Uchaguzi 2020 US Ambassador to Tanzania: I am concerned, if election officials do not take necessary steps, country's democracy will lose credibility

Uchaguzi 2020 US Ambassador to Tanzania: I am concerned, if election officials do not take necessary steps, country's democracy will lose credibility

I first came to Tanzania over 30 years ago to volunteer as a doctor, and that experience instilled in me a deep and lasting affection and respect for Tanzania and the Tanzanian people. It was the greatest honor of my life to be given the opportunity to come back all these years later to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to Tanzania. Since my arrival in August, I have seen first-hand and spoken about how U.S. assistance is improving the lives of ordinary Tanzanians, and how increased cooperation and trade will benefit both our peoples.

The bond between the United States and Tanzania dates back to the earliest days of independence, when President Kennedy’s friendship with Mwalimu Nyerere formed the foundation of an enduring partnership based on mutual respect and understanding, with the well-being and prosperity of both of our people at its core. In support of that goal, the United States will contribute more than $546 million to Tanzania’s economic and social development in 2020, and it has contributed more than $7.5 billion in assistance over the past 20 years, much of that to improve the Tanzanian people’s health. The U.S. government also proudly invests in the people of Tanzania through our support for the participation of the country’s talented youth in exchange programs like the Young African Leaders Initiative. Moreover, the U.S. private sector has invested in Tanzania as well, creating jobs for Tanzanians and mutual prosperity for both of our countries.

At the same time as I have promoted the importance of trade and investment, I have also been vocal about the importance of fundamental freedoms, human rights, and democratic processes – including free, fair, and credible elections – as critical foundations of sustainable development.

Calling for free, fair, and credible elections is not meddling in Tanzania’s politics, it is simply standing up for the simple yet fundamental aspiration shared by all people, Americans and Tanzanians alike: to have their voices heard, especially when it comes to choosing who will lead and represent them.

I want to be very clear on this point: the United States does not support a candidate, or a political party, in this election campaign. The United States’ overarching interest in this election is that it be free, fair, and credible, and that the results reflect the will of the Tanzanian people as expressed at the ballot box. That is truly the purest expression of democracy.

To my dismay, I have seen and heard reports of government and security representatives disrupting and preventing candidates’ ability to campaign freely. As we get closer to election day, the pace and severity of these disruptions is quickening and deepening. We have seen political violence, restrictions on media, and a candidate certification process that, by all appearances, gave a clear advantage to the ruling party. Already, we are hearing reports of officials denying poll watchers the ability to do their jobs. Taken together, these developments paint a picture of an electoral process that does not provide a level playing field.

Luckily, there is still time to ensure a more transparent process on October 28. Transparency leads to credibility. One way to promote a transparent election process is to allow independent observers to witness the election and have the freedom to express what they observe. Election officials can go far in restoring faith in the electoral process by ensuring that polling station results are posted publicly, that all party polling agents are sworn in, given access to polling stations and tallying centers nationwide on election day, and provided copies of tallying sheets at the end of the ballot count. As U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis wrote, “sunlight is the best disinfectant.” In other words, government and election transparency can ensure a more credible electoral process. The United States has a long-standing tradition of inviting international observers to our elections, and we welcome them again this year.

I am concerned that if election officials do not take these steps, Tanzania’s democracy will lose credibility in the eyes of the international community. More important, the declared winner may lack legitimacy in the eyes of Tanzanians themselves.


By U.S. Embassy Dar es Salaam | 22 October, 2020 | Topics: Op-Eds, Press Releases
Balozi ayasikilize haya,shahidi mmoja ni huyo yuko marekani.
 
Mr Ambassador can you please advice your President Mr Trump and his goverment to fight covid -19 by emitating the approach of Tanzanians under the leadership of President JPM.

To you all citizens of USA can you please rise up your voices to tell the following, your President Mt Trump, his goverment and your ambassador to Tanzania to stop once and for all this shit of interfering with other nations business. The whole world hates and is tired of you.
Hili umeliona
 
Thank you so much Mr Ambassador. We really need America to take serious actions this year. It’s obvious that this election is being rigged in a very serious manner.
Mr Ambassador tunahutaji uchaguzi huru na wa Haki.
 
Mnawadai tena.... Nikafikiri ni mabeberu na hamuwataki[emoji23][emoji23][emoji23]

Tutawanyoosha wote wale walio matepeli

Kama walivyooka hapa 😉😉😉😉😉😉😉

 
I first came to Tanzania over 30 years ago to volunteer as a doctor, and that experience instilled in me a deep and lasting affection and respect for Tanzania and the Tanzanian people. It was the greatest honor of my life to be given the opportunity to come back all these years later to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to Tanzania. Since my arrival in August, I have seen first-hand and spoken about how U.S. assistance is improving the lives of ordinary Tanzanians, and how increased cooperation and trade will benefit both our peoples.

The bond between the United States and Tanzania dates back to the earliest days of independence, when President Kennedy’s friendship with Mwalimu Nyerere formed the foundation of an enduring partnership based on mutual respect and understanding, with the well-being and prosperity of both of our people at its core. In support of that goal, the United States will contribute more than $546 million to Tanzania’s economic and social development in 2020, and it has contributed more than $7.5 billion in assistance over the past 20 years, much of that to improve the Tanzanian people’s health. The U.S. government also proudly invests in the people of Tanzania through our support for the participation of the country’s talented youth in exchange programs like the Young African Leaders Initiative. Moreover, the U.S. private sector has invested in Tanzania as well, creating jobs for Tanzanians and mutual prosperity for both of our countries.

At the same time as I have promoted the importance of trade and investment, I have also been vocal about the importance of fundamental freedoms, human rights, and democratic processes – including free, fair, and credible elections – as critical foundations of sustainable development.

Calling for free, fair, and credible elections is not meddling in Tanzania’s politics, it is simply standing up for the simple yet fundamental aspiration shared by all people, Americans and Tanzanians alike: to have their voices heard, especially when it comes to choosing who will lead and represent them.

I want to be very clear on this point: the United States does not support a candidate, or a political party, in this election campaign. The United States’ overarching interest in this election is that it be free, fair, and credible, and that the results reflect the will of the Tanzanian people as expressed at the ballot box. That is truly the purest expression of democracy.

To my dismay, I have seen and heard reports of government and security representatives disrupting and preventing candidates’ ability to campaign freely. As we get closer to election day, the pace and severity of these disruptions is quickening and deepening. We have seen political violence, restrictions on media, and a candidate certification process that, by all appearances, gave a clear advantage to the ruling party. Already, we are hearing reports of officials denying poll watchers the ability to do their jobs. Taken together, these developments paint a picture of an electoral process that does not provide a level playing field.

Luckily, there is still time to ensure a more transparent process on October 28. Transparency leads to credibility. One way to promote a transparent election process is to allow independent observers to witness the election and have the freedom to express what they observe. Election officials can go far in restoring faith in the electoral process by ensuring that polling station results are posted publicly, that all party polling agents are sworn in, given access to polling stations and tallying centers nationwide on election day, and provided copies of tallying sheets at the end of the ballot count. As U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis wrote, “sunlight is the best disinfectant.” In other words, government and election transparency can ensure a more credible electoral process. The United States has a long-standing tradition of inviting international observers to our elections, and we welcome them again this year.

I am concerned that if election officials do not take these steps, Tanzania’s democracy will lose credibility in the eyes of the international community. More important, the declared winner may lack legitimacy in the eyes of Tanzanians themselves.


By U.S. Embassy Dar es Salaam | 22 October, 2020 | Topics: Op-Eds, Press Releases
Very interesting assertion...they thought CCM will lose support...to the imperialists dismay as the polling day looms Magufuli is unstopabble...they did not expect this..Lissu has lost ground..he will garner no more than 17 per cent of the total votes...
 
Civil society letter endorsed by over 65 organisations to President of Tanzania ahead of 28 October National Elections


To: President John Magufuli

Excellency,

We, the undersigned civil society organizations, are deeply concerned about the continued deterioration of democracy, human rights and rule of law in the United Republic of Tanzania. In the past five years, we have documented the steady decline of the country into a state of repression, evidenced by the increased harassment, intimidation, prosecution, and persecution of political activists, human rights defenders (HRDs), journalists and media houses; the enactment of restrictive laws; and disregard for rule of law, constitutionalism, as well as regional and international human rights standards. We are deeply concerned that the situation has worsened during the COVID-19 pandemic and as the country heads for general elections on 28 October 2020.[1]

Tanzania as a party to several regional and international treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, has a legal obligation to respect and protect fundamental rights, particularly the right to - freedom of expression and the media, peacefully assemble, form and join associations, and to participate in public affairs, which are fundamental rights for free and fair elections in a democratic society. As a member of the African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), Tanzania has committed to uphold and promote democratic principles, popular participation, and good governance.

Leading up to the elections in Tanzania, we have unfortunately documented an unfavourable environment for public participation and free engagement in the political process. The role of the media in providing information and access to varying viewpoints in a true democracy is indispensable. Media houses must be allowed to provide these services without undue restrictions, yet in recent times, several independent media houses have been suspended. These have included the seven-day suspensions of The Citizen newspaper in February 2019,[2] Clouds TV and Clouds FM in August 2020, and the six-month suspension of Kwanza online TV in September 2019[3] and again in July 2020 for 11 months;[4] the online publication ban against Mwananchi news in April 2020;[5] the revocation, effective June 24, 2020, of the license of the Tanzania Daima newspaper;[6] and the fines against online stations, Watetezi TV and Ayo TV in September 2019.[7]We note, with great disappointment, that the government is yet to comply with a ruling by the East African Court of Justice requiring the amendment of the Media Services Act to address the unjustified restrictions on freedom of expression.[8]

We are further concerned about the restrictions on individuals peacefully expressing their opinions, including criticising public officials.[9] The latter are required to tolerate a greater amount of criticism than others - a necessary requirement for transparency and accountability. Tanzania’s criminal justice system has however been misused to target those who criticize the government. Tito Magoti and IT expert Theodory Giyani were arrested in December 2019 and questioned over their social media use and association with certain government critics.[10] The duo were subsequently charged with economic crimes, including “money laundering” which is a non-bailable offence. Despite their case being postponed more than 20 times since December 2019, and no evidence being presented against them, they remain in pre-trial detention.[11] Investigative journalist Erick Kabendera was similarly arrested and charged with “money laundering” where he was held in pre-trial detention for seven months with his case postponed over ten times.[12] Several United Nations (UN) mandate holders have raised concern about the misuse of the country’s anti-money laundering laws that “allow the Government to hold its critics in detention without trial and for an indefinite period.”[13]

Most recently, a prominent human rights lawyer and vocal critic of the government, Fatma Karume was disbarred from practising law in Tanzania following submissions she made in a constitutional case challenging the appointment of the Attorney General.[14] Other lawyers are also facing disciplinary proceedings for publicly raising issues on judicial independence and rule of law. Opposition leader, Zitto Kabwe was arrested and prosecuted for statements made calling for accountability for extrajudicial killings by State security agents.[15] The above cases are clear evidence of intolerance for alternative views and public debate.

In addition, authorities should ensure respect for the right of individuals to freely form associations and for those associations to participate in public affairs, without unwarranted interference. We note the increasing misuse of laws to restrict and suspend the activities of civil society organisations.[16] On August 12, Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC) was notified that its bank accounts had been frozen pending police investigations. THRDC’s coordinator was then summoned by the police to explain an alleged failure to submit to the State Treasury its contractual agreements with donors.[17] Prior to this, in June 2020, the authorities disrupted the activities of THRDC for allegedly contravening “laws of the land.”[18] Several other non-governmental organisations working on human rights issues have been deregistered or are facing harassment for issuing public statements critical of the government. Ahead of the elections some civil society organisations have reported being informally told by authorities to cease activities. As a result of the repressive environment, civil society organisations have been forced to self-censor activities.

We also note the enactment of further restrictive laws.[19] For example, the Written Laws Miscellaneous Amendments Act (The Amendment Act)[20] which has introduced amendments to 13 laws.[21] The Amendment Act requires anyone making a claim for violation of rights to have been personally affected.[22] This limits the ability of civil society organisations to carry out legal aid and law-based activities where they are not personally harmed. It violates Article 26(2) of the country’s Constitution, which provides for the right of every person “to take legal action to ensure the protection of this Constitution and the laws of the land.” Furthermore, it is an internationally recognized best practice that all persons, whether individually or in association with others, have the right to seek an effective remedy before a judicial body or other authority in response to a violation of human rights.[23] The Amendment Act further provides that lawsuits against the President, Vice-President, Prime Minister, Speaker, Deputy Speaker, or Chief Justice cannot be brought against them directly but must be brought against the Attorney General.[24] This provision undermines government accountability for human rights violations. We remind the authorities that international bodies have raised concerns about Tanzania’s repressive laws.[25]

We are especially concerned over the continued cases of verbal threats and physical attacks against members of opposition political parties.[26] We note with concern that to date, no one has been held accountable for the 2017 attack against the CHADEMA party leader, Tundu Lissu, who is a presidential candidate in the upcoming elections. Most recently, opposition leader Freeman Mbowe was brutally attacked and his assailants are still at large. Failure to thoroughly and impartially investigate such cases breeds a culture of violence and impunity, which in turn threatens the peace and security of the country. The government must take steps to bring perpetrators of such violence to account and to guarantee the safety of all other opposition party members and supporters.

Earlier, in November 2019, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) issued a press statement on the “deteriorating human rights situation in Tanzania.”[27] The Commission specifically voiced concern over “the unprecedented number of journalists and opposition politicians jailed for their activities.” The ongoing crackdown on civic space in Tanzania also led the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, to issue a strong warning ahead of the 28 October 2020 General Elections. At the opening of the UN Human Rights Council’s 45th session, she “[drew] the Council's attention to increasing repression of the democratic and civic space, in what is becoming a deeply deteriorated environment for human rights” and stressed that “[with] elections approaching later this month, we are receiving increasing reports of arbitrary arrests and detention of civil society actors, activists, journalists and members of opposition parties.” She added: “Further erosion of human rights could risk grave consequences, and I encourage immediate and sustained preventive action.”[28]

While we acknowledge measures taken by your government to halt the spread of the COVID-19 virus and protect the citizens of Tanzania, we are deeply concerned that the pandemic has been used to unduly restrict fundamental freedoms. Examples are the arrest and sentencing of two Kenyan journalists for interviewing members of the public in Tanzania on the status of the pandemic in the country[29] as well as, the suspension of Kwanza Online TV for reposting an alert by the U.S. embassy in Tanzania regarding the pandemic in the country.[30] The rights to peacefully express one’s opinion, receive information, peaceful assembly and association, and to participate in public affairs are not only essential in the context of the upcoming elections, but also in relation to the current COVID-19 pandemic. Freedom of expression in particular, ensures “the communication of information to the public, enabling individuals to … develop opinions about the public health threat so that they can take appropriate steps to protect themselves and their communities.”[31] The UN has repeatedly emphasized that Government responses to COVID-19 must not be used as a pretext to suppress individual human rights or to repress the free flow of information.[32]

The need for Tanzania to uphold human rights, democracy and the rule of law is now more than ever important as a matter of national security, following recent reports of insurgent attacks along Tanzania’s border with Mozambique.[33] Studies have shown that experiences of injustice, marginalization and a breakdown in rule of law, are root causes of disaffection and violence. A peaceful and prosperous nation requires good governance and respect for rule of law, with a society that protects fundamental freedoms and ensures justice for all.

As civil society organisations deeply concerned about constitutionalism, justice, and democracy in the United Republic of Tanzania, we strongly urge your Excellency to adhere to your undertaking to ensure a free and fair election in Tanzania. The government has an obligation to create an enabling environment for everyone, including political opposition, non-governmental organisations, journalists, and other online users, HRDs, and other real or perceived government opponents to exercise their human rights without fear of reprisals. As such, we call on the relevant authorities to immediately drop criminal charges and release defenders such as Tito Magoti and Theodory Giyani and any others being prosecuted for peacefully exercising their rights. Suspensions and the freezing of assets of non-governmental organisations such as THRDC, independent media houses such as Kwanza Online TV, and members of the legal profession- particularly Fatma Karume, must be reversed. Opposition parties must be allowed to freely and peacefully campaign and engage with their supporters without undue restrictions such as arbitrary arrests, physical attacks, forceful dispersal and intimidation of supporters, and harassment by security forces. The legitimacy of Tanzania’s elections is at stake.

We call on Tanzania to heed the messages delivered by national, African, and international actors and to change course before the country enters a full-fledged human rights crisis, with potentially grave domestic and regional consequences.

Signed:

  1. Access Now, Global
  2. Acción Solidaria on HIV/aids, Venezuela
  3. Africa Freedom of Information Centre
  4. Africa Judges and Jurists Forum
  5. AfroLeadership
  6. ARTICLE 19, Global
  7. Asia Dalit Rights Forum (ADRF), New Delhi and Kathmandu
  8. Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE)
  9. Association of Freelance Journalists
  10. BudgIT Foundation, Nigeria
  11. CEALDES, Colombia
  12. Center for Civil Liberties, Ukraine
  13. Centre for Human Rights & Development (CHRD), Mongolia
  14. Centre for Law and Democracy, Canada
  15. Center for National and International Studies, Azerbaijan
  16. Child Watch, Tanzania
  17. CIVICUS, Global
  18. Civic Initiatives, Serbia
  19. CIVILIS Human Rights, Venezuela
  20. Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA)
  21. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  22. Community Empowerment for Progress Organization (CEPO), South Sudan
  23. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI)
  24. Corporación Comuna Nueva, Santiago de Chile
  25. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
  26. Democracy Monitor PU, Azerbaijan
  27. Eastern Africa Journalists Network (EAJN)
  28. Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO)
  29. Ethiopian Human Rights Defenders Coalition (EHRDC)
  30. Espacio Público, Venezuela
  31. Front Line Defenders, Global
  32. Gestos (HIV and AIDS, communication, gender), Brazil
  33. Greenpeace Africa
  34. Groupe d’Action pour le Progrès et la Paix (GAPP-Afrique), Canada
  35. Groupe d’Action pour le Progrès et la Paix (GAPP-BENIN)
  36. Groupe d’Action pour le Progrès et la Paix (GAPP Mali)
  37. HAKI Africa, Kenya
  38. Human Rights Concern - Eritrea (HRCE)
  39. Human Rights Defenders Network, Sierra Leone
  40. Humanium, Switzerland
  41. HuMENA for Human Rights and Civic Engagement (HuMENA Regional)
  42. International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) - Belgium
  43. Jade Propuestas Sociales y Alternativas al Desarrollo, A.C. (JADESOCIALES)- México
  44. Ligue Burundaise des droits de l’homme Iteka-Burundi
  45. Maison de la Société Civile (MdSC), Bénin
  46. MARUAH, Singapore
  47. Media Rights Agenda (MRA), Nigeria
  48. Nigeria Network of NGOs, Nigeria
  49. Nouvelle Dynamique de la Société Civile de la RD Congo (NDSCI)
  50. Odhikar, Bangladesh
  51. ONG Convergence des Actions Solidaires et les Objectifs de Développement Durable (CAS-ODD ONG) - Bénin
  52. ONG Nouvelle Vision (NOVI), Bénin
  53. Open School of Sustainable Development (Openshkola), Russia
  54. Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA)
  55. Partnership for Peace and Development, Sierra Leone
  56. RESOSIDE, Burkina Faso
  57. Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights, Global
  58. Sisters of Charity Federation, United States
  59. Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS), Somalia
  60. Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (SAHRDN)
  61. Sudanese Development Initiative (SUDIA), Sudan
  62. The Human Rights Centre Uganda (HRCU), Uganda
  63. Tournons La Page (TLP)
  64. Water, Sanitation and Hygiene Network, Sierra Leone
  65. Women in Democracy And Governance, Kenya (WIDAG)
  66. Zambia Council for Social Development, Zambia
 
Get prepared this year. It’s either you turn this country to Zimbabwe or you allow democracy to prevail
Higher wrong expectation = Big disappointment (ask Mange Kimambi and she will tell you a tale)

October 28th kura nyingi za NDIO ni kwa JPM.

JPM ANATOSHA
CCM KWA MAENDELEO YA TANZANIA
 
Hivi mtu akisema mfanye chaguzi huru au haki halafu mkaja makundi kama mko vitani mtu neutral awasomaje? If this was poker aren't you showing your hand?
 
Tanzania ni Taifa huru Marekani bakieni kwenye nafasi yenu.
 
Kateni misaada na mikopo vinginevyo mambo haya kamwe hayatakoma.

Sijui kwanini nchi wahisani wanashindwa kuweka shariti la kutoa misaada na mikopo kuwa ni lazima nchi husika iwe na Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi inayokubalika na makundi yote.

Ningekuwa na ushawishi, ningeanzisha movement ya kuzitaka nchi tajiri na mashirika ya fedha ya kimataifa kuweka shariti kwamba, kila nchi inayotaka msaada au mkopo, ni shariti nchi hiyo iwe na Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi inayokubalika na wadau wote wa uchaguzi katika nchi hiyo.

Au kama hili gumu,basi movement yangu nyingine ingekuwa ni kuzishawishi nchi hizi kuweka shariti linaloweza kuwa kama incentive ambapo nchi yenye kuonyesha demokrasia ya kweli, kwa kuwa na Tume Huru na Katiba inayokubalika na makundi yote katika nchi, inakuwa ni moja ya kigezo kwa nchi husika kupunguziwa au kufutiwa madeni.

Jitihada za nchi wahisani na mashirika ya fedha ya kimataifa za kuondoa umasikini katika mataifa yanayoendelea,hasa Afrika, haziwezi kufanikiwa iwapo katika nchi hizi hakuna demokrasia ya kweli, hivyo kuna ulazima wa kulazimisha nchi hizi kuwa na demokrasia vinginevyo maendeleo yatachukuwa muda mrefu kufikiwa katika nchi hizi.

Demokrasia ya kweli inafanya watawala wawajibike kwa watu wao na nchi zao na hivyo kuwezesha maendeleo kupatikana kwa haraka zaidi.
Kati ya malofa waliopo JF wewe ni mojawapo.
 
Hili umeliona


Ungejua mambo JK Nyerere aliyofanya kulinda amani ya nchi hii wala usingeweka hata haya mashairi hapa na kuninukuu. JK Nyerere angecheka na nyani wa kipindi chake kuhusu amani sijui taifa hili lingekuwa wapi? Mimi ni shauri viongozi wote wenye dhamana walizo aminiwa na wananchi wenzao, nakiri nilifurahishwa na kauli hii ya IGP Sirro akisema nitajibu kwa Mungu kwa nitakayo yafanya nikitimiza wajibu wangu na ni kisimamia amani ya Tanzania. Kayasema haya juzi kati akiwa ziara ya kazi huku kusini Ntwara.

Kwa nchi hii yenye baadhi ya watu waliotawali na tamaa za ubinafsi kiasi cha kutisha. Watu wanao weza kuunda genge la kutetea maslahi yao binafsi liwe ndilo genge la maadui wa Taifa la Tanzania. Genge la kutaka kukwamisha kila ambacho serikali inafanya kunufaisha watu wa hali ya chini eti kwasababu wako kando. Nashindwa kupata picha kama wataendekezwa.
 
Kateni misaada na mikopo vinginevyo mambo haya kamwe hayatakoma.

Sijui kwanini nchi wahisani wanashindwa kuweka shariti la kutoa misaada na mikopo kuwa ni lazima nchi husika iwe na Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi inayokubalika na makundi yote.

Ningekuwa na ushawishi, ningeanzisha movement ya kuzitaka nchi tajiri na mashirika ya fedha ya kimataifa kuweka shariti kwamba, kila nchi inayotaka msaada au mkopo, ni shariti nchi hiyo iwe na Tume Huru ya Uchaguzi inayokubalika na wadau wote wa uchaguzi katika nchi hiyo.

Au kama hili gumu,basi movement yangu nyingine ingekuwa ni kuzishawishi nchi hizi kuweka shariti linaloweza kuwa kama incentive ambapo nchi yenye kuonyesha demokrasia ya kweli, kwa kuwa na Tume Huru na Katiba inayokubalika na makundi yote katika nchi, inakuwa ni moja ya kigezo kwa nchi husika kupunguziwa au kufutiwa madeni.

Jitihada za nchi wahisani na mashirika ya fedha ya kimataifa za kuondoa umasikini katika mataifa yanayoendelea,hasa Afrika, haziwezi kufanikiwa iwapo katika nchi hizi hakuna demokrasia ya kweli, hivyo kuna ulazima wa kulazimisha nchi hizi kuwa na demokrasia vinginevyo maendeleo yatachukuwa muda mrefu kufikiwa katika nchi hizi.

Demokrasia ya kweli inafanya watawala wawajibike kwa watu wao na nchi zao na hivyo kuwezesha maendeleo kupatikana kwa haraka zaidi.
Huwezi kuwashawishi waache kutoa maana wao wanatoa ili wapate kitu fulani.
Kuna vita kubwa kwa ajili ya resources na growing market ya Africa. Ndio maana Mchina naye kapiga kibesi juzi.
Wote hao hawaleti misaada ya bure.
 
Wakae watulie hawa wote ukichunguza yako under umbrella ya Jumuiya ya mashoga duniani kisirisiri. Mashoga hawana cha kutuelekeza Watanzania.

Twendeni tukapige kura 28/10 tumkomeshe huyu kibaraka wao hapa Tanzania.

Civil society letter endorsed by over 65 organisations to President of Tanzania ahead of 28 October National Elections


To: President John Magufuli

Excellency,

We, the undersigned civil society organizations, are deeply concerned about the continued deterioration of democracy, human rights and rule of law in the United Republic of Tanzania. In the past five years, we have documented the steady decline of the country into a state of repression, evidenced by the increased harassment, intimidation, prosecution, and persecution of political activists, human rights defenders (HRDs), journalists and media houses; the enactment of restrictive laws; and disregard for rule of law, constitutionalism, as well as regional and international human rights standards. We are deeply concerned that the situation has worsened during the COVID-19 pandemic and as the country heads for general elections on 28 October 2020.[1]

Tanzania as a party to several regional and international treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, has a legal obligation to respect and protect fundamental rights, particularly the right to - freedom of expression and the media, peacefully assemble, form and join associations, and to participate in public affairs, which are fundamental rights for free and fair elections in a democratic society. As a member of the African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), Tanzania has committed to uphold and promote democratic principles, popular participation, and good governance.

Leading up to the elections in Tanzania, we have unfortunately documented an unfavourable environment for public participation and free engagement in the political process. The role of the media in providing information and access to varying viewpoints in a true democracy is indispensable. Media houses must be allowed to provide these services without undue restrictions, yet in recent times, several independent media houses have been suspended. These have included the seven-day suspensions of The Citizen newspaper in February 2019,[2] Clouds TV and Clouds FM in August 2020, and the six-month suspension of Kwanza online TV in September 2019[3] and again in July 2020 for 11 months;[4] the online publication ban against Mwananchi news in April 2020;[5] the revocation, effective June 24, 2020, of the license of the Tanzania Daima newspaper;[6] and the fines against online stations, Watetezi TV and Ayo TV in September 2019.[7]We note, with great disappointment, that the government is yet to comply with a ruling by the East African Court of Justice requiring the amendment of the Media Services Act to address the unjustified restrictions on freedom of expression.[8]

We are further concerned about the restrictions on individuals peacefully expressing their opinions, including criticising public officials.[9] The latter are required to tolerate a greater amount of criticism than others - a necessary requirement for transparency and accountability. Tanzania’s criminal justice system has however been misused to target those who criticize the government. Tito Magoti and IT expert Theodory Giyani were arrested in December 2019 and questioned over their social media use and association with certain government critics.[10] The duo were subsequently charged with economic crimes, including “money laundering” which is a non-bailable offence. Despite their case being postponed more than 20 times since December 2019, and no evidence being presented against them, they remain in pre-trial detention.[11] Investigative journalist Erick Kabendera was similarly arrested and charged with “money laundering” where he was held in pre-trial detention for seven months with his case postponed over ten times.[12] Several United Nations (UN) mandate holders have raised concern about the misuse of the country’s anti-money laundering laws that “allow the Government to hold its critics in detention without trial and for an indefinite period.”[13]

Most recently, a prominent human rights lawyer and vocal critic of the government, Fatma Karume was disbarred from practising law in Tanzania following submissions she made in a constitutional case challenging the appointment of the Attorney General.[14] Other lawyers are also facing disciplinary proceedings for publicly raising issues on judicial independence and rule of law. Opposition leader, Zitto Kabwe was arrested and prosecuted for statements made calling for accountability for extrajudicial killings by State security agents.[15] The above cases are clear evidence of intolerance for alternative views and public debate.

In addition, authorities should ensure respect for the right of individuals to freely form associations and for those associations to participate in public affairs, without unwarranted interference. We note the increasing misuse of laws to restrict and suspend the activities of civil society organisations.[16] On August 12, Tanzania Human Rights Defenders Coalition (THRDC) was notified that its bank accounts had been frozen pending police investigations. THRDC’s coordinator was then summoned by the police to explain an alleged failure to submit to the State Treasury its contractual agreements with donors.[17] Prior to this, in June 2020, the authorities disrupted the activities of THRDC for allegedly contravening “laws of the land.”[18] Several other non-governmental organisations working on human rights issues have been deregistered or are facing harassment for issuing public statements critical of the government. Ahead of the elections some civil society organisations have reported being informally told by authorities to cease activities. As a result of the repressive environment, civil society organisations have been forced to self-censor activities.

We also note the enactment of further restrictive laws.[19] For example, the Written Laws Miscellaneous Amendments Act (The Amendment Act)[20] which has introduced amendments to 13 laws.[21] The Amendment Act requires anyone making a claim for violation of rights to have been personally affected.[22] This limits the ability of civil society organisations to carry out legal aid and law-based activities where they are not personally harmed. It violates Article 26(2) of the country’s Constitution, which provides for the right of every person “to take legal action to ensure the protection of this Constitution and the laws of the land.” Furthermore, it is an internationally recognized best practice that all persons, whether individually or in association with others, have the right to seek an effective remedy before a judicial body or other authority in response to a violation of human rights.[23] The Amendment Act further provides that lawsuits against the President, Vice-President, Prime Minister, Speaker, Deputy Speaker, or Chief Justice cannot be brought against them directly but must be brought against the Attorney General.[24] This provision undermines government accountability for human rights violations. We remind the authorities that international bodies have raised concerns about Tanzania’s repressive laws.[25]

We are especially concerned over the continued cases of verbal threats and physical attacks against members of opposition political parties.[26] We note with concern that to date, no one has been held accountable for the 2017 attack against the CHADEMA party leader, Tundu Lissu, who is a presidential candidate in the upcoming elections. Most recently, opposition leader Freeman Mbowe was brutally attacked and his assailants are still at large. Failure to thoroughly and impartially investigate such cases breeds a culture of violence and impunity, which in turn threatens the peace and security of the country. The government must take steps to bring perpetrators of such violence to account and to guarantee the safety of all other opposition party members and supporters.

Earlier, in November 2019, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) issued a press statement on the “deteriorating human rights situation in Tanzania.”[27] The Commission specifically voiced concern over “the unprecedented number of journalists and opposition politicians jailed for their activities.” The ongoing crackdown on civic space in Tanzania also led the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, to issue a strong warning ahead of the 28 October 2020 General Elections. At the opening of the UN Human Rights Council’s 45th session, she “[drew] the Council's attention to increasing repression of the democratic and civic space, in what is becoming a deeply deteriorated environment for human rights” and stressed that “[with] elections approaching later this month, we are receiving increasing reports of arbitrary arrests and detention of civil society actors, activists, journalists and members of opposition parties.” She added: “Further erosion of human rights could risk grave consequences, and I encourage immediate and sustained preventive action.”[28]

While we acknowledge measures taken by your government to halt the spread of the COVID-19 virus and protect the citizens of Tanzania, we are deeply concerned that the pandemic has been used to unduly restrict fundamental freedoms. Examples are the arrest and sentencing of two Kenyan journalists for interviewing members of the public in Tanzania on the status of the pandemic in the country[29] as well as, the suspension of Kwanza Online TV for reposting an alert by the U.S. embassy in Tanzania regarding the pandemic in the country.[30] The rights to peacefully express one’s opinion, receive information, peaceful assembly and association, and to participate in public affairs are not only essential in the context of the upcoming elections, but also in relation to the current COVID-19 pandemic. Freedom of expression in particular, ensures “the communication of information to the public, enabling individuals to … develop opinions about the public health threat so that they can take appropriate steps to protect themselves and their communities.”[31] The UN has repeatedly emphasized that Government responses to COVID-19 must not be used as a pretext to suppress individual human rights or to repress the free flow of information.[32]

The need for Tanzania to uphold human rights, democracy and the rule of law is now more than ever important as a matter of national security, following recent reports of insurgent attacks along Tanzania’s border with Mozambique.[33] Studies have shown that experiences of injustice, marginalization and a breakdown in rule of law, are root causes of disaffection and violence. A peaceful and prosperous nation requires good governance and respect for rule of law, with a society that protects fundamental freedoms and ensures justice for all.

As civil society organisations deeply concerned about constitutionalism, justice, and democracy in the United Republic of Tanzania, we strongly urge your Excellency to adhere to your undertaking to ensure a free and fair election in Tanzania. The government has an obligation to create an enabling environment for everyone, including political opposition, non-governmental organisations, journalists, and other online users, HRDs, and other real or perceived government opponents to exercise their human rights without fear of reprisals. As such, we call on the relevant authorities to immediately drop criminal charges and release defenders such as Tito Magoti and Theodory Giyani and any others being prosecuted for peacefully exercising their rights. Suspensions and the freezing of assets of non-governmental organisations such as THRDC, independent media houses such as Kwanza Online TV, and members of the legal profession- particularly Fatma Karume, must be reversed. Opposition parties must be allowed to freely and peacefully campaign and engage with their supporters without undue restrictions such as arbitrary arrests, physical attacks, forceful dispersal and intimidation of supporters, and harassment by security forces. The legitimacy of Tanzania’s elections is at stake.

We call on Tanzania to heed the messages delivered by national, African, and international actors and to change course before the country enters a full-fledged human rights crisis, with potentially grave domestic and regional consequences.

Signed:

  1. Access Now, Global
  2. Acción Solidaria on HIV/aids, Venezuela
  3. Africa Freedom of Information Centre
  4. Africa Judges and Jurists Forum
  5. AfroLeadership
  6. ARTICLE 19, Global
  7. Asia Dalit Rights Forum (ADRF), New Delhi and Kathmandu
  8. Association for Human Rights in Ethiopia (AHRE)
  9. Association of Freelance Journalists
  10. BudgIT Foundation, Nigeria
  11. CEALDES, Colombia
  12. Center for Civil Liberties, Ukraine
  13. Centre for Human Rights & Development (CHRD), Mongolia
  14. Centre for Law and Democracy, Canada
  15. Center for National and International Studies, Azerbaijan
  16. Child Watch, Tanzania
  17. CIVICUS, Global
  18. Civic Initiatives, Serbia
  19. CIVILIS Human Rights, Venezuela
  20. Collaboration on International ICT Policy for East and Southern Africa (CIPESA)
  21. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
  22. Community Empowerment for Progress Organization (CEPO), South Sudan
  23. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI)
  24. Corporación Comuna Nueva, Santiago de Chile
  25. DefendDefenders (East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project)
  26. Democracy Monitor PU, Azerbaijan
  27. Eastern Africa Journalists Network (EAJN)
  28. Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO)
  29. Ethiopian Human Rights Defenders Coalition (EHRDC)
  30. Espacio Público, Venezuela
  31. Front Line Defenders, Global
  32. Gestos (HIV and AIDS, communication, gender), Brazil
  33. Greenpeace Africa
  34. Groupe d’Action pour le Progrès et la Paix (GAPP-Afrique), Canada
  35. Groupe d’Action pour le Progrès et la Paix (GAPP-BENIN)
  36. Groupe d’Action pour le Progrès et la Paix (GAPP Mali)
  37. HAKI Africa, Kenya
  38. Human Rights Concern - Eritrea (HRCE)
  39. Human Rights Defenders Network, Sierra Leone
  40. Humanium, Switzerland
  41. HuMENA for Human Rights and Civic Engagement (HuMENA Regional)
  42. International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) - Belgium
  43. Jade Propuestas Sociales y Alternativas al Desarrollo, A.C. (JADESOCIALES)- México
  44. Ligue Burundaise des droits de l’homme Iteka-Burundi
  45. Maison de la Société Civile (MdSC), Bénin
  46. MARUAH, Singapore
  47. Media Rights Agenda (MRA), Nigeria
  48. Nigeria Network of NGOs, Nigeria
  49. Nouvelle Dynamique de la Société Civile de la RD Congo (NDSCI)
  50. Odhikar, Bangladesh
  51. ONG Convergence des Actions Solidaires et les Objectifs de Développement Durable (CAS-ODD ONG) - Bénin
  52. ONG Nouvelle Vision (NOVI), Bénin
  53. Open School of Sustainable Development (Openshkola), Russia
  54. Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA)
  55. Partnership for Peace and Development, Sierra Leone
  56. RESOSIDE, Burkina Faso
  57. Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights, Global
  58. Sisters of Charity Federation, United States
  59. Somali Journalists Syndicate (SJS), Somalia
  60. Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network (SAHRDN)
  61. Sudanese Development Initiative (SUDIA), Sudan
  62. The Human Rights Centre Uganda (HRCU), Uganda
  63. Tournons La Page (TLP)
  64. Water, Sanitation and Hygiene Network, Sierra Leone
  65. Women in Democracy And Governance, Kenya (WIDAG)
  66. Zambia Council for Social Development, Zambia
 
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