 1950, its involvement in the Constitutional Development Committee of Governor Edward Twining and in its submission of proposals to the government and its conduct in the Meru Land Case in 1952 smacked of behavior typical of political organizations. The colonial government was also aware that Mwapachu was in contact with the Fabian Society and was since early 1950s contributing radical articles to The Sentinel and was exchanging correspondence with ultra-leftists of the Labor Party in Britain. In his capacity as the secretary of TAGSA, Ally Sykes had in 1953 established contact with the Secretary-General of the Pan African Congress of Northern Rhodesia, Kenneth David Kaunda. Abdulwahid had met the Indian High Commissioner to East Africa in Nairobi in 1950 in his official capacity as secretary of TAA. The colonial government was probably aware that since 1950 the Sykes brothers were in constant contact with the Asia Socialist Conference and its Anti-Colonial Bureau. This behavior by the Association and its leadership had transformed it into a de facto political party.

 

[Lole Gwakisa]

Mohammed Said,
As long as hukuongea ana kwa Ana na Abdulwahid Kleist, na as long as hukufanya mahojiano na Mwalimu Nyerere mwenyewe, hayo unayosema "inasemekana," yataendelea kuwa dhana zako mwenyewe. Iweje Mwalimu, ambaye alikaaa na Abdluwahid Kleist nyumbani kwake, asijue hata chembe ya historia ya mwenyeji wake mpaka aje kupigwa butwaa? Hawa watu kweli hawakufahamiana baada ya ukarimu wote huo wa Abdulwahid? It boggles the mind.

Kweli mkuu, inasikitisha lakini ingawaje si vizuri kumwita mtu mzima mwongo lakini hakuna neno bora zaidi kuelezea hali hii.

Ukitazama post no 829 ya Mohammed Said
"Nyerere hakuwa wa kurekebisha historia. Ukweli ni kuwa (Nyerere)aliposoma habari za kwanza Kleist Sykes na African Association 1929, kisha kuja kusoma habari za Abdulwahid Sykes katika King's African Rifles (KAR) Burma Infantry 6th Battalion ambayo Abdulwahid alikuwa keshawakusanya askari wa Tanganyika kuunda chama cha TANU 1945, halafu (Nyerere)alipomsoma Abdulwahid katika Dockworkers Union 1947 na harakati za kudai haki za makuli na mgomo wa 1949, kisha tena 1950 alipochukua nafasi ya baba yake Kleist Sykes ya kuwa katibu wa TAA, kuja kusoma nyaraka zake na za baba yake kwa serikali ya Muingereza kuanzia 1930s hadi 1950s inasemekana Nyerere hakuamini macho yake. Alipigwa na butwaa. Nyerere alikuwa hajamjua marehemu Abdu alikuwa nani."

Kama nilivosema awali mtu mzima aki-concoct stori na kuzileta hapa jamvini sijui tumwiteje?
Hayo maoni ya Mohammed Said kuwa Nyerere alipomsoma Abdu hakuamini macho yake, hizo hadithi za kutunga amezipata wapi sijui.Na je alimhoji Mwalimu au kahadithiwa na nani.
Hayo ndo maneno niliyokuwa naya sema ya vijiweni "Saigon".

 

[Mohamed Said]

LG: Maalim Haruna sheikh wangu alikuwa akisema kuwa wakati mwingine inakuwa tabu kwa huyo unaejadiliananae jambo kukuamini kwa kuwa huenda yeye akawa kakulia makuzi mengine yote umwambiayo kwake haelewi. Akitoa mfano wa jamvi. Akawa anasema kwa mtu yoyote wa pwani hathubutu kulikanyaga jamvi na kiatu kwa sababu kubwa mbili. Ya kwanza jamvi ni msala wa kuswalia lazima uwe safi na hueshimiwe. Pili ni kama meza ya kulia chakula huwezi kuikanyaga na kiatu. Akawa anaendelea kusema kuwa hata ikwa jamvi lenyewe limechoka na kubadilika rangi heshima yake iko palepale. Kwa mtu ambae hana utamaduni huu hawezi kulielewa hili. Kisha akawa anatahadharisha na kauli za kejeli na lugha isyopendeza. Hapa alikuwa akitunasihi sisi wanafunzi wake kuwa iwe mwiko kwetu kurejesha tusi kwa tusi au kejeli kwa kejeli. Unapata tabu kuamini kuwa hayo nisemayo yalitokea kweli. Prof. Haroub baada ya kusoma kitabu alimuendea Mwalimu na kumsihi aseme upande wake ili ukweli upatikane. Mwalimu kafariki bila kutimiza hilo (Angalia kitabu kilichohaririwa na Saida H. Othman "Farewell to the Chairman).

Kwa taarifa yako niliomba kukutana na Mwalimu kupitia mtu ambae sote alikuwa rafiki yetu. Sikuweza kumuona Mwalimu. Na niliomba Mwalimu aelezwe kuwa naandika maisha ya rafiki yake marehemu Abdulwahid Sykes. Nina mengi ningeweza kusema lakini kama alivyosema Msolopagas katika Allan Quaertaman (sijui kama ninepatia spelling) yanini yote hayo? Tuendelee kujadili historia ya kupigania uhuru wa Tanganyika na mashujaa wake waliosauliwa.

Yapo maradhi makubwa kwa baadhi ya jamaa zetu Waingereza na Wamishionari katika fitna zao za "wagawe uwatawale" waliwafanya baadhi ya watu waamini kuwa Waswahili si chochote si lolote. Sasa inapowadhihirikieni kuwa hivyo walivyokuwa wanafundisha wakoloni na wamishionari si kweli akili zinakataa kuamini kile wanachokiona. Ndiyo maana ukaona hata siku moja Nyerere hakupata kumtaja Abdu Sykes kwa kuwa alikuwa anajua hatari yake. Ukimleta Abdu katika historia itakubidi urudi nusu karne nyuma. Sasa ikiwa hivyo Nyerere atapenya wapi? Nilipomrudisha marehemu Abdu katika historia mwaka 1987 kupitia gazeti la African Events (London) somo hili likawa historia mpya na sasa kila mtafiti anaeandika tasnifu katika African History, Politics and Islam lazima kama ada atakuja Tanzania kuja nihoji. Hawa kwangu hawafuati kusikiza ngano za kale. Wanakuja kusikia yale ambayo hayakuwa yanafahamika. Ala kuli hali muhimu kwetu ni tunamshukuru Mungu kwa kutimiza ahadi yake kuwa hataacha juhudi ya mja ipotee kwa kuwa Mungu yeye anajisifu kwa uadilifu.

Shida iliyomkuta Nyerere ni ileile iliyomfika Krapf kaja kutoka Ujerumani na fikra kuwa anakuja kukuta huku washenzi. Anafika Vuga kwa Chifu Kimweri kamkuta yeye na wanae wote wanajua kusoma na kuandika. Nyerere haikumpitikia kuwa Abdu na baba yake walikuwa na uhusiano usioweza kukatika na African Association, TAA na TANU. Hataweza mtafiti kuandika historia ya taasisi hizo bila kuwataja. Mwalimu hakuwakuta wazee wetu mbumbumbu. Walikuwa wazalendo na walikuwa wanapambana na mkoloni toka mwanzo wa karne ya 20. Hii ndiyo historia isomwayo leo katika shule za Kiislam na hatujali kwa yule atakaelaumu.