Kwanza kabisa, "who are the others?"
lol. Ulitaka niweke na footnotes kabisa? Moja ya watu ambao wana-link dual citizenship na Pan-Africanism ni Gregory Simpkins:
Africa Rising 21st Century: The Reality of Dual Citizenship
Pili, icon wa Pan-Africanism kama Mwalimu hakuwahi kusikika wakiunga mkono dual citizenship, tena alipinga hilo suala (soma Chapter 4 - "Continental Shift: Civilization, Racial Thought and the Intellectual Foundations of an African Nationalism" ya kitabu cha James Brennan (2012) "Taifa: Making Nation and Race in Urban Tanzania"). Sasa sijui hapo utasema Mwalimu alikuwa akijicontradict katika kuwa muumini mkubwa wa Pan-Africanism?
Sina uhakika kama Nyerere alikataa uraia wa nchi mbili. Hata kama alipinga kuna instances ambazo anawezakuwa alijicontradict. Maandishi yanasema kuwa, wakati akiwa Waziri Mkuu wa Tanganyika, serikali yake ilileta mswada wa uraia bungeni ya kuwapa uraia wakazi wote wa Tanganyika bila kujali rangi au asili ya mtu, ili mradi tuu awe amezaliwa Tanganyika au mmoja wa wazazi wake awe amezaliwa Tanganyika.
Lakini wabunge wengi waliupinga mswada huo wakidai uraia uzingatie zaidi race ya mtu. Nyerere hakufurahishwa na hilo na akatishia kujiuzulu na kurejea kijijini. Alisema kuwa "this Government has rejected, and rejected completely, any ideas that citizenship with the duties and the rights of citizenship of this country, are going to be based on anything except loyalty to this country…" (Nyerere 1961, 1966:128-9). Nasubiri swali ambalo utauliza juu ya hii quotation.
Kwa mujibu wa extract kutoka Raia Mwema, "Muswada huo ulipita kwa upinzani mkali wa wabunge na wananchi, waliotaka uraia uwe kwa Waafrika tu ambao ndio wenye nchi na wenye kustahili kufaidi matunda ya uhuru.
Kwa kukerwa na sheria hiyo, TANU iliitisha Mkutano Mkuu, Januari 16, 1962 ambapo wajumbe walimshambulia na kumlaumu Nyerere, wakishinikiza kuona maendeleo ya haraka, kuanzishwa kwa Jamhuri ya Tanganyika, kufutwa kwa viti 20 maalumu kwa weupe Bungeni (minority races) wenye uraia wa nchi mbili, na kutoa madaraka kwa Waafrika katika utumishi wa umma na vyama vya Ushirika…….
Kwa kutetea msimamo wake, na hasa kutokana na kile kilichoitwa "kukosa ujasiri wa kuwatimua Waingereza kwa kasi iliyotakikana", ilibidi Mwalimu aachie ngazi na kuwaachia Rashid Kawawa na Oscar Kambona kuwaondoa Wazungu [wenye urai wa nchi mbili] kwenye vyeo walivyokuwa wakishikilia."
Raia Mwema - Uraia wa nchi mbili utaangamiza nchi, uzalendo
Swali linakuja kama Nyerere alikuwa anapinga uraia wa nchi mbili, si angefuta hivyo viti 20 maalumu kwa weupe bungeni (minority races) waliokuwa na uraia wa nchi mbili? Kwa nini Nyerere aliamua kuachia ngazi na kuwaachia akina Kawawa na Kambona kuwaondoa hao Wazungu wenye uraia wa nchi mbili kwenye vyeo walivyokuwa wakishikilia?
Let's assume kuwa Nyerere alikuwa anapinga uraia wa nchi mbili. Unadhani kama angekuwa hai bado angeendelea na msimamo huo na kwa nini? Katika kitabu chake cha "Tumetoka Wapi, Tuko Wapi na Tunakwenda Wapi' uk 32 Mwalimu aliongelea suala la mgombea binafsi na kusema, "Hata hivyo, mimi nadhani sheria imekosea kuzuia wagombea binafsi. Hili jambo limekosewa ni la msingi. Ndiyo maana napenda kulisema ni la msingi, linahusu haki yangu na yako ya kupiga kura na kupigiwa kura. Hii ni haki ya uraia. Kuomba upigiwe kura pia ni haki ya uraia. Ni haki yako."
Sina maana kuwa ni haki ya Mtanzania kuwa na uraia wa nchi mbili. Bali najaribu tuu kuonyesha jinsi Mwalimu alivyoanza kubadili misimamo yake kwenye masuala muhimu hasa baada ya kuondoka madarakani. Who knows, maybe angebadilisha pia msimamo wake kwenye suala la uraia pia?
Tatu, vipi kuhusu "Back-to-Africa-Movement", ambapo suala la umoja wa watu weusi nalo lilikuwa ni msingi wa movement hiyo. Ambapo watu kama kina Garvey na Malik El-Shabazz (waamini wakubwa wa Pan-Africanism) wali-advocate suala la mtu mweusi kurudi katika nchi zao za asili. Hapa msisitizo ulikuwa katika kurudi na kuweka makazi ya kudumu katika kuendeleza maeneo yao ya asili (ancentral lands). Ingawa pia masuala la kukimbia uonevu na kudharauliwa katika nchi za kigeni nayo yalikuwa sababu ya hiyo movement. Hawaku-advocate watu weusi wawe na uraia katika nchi za kigeni na nchi zao za asili; wali advocate for African Redemption kwa kupitia kwa mikono ya waafrika waliokuwa mataifa ya nje kurudi kwao, na kwa wageni kuliacha bara la Afrika na watu wake, katika mikono ya waafrika.
Garvey alikuwa anasema "A strong man is strong everywhere" na kuwa kama Afrika ikiwa imara basi descendants wake wakiwemo na wale walio-emigrate voluntarily (bila kulazimishwa), wangefaidika pia na uimara wa Afrika mpya. Malcolm X nae alisema kuwa wakati China ilipokuwa imara Wachina waliokuwa wanaishi Marekani walijikuta wanakuwa transformed kutoka "objects" kuwa "modern minority".
Inawezekana suala hapa wala siyo rangi, bali umaskini au perception ya umaskini ndiyo unaotufanya tudharauliwe na race nyingine. Kuwahamisha watu weusi wote na kuwaleta Africa, haina maana kuwa dharau itaisha unless tuondokane na umaskini, etc unatukabili.
Sasa sielewi ni vipi hiyo quotation ya Garvey unataka kuiunganisha na dual citizenship tu bila kuangalia upande wa pili. Katika ideology ya African Redemption, licha ya msisitizo mkuu kuwa katika "Back to Africa" movement, pia msisitizo mwingine ulilenga katika kuhakikisha watu wenye African ancestry popote walipo duniani wanashiriki kikamilifu katika kuhakikisha bara la Afrika linakombolewa kutoka kwenye makucha ya wakoloni na umaskini wa watu wake.
Hapa naona unataka kulazimisha kuunganisha mambo katika kuona hoja ya dual citizenship inapata legitimacy kupitia mgongo wa Pan-Africanism.
Naona kama vile "Back to Africa" movement ilikuwa ime-base zaidi kwenye race. Alikuwa anasema "race first". Hii ilifanya Pan Africanism kabla ya uhuru ihusishwe zaidi na kuunganisha race ya watu weusi. Lakini baada ya nchi za Kiafrika kuanza kupata uhuru, pioneers wengi wa Pan Africanism wali-mix race na movement ya kuwa na the United States of Africa. Lakini nafikiri kwa Nyerere, Pan-Africanism ilikuwa na maana ya self-determination katika nyanja zote za maendeleo. That Africans should be able to determine themselves whenever they are.
Huwa najiuliza kama Garvey angekuwa hai leo bado angeunga mkono "Back to Africa" movement? After all yeye mwenyewe alihamia London permanently na kufia huko. Kwa nini asinge-stick na "Back-to-Africa-Movement" na kubakia Jamaica baada ya kuwa deported from the United States?
Pia sometimes, maneno yake either huwa yanaji-contradict or yanakuwa interpreted vibaya. Ndiyo, maana bado nashindwa kukubaliana kwa asilimia 100 na hawa wanaunga mkono duo nationality on the basis of Pan Africanism. Nafikiri labda argument ya Garvey ingekuwa kwamba kama diaspora ingesaidia kuikomboa Afrika from alien domination, basi ingenufaika pia na faida ya kuwa na Afrika imara.
Chifu unasahau kuna theory ya moral relativism - kwamba hakuna binadamu ambaye kimsingi yupo sahihi au hayuko sahihi katika suala fulani (nobody is objectively right or wrong). Kwamba morality is relative to individuals; unachokiona sahihi wewe, kwangu kinaweza kisiwe sahihi. Mfano watu wa LGBT wao kwao kuwa mashoga, wasagaji na kuoana watu wenye jinsia moja ni sahihi kabisa. Lakini kwa jumuiya za wapinga LGBT, hayo masuala ni immoral.
Moral relativists wanasema kwamba hakuna "
ultimate standard of good or evil, so every judgment about right and wrong is purely a product of a person's preferences and environment. There is no ultimate standard of morality, according to moral relativism, and no statement or position can be considered absolutely "right or wrong," "best or worst". (Source:
Moral Relativism).
Hivyo suala la dual citizenship likijadiliwa katika misingi ya what is moral and what is immoral, halitafikia tamati na kupata ufumbuzi. Ningeshauri, ni heri tujadili katika misingi mingine (uchumi, ukuaji na usambazaji wa ujuzi na utaalamu, transfer of technology n.k.) lakini si hili la morality na immorality.
Wasalaam.
Of course, what is moral may be relative to individuals. Kuna kabila moja Afrika ambalo linaamini kwenye arranged marriage na kila wakati wa mavuno lazima kuwe na dansi. Kwenye hii dansi kama umeoa, mke wako anaweza kumchangua mwanaume mwingine mbele yako for a one night stand, to fulfill her lust for that man au hata kufunga nae ndoa. Kwenye hili kabila, it is a moral obligation to do this, imekubaliwa among the people in the tribe including wanaume walioa na hii practice imekuwa passed on kutoka generatiom moja kwenda nyingine kwa miaka na miaka.
Lakini even moral relativism inaweza kupingwa na wale wanaomini kwenye universality ya morality. Ni sawa na wale wanaosema kuwa human rights are universal wakati wapo wengine wanaosema kuwa they are cultural relative. It could go either way depending on the individual.
Hata hivyo, there may be situations ambapo morality inaweza kuwa regarded as universal, rather than relative, regardless of how the law says. Kwa mfano, sheria inasema tuendeshe upande wa kushoto wa barabara. Wakati A anaendesha mara akatokozea B barabarani (upande anaondeshea). Badala ya kumgonga, A akamkwepa B kwa kwenda upande wa kulia mwa barabara (kulikuwa hakuna gari upande huo).
Traffic akamwona A anaendesha upande wa kulia na kumkamata na kumfikisha mahakamani kwa kuendesha gari upande wa kulia mwa barabara kinyume na sheria. Ukiwa kama hakimu utamhukumu kwa mujibu wa sheria au you will think that there was a moral excuse for A to drive on the right side of the road on that particular time? If not, universally, unadhani wananchi wote Tanzania wangemhukumu A kwa kuvunja sheria?
I am not suggesting that duo citizenship is universally acceptable in Tanzania. Rather, morality many not necessarily be relative. I still think that that morality plays a significant role kwenye suala zima la duo citizenship. In fact, sheria nyingi huwa zinatungwa based on what people perceive to be a right or wrong thing to do. Na kwa nchi za wenzetu morality inaplay an important part. Kwa mfano, wanaona it is a right thing for the first to be served first wakati kwetu ni sawa kabisa kwa mtu aliyekuja saa sita mchana kuwa served kabla ya yule aliyekuja saa mbili asubuhi simply because hakuna sheria inayozua hilo.
Yes, debate ya duo citizenship must take into account economic, political, etc, benefits to Tanzania and Tanzanians. Lakini pia dual citizenship has a moral dimension which should not be neglected. Kwa kifupi, in deciding whether or not we should have duo citizenship, we must take everything into consideration whether morally or not.