Watanzania mnamzungumziaje mkoloni Herrmann von Wissmann?

[MulengaMulenga]

Ninaandika insha kuhusu mkoloni Herrmann von Wissmann wa Ujerumani. Alikuwa meja na mwanajeshi wa Afrika ya Mashariki ya Kijerumani 1888-1895. Kuna wajerumani wachache wanaosema kwamba alifanya vitu vizuri na alikuwa rafiki wa watanzania. Hawadhani kwamba alikuwa mkoloni mkatili na alifanya mauaji ya watu wengi.

Ninajua maneno haya si kweli.

Herrmann von Wissmann na jeshi lake aliua watu wengi katika vita. Bado wajerumani wachache (especially right-wing extremist groups) wanasema kwamba watanzania wanampenda Herrmann von Wissmann kwa sababu alifanya vitu vizuri kwa Tanzania.

So, ningependa kujua: Mnajua na mnadhani nini kuhusu Herrmann von Wissmann?

Samahani kwa kiswahili changu kibaya! Mimi ni Mzambia na Nimejifunza tangu miaka miwili tu.

Asante sana kwa kujibu swali langu.

 

[Joseverest]

hebu weka picha yake kwanza

 

[mbinde]

Ngoja tuwaulize ndugu za Mtemi Abushiri hapa Pwani ya Tanganyika maana ndo walipambanae kwenye vita kwenye miaka ya 1895-1896.

 

[Behaviourist]

Hongera sana kwa kujifunza kiswahili kwa miaka miwili tu na ukakijua vizuri kiasi hiki.

Cha msingi hapa fanya literature review juu ya Herrmann von Wissmann,hasa vitabu ambavyo vimeandikwa na Watanzania/wazawa.

Lakini kwa kifupi huyu mtu alikuwa katili kupindukia.

 

[MulengaMulenga]

Hongera sana kwa kujifunza kiswahili kwa miaka miwili tu na ukakijua vizuri kiasi hiki.

Cha msingi hapa fanya literature review juu ya Herrmann von Wissmann,hasa vitabu ambavyo vimeandikwa na Watanzania/wazawa.

Lakini kwa kifupi huyu mtu alikuwa katili kupindukia.

Asante sana! Nilifanya literature review tayari. Sasa ninataka kujua kuhusu maoni ya Watanzania. Lakini umenisaidia tayari na jibu lako.

 

[bagamoyo]

Navigation aktivieren/deaktivieren

DECOLONIZING GERMAN COLONIAL SITES IN DAR ES SALAAM​

The Case of Hermann von Wissmann and the Askari Monument
Bildnachweis >

von Reginald E. Kirey
10. September 2021
As the biggest commercial city in Tanzania today, Dar es Salaam features a number of German colonial memory sites which range from buildings, statues to open spaces. Formerly existing as a small caravan town exclusively owned by the Arab Sultan of Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam was further developed by the Germans who used it as their capital (Hauptstadt) beginning in the late 19th century. After the WWI, the city continued to serve as the capital in British mandate period until it was inherited by the independent government of Tanzania in 1961.

After independence, the city of Dar es Salaam continued to act as the capital city until it lost this administrative position to the recently established Dodoma Capital.[1] Today, the centre of the city is dotted with several colonial sites originating in German colonial period. One such site is the Askari Monument, which represents the site formerly occupied by the Wissmann Monument.


Important German Colonial Sites in Dar es Salaam. Map made for this paper by Costa Mahuwi.

From Wissmann Monument to Askari Monument
Although the British maintained the urban pattern of Dar es Salaam as it was in German times, it was necessary that some cultural images of the town were changed to suit their political ambitions. The Askari monument, a life-sized bronze structure of the King’s African Rifleman located at the junction of Samora Avenue and Maktaba Street, is traced in German times. The monument was erected in the 1920s replacing the former Wissmann Monument which was erected in 1906 in honour of Major Hauptmann Hermann von Wissmann (1853-1905), a German commander (Reichskommissar) who had succeeded in suppressing African resistances in East Africa.

Coastal resistances, particularly that led by Abushiri ibn Salim al-Harthi (?-1889), a Swahili-Arab trader, posed a big challenge to Deutsch-Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft (OAG). For example, on 13th January 1889, the Abushiri forces set ablaze the Benedictine Mission Station of Pugu, killing three missionaries. This atmosphere of warfare called for reinforcements from Germany to “restore order and re-establish German superiority” along the coast and in the interior.[2] Wissmann was chosen for the job by Chancellor Otto von Bismarck.[3] In February 1889 he left Germany for East Africa, recruited Sudanese mercenaries on his way and arrived at Bagamoyo in April. Wissmann force (Wissmanntruppe) confronted Abushiri and decisively drove him from the Indian coast to the interior, forcing him to resort to a defensive war which led to his capture and finally his execution. The result was that Dar es Salaam was rescued from the Arabs and once again restored to DOAG.


Hermann von Wissmann (1853-1905). Foto: See Hermann von Wissmann. Deutschlands größter Afrikaner, Schall, Berlin 1906 (gescannt aus der 2. Auflage 1907). Quelle: Wikimedia Commons. Lizenz: Gemeinfrei.


Abushiri ibn Salim al-Harthi. Foto: See Hermann von Wissmann. Deutschlands größter Afrikaner, Schall, Berlin 1906. Quelle: Wikimedia Commons. Lizenz: Gemeinfrei.

Following the suppression of the above wars of resistance by Wissmann, Dar es Salaam was, by order from Berlin, declared the capital of German East Africa (Deutsch-Ostafrika) in January 1891, replacing the former capital of Bagamoyo. Wissmann military expeditions in East Africa won him a heroic status as streets were named after him and also his monument was erected in Dar es Salaam. Wissmann Monument was a symbol of the colonial state in German East Africa which signified a “colonial self-image” and was indeed a site widely known by the inhabitants of Dar es Salaam.[4]

Although the British replaced the Wissmann Monument with the Askari Monument after World War I, the monument site continued to evoke memories of Wissmann and of German colonial history among the city’s inhabitants throughout the British period and after independence. Records show that the word, kwa-bismini, a Swahili word meaning the site of Wissmann, was still in use among the elders of Dar es Salaam as late as the 1980s.[5]

It is important at this juncture to examine why former German colonial sites such as the Wissmann Monument have continued to engender collective memories of the Germans over those of the British, who replaced them with their own. The answer lies in the fact that such sites communicated memories which were deeply ingrained in the minds of the local people. It is well known that Wissmann criss-crossed East Africa suppressing African resistance in the late 19th century, hence it is likely that he was widely remembered locally for his acts of violence.

In Dar es Salaam, where his monument was erected and where the State House was constructed, memories of colonial violence endured until the post-colonial period. Minael-Hosanna O. Mdundo’s poetic work reveals that the Wissmann monument in Dar es Salaam meant that he was a colonial hero in German East Africa.[6] It must be emphasised that Wissmann was revered as a colonial hero at home and abroad by his people. In the British-controlled territory of Tanganyika his name was popularized not only by erecting his monument in Dar es Salaam but also by naming streets in different towns after him. A street in Dar es Salaam was named Wissmannstrasse, later renamed Windsor Street. Streets with Wissmann’s name existed also at other Tanzanian localities as late as the early 1920s.[7]

The Wissmann Monument was dismantled and put on display at the Imperial War Museum in London before the Germans, after negotiations, retrieved it in 1921 and reinstalled it in the port city of Hamburg. When the monument was toppled twice by protesting students in 1967 and 1968, it was not reinstalled. Since then, the sculpture has been shown again and again in exhibitions.[8]


The Wissmannplatz in Dar es Salaam with the monument, between 1906 and 1918. Bundesarchiv, Bild 105-DOA0183 / Walther Dobbertin. Quelle: Wikimedia Commons. Lizenz: CC BY-SA 3.0.

From Colonial Monuments to National Monuments
By using the Antiquities Act No. 10 of 1964 and its Amendment Act No. 22 of 1979, on 8th September 1995, Tanzanian government officially recognized the city of Dar es Salaam as a historic township.[9] As a result, the Askari Monument, including several colonial buildings, was declared national monument in 2005. With this declaration, the cultural value of the Askari Monument changed fundamentally. In 1995, for example, the monument was, apart from its original function of commemorating African Askari, Carriers and Arabs who fell in WWI while serving the British Forces, described as a national monument symbolizing the culture of peace.
By and large, arguments for preservation of colonial sites in Dar es Salaam and elsewhere in Tanzania emphasize the need to decolonize colonial legacies associated with such sites. Such arguments dominated cultural heritage studies of the first three decades of independence, the time when Dar es Salaam experienced unprecedented demolition of its historic buildings, most particularly German-period buildings. Persistent demolition of historic buildings stirred public opposition and debates over the conservation of the inherited colonial sites.
Those who supported conservation argued that the value of colonial buildings transcends their historical and architectural significance as they offer “historic building resources that should continue to be used within the community.”[10] However, there was public concern over certain colonial sites whose history was thought to degrade local people.[11] The main question was, should such sites be conserved or destroyed? A consensus was reached in the 1970s when the conservation policy supported the view that such sites should be preserved for the benefit of present and future generations and for the memory of the Africans who were directly or indirectly involved in creation of such sites.


The Wissmann Monument in Dar es Salaam, 1908. Quelle: Wikipedia. Lizenz: Gemeinfrei.

Askari Monument to World War I African Soldiers. Foto: Adam Jones, Ph.D. Quelle: Wikimedia Commons. Lizenz: CC BY-SA 3.0.

Conclusion
In most of Africa countries generally, the attainment of independence went hand in hand with demolition of colonial monuments which appeared to degrade African people. However, in places where no destruction of colonial sites took place, African governments appropriated the inherited colonial sites or monuments by redefining their roles or functions. It can be concluded therefore that deconstruction of colonial monuments in African countries has involved actions of demolition and reconstruction. Such situation reaffirms Fassil Demissie’s argument that “urban Africans are remaking and imprinting postcolonial cities with their own forms of urbanity.”[12] In particular to the Askari Monument in Dar es Salaam, Tanzanian government invented its own symbolic function of the monument as a departure from colonial interpretations of war monuments

Source : Decolonizing German Colonial Sites in Dar es Salaam | zeitgeschichte | online

 

[bagamoyo]

A Day at Hermann von Wissmann Afrika Museum Weißenbach bei Liezen



Source : wwwLIVE2VIDEOcom

 

[bagamoyo]

SOMO KUPITIA WIMBO JUU YA HISTORIA ZA UKOLONI, UTUMWA, UBEBERU, UKOLONI MAMBOLEO AFRIKA KAMA KATIKA VIDEO YA VIJANA HAWA WA BAGAMOYO, TANZANIA

People singing a african choral ''Bara la Afrika'' in Bagamoyo, Tanzania

Bara la Afrika, Lahitaji Ukombozi
Ukoloni Mbaya, Na Ubaguzi Wa Rangi
Mataifa Haya Ya Ulaya Ndiyo, Afrika Kuivamia x2

Wahenga Wetu Zamani Walikataa, Ubeberu Walikataa, Ukoloni Walikataa, Utumwa Walikataa, Waarabu Waliwatesa
Ni Vigumu Sana Kusahau Kweli Walivyowaatendea X2

Wahenga Wetu Zamani Walikataa, Ubeberu Walikataa, Ukoloni Walikataa, Utumwa Walikataa, Wazungu Waliwatesa
Ni Vigumu Sana Kusahau Kweli Walivyowaatendea X2

Bara La Afrika LaHitaji Lilia Ukombozi
Umoja Wa Afrika Unatutia Moyo
Kufagia Huo Ukoloni Wote Na Ubeberu Wote
Wahenga Wetu Zamani Walikataa, Ubeberu Walikataa, Ukoloni Walikataa, Utumwa Walikataa, Wazungu Waliwatesa
Ni Vigumu Sana Kusahau Kweli Walivyowaatendea X2........

Waafrika Wote Tujipange Kupambana Rasilimali Zetu Zituletee Maendeleo
Ama Sivyo Tutabaki Tegemezi, ....

.........



Source: D'jarell Messa

 

[bagamoyo]

Loyal German East Africa Askaris at the burial ceremony (13 Mar 1964) of a Ninety three year old German general Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck who was buried with military honours.

 

[bagamoyo]

1954

Tanganyika retired band of former German East Africa Askaris paying respect to their fellow fallen soldiers

 

[bagamoyo]

Mazishi ya Jenerali Paul von Lettow Vorbeck (20 March 1870 – 9 March 1964) yaliyofanyika Ujerumani na askari watiifu kutoka iliyokuwa German East Africa walialikwa kuhudhuria mwaka 1964.

​

Paul Emil von Lettow-Vorbeck (20 March 1870 – 9 March 1964), also called the Lion of Africa ( German: Löwe von Afrika)
In 1964, Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck died in Hamburg. The West German government and the Bundeswehr flew in two former Askaris as state guests, so that they could attend the funeral of "their" general.

Several officers of the Bundeswehr were assigned as an honor guard, and West Germany's Minister of Defense, Kai-Uwe von Hassel, gave the eulogy, saying that the deceased, "was truly undefeated in the field." Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck was buried in Pronstorf, Schleswig-Holstein in the cemetery of Vicelin Church

 

[bagamoyo]

Return to Morogoro - A valuable addition to the literature of soldiers' experiences during the First World War​

Reviewer:
Kathy Munro
Book Review Type:
Standard Book Review

During the First World War (1914-1918) a surprising number of young White and Black South African men enlisted to serve in the armies of Britain and of her Empire.

They were speedily moulded into soldiers, chaplains, medical men and labourers. They came from all four provinces of the recently established Union of South Africa to join, firstly, the South African Defence force to fight in the campaign to defeat and dislodge the Germans from their colony in German South West Africa.

Later these young men enlisted to serve in an overseas expeditionary force and were sent to fight in East Africa, North Africa, the Middle East (Mesopotamia) and on the Western Front of France and Belgium.

The Germans in East Africa under Von Lettow Vorbeck were elusive and the Battles of the Somme and Flanders became wars of attrition and static trench carnage.

The motives of these volunteer soldiers and workers were varied. There were ancestral ties for some whose families were 19th century immigrants to South Africa.

Patriotism and a belief in the unity of the British empire inspired such men. Other youths sought fame, glory and adventure. Perhaps they sought an escape from humdrum ordinary lives on farms and small villages or in unpromising careers.


Few knew in advance that the slaughter and swathe of destruction of the first technologically driven war would end in death in the trenches or injury, disablement or debilitating tropical fevers.

The pity and loss of war had to be carried by the grieving mothers, widowed wives and orphaned children for lives sacrificed not in defence of their homes and farms but for some greater, vaguely understood Empire goal.

Now a century later we remember and try to understand why it all happened and what it meant. The strategic histories of the battles were told in the campaign and regimental histories; biographies and memoirs of the generals and the politicians directing the war began to appear almost immediately after the war.

The elusive histories were the experiences of the ordinary soldiers, the privates, in the trenches, ranging by foot or on horseback or motorcycles across the African veld.

Historiography of the early 21st century now writes about the voice of the small man and attempts to recover and interpret the story of the individual soldier. The Imperial War Museum has encouraged families to deposit their archives in the museum. Letters, diaries, and oral histories may be studied in such repositories in London and in the case of South Africa, the university and national archives become a mine of information.

The resurgence of interest in genealogical and family histories has revived interest in ancestors who fought or served in the First World War. This all means that there are many new First World War memoirs and histories appearing. At the same time professional historians (Stone, Macmillan, Ferguson, Hastings) write about context and meaning.

The South African literature on the First World War has also been given a boost by writers such as Bill Nasson, Chris Schoeman, Ian Uys, Peter Digby and Tim Couzens in addition to the regimental histories.

The renewed efforts to make known the experiences of individuals is a distinct genre of history. James Bourhill has sought and found his own family history. He draws heavily on the superb historical papers collection of the University of the Witwatersrand and on the South African Defence Document Centre as well as the private James Bourhill collection. In this book he tells the story of five men from three related, intertwined South African families, the Stockdales, the Tobias brothers, and the Bourhills. This is a book about family history, endurance, survival and their later lives and progeny.

The five young men, George and Meyer Tobias, Walter Stockdale, and Arthur and Jamie Stockdale come alive through their letters to their families.

Return to Morogoro - book cover.jpg​

Book Cover

The author sets himself the ambitious and unwieldy task of locating and then mining family letters to both relate a family history (it is almost a family saga) and then to tell the story of young men in search of identity, service, love and adventure. It was remarkable that despite the horror and loss of war the five main characters survived (though only one was unscathed) and they all returned home to South Africa.

Tropical illnesses such as malaria took their toll in East Africa. George Tobias, who served not as a soldier but as a chaplain was severely wounded as was his brother Meyer. Jamie Bourhill suffered repeatedly from malaria.
It is a complex story that takes the reader back into 19th century farming, mining and missionary roots and then forward through 20th century lives lived through warfare and peacetime adjustment.

These letters written over the four years of war are the central focus of this valuable addition to the literature of the soldiers' experiences. Their families, the fathers and mothers, wives and beloveds are also players and active participants keeping home fires burning or themselves serving as vital nurses in hospitals in South Africa and England.

The author achieves the rare feat of making the reader care about the fate of his grandfather and great uncles and I was pleased that there are some details of post war lives through the post 1919 influenza epidemic, labour strikes and economic depression. These men hardly returned to "homes fit for heroes". South Africa was still a desperately poor place for many in the interwar decades.

The best parts of the story are the actual letters. My own preference would have been for these singular, extraordinary, literate family letters from caring young men to have been produced in full.

The narrative should focus more strongly on context. Too few of these marvellous letters are reproduced in full. The voice and personality of the leading characters comes through most completely in them. I would have liked to have read the letters and not the racy mediated version.

The book is more of a family history than a military history. In a sense the author is too ambitious. He has been so caught up in the big family epic that the core of the book becomes too heavily overlaid with the background of earlier family history. It is the individual going to war who matters here.

The book is illustrated with many small, rare family black and white snapshots drawn from the private archive and hence have a documentary interest.

Supplementary photographs are extracted from internet sources. Some undocumented contemporary newspaper cartoons (no source reference given) are amusing but have little point unless directly and explicitly connected to the story. The neat maps of campaign activity help, for example, in positioning Morogoro. A glossary explains South African terms. The index is professional.
The bibliography has the feel of an incomplete working document and there are some significant omissions in the bibliography.

For example, Delville Wood cannot be discussed without reference on the work of Ian Uys. It should have been explained that "Father Hill" (dropped into the story on a few pages) was Eustace Hill, who was the hero of Delville Wood who later became the headmaster of St John's College, Johannesburg, 1922 to 1934, this sort of thumb nail sketch of a featured character could have been put into an explanatory footnote.

Richard Meinertzhagen is discussed at length but the source referencing for the controversies surrounding his career is missing. The wealthy Jewish businessman referred to as Mr Marks was presumably Sammy Marks and his biography by Mendelsohn could have thrown light on this encounter.

The source material used by Bourhill has been pinpointed in asterisk footnotes but endnotes or footnotes could have been used more effectively for research cross referencing and further elaboration. An important omission is the lack of a family tree or genealogical chart showing the links between cousins, parents, wives, uncles and aunts, to sort out the confusion of main and cameo players in this saga. In that sense the book is less polished than it should have been. Perhaps a case of rushing into print too quickly? I think the book would have benefitted if a professional editor had been engaged or if there was an editor, the job was not well done.

Thirty degree books is a publisher specializing in military history.
The strength of the book is the use of original archival material. Its historical value lies in the broad sweep of a family history and their trials, tribulations, daily anxieties and personal struggles as pioneers, pilgrims, missionaries, miners and farmers through several generations.

The subtext is the impact of wars, from the Anglo Boer War through First World War to Second World War on English speaking, British immigrant families.

Source : Return to Morogoro - A valuable addition to the literature of soldiers' experiences during the First World War | The Heritage Portal

Return to Morogoro, with the South African Horse through East Africa to France and Flanders, 1914-1918, James Bourhill, published by 30degree South Publishers, 2015, Paperback, 260 pages, illustrated. ISBN 978 1 928211 747

GERMAN EAST AFRICA: Captured native German troops give a drill display (1916)​

 

[Mohamed Said]

Mimi ni mtafiti/mwanafunzi wa Ujerumani na ninaandika insha kuhusu mkoloni Herrmann von Wissmann wa Ujerumani. Alikuwa meja na mwanajeshi wa Afrika ya Mashariki ya Kijerumani 1888-1895. Kuna wajerumani wachache wanaosema kwamba alifanya vitu vizuri na alikuwa rafiki wa watanzania. Hawadhani kwamba alikuwa mkoloni mkatili na alifanya mauaji ya watu wengi.

Ninajua maneno haya si kweli.

Herrmann von Wissmann na jeshi lake aliua watu wengi katika vita. Bado wajerumani wachache (especially right-wing extremist groups) wanasema kwamba watanzania wanampenda Herrmann von Wissmann kwa sababu alifanya vitu vizuri kwa Tanzania.

So, ningependa kujua: Mnajua na mnadhani nini kuhusu Herrmann von Wissmann?

Samahani kwa kiswahili changu kibaya! Nimejifunza tangu miaka miwili tu…

Asante sana kwa kujibu swali langu.

Mtafiti...
Nakuwekea sehemu kutoka kitabu changu hicho hapo chini ambacho ndani yake nimemtaja Hermann von Wissmann:

''Miaka ilikuwa inakwenda na Muro Mboyo umri ukawa unamtupa mkono.

Muro alikuwa ameshuhudia nguvu ya machifu waliotawala Uchaga na akaona kwa macho yake mwenyewe namna taratibu machifu wakipoteza nguvu zao na wakitii kwa namna ya ajabu utawala mpya wa Wajerumani na wale ambao waliofanya ukaidi wakikamatwa na kunyongwa kwa kamba ngumu iliyofungwa kitanzi kwenye miti hadharani wakiwa hawana mtetezi.

Vita vya kwanza Wajerumani kupambana na wenyeji wenye nchi yao ilikuwa dhidi ya Abushiri bin Salim Al Harith aliyekuwa Pangani na vita hivi vilidumu kwa mwaka mmoja kuanzia 1888 na kumalizika mwaka wa 1890 baada ya Abushiri kusalitiwa kwa Wajerumani alipokuwa anajaribu kutoroka kukimbilia Mombasa.

Vita hivi ndivyo vilivyosababisha serikali ya wakoloni kukusanya jeshi la mamluki kutoka Sudan walikowachukua Wanubi na Mozambique walipowachukua Wazulu kuwaleta Tanganyika kuja kupigana dhidi ya ndugu zao waliokuwa wanapinga utawala wa Wajerumani.

Jeshi hili la mamluki lililetwa na Hermann von Wissmann ndani ya manowari za Kijerumani hadi Pangani na hapo ndipo walipoanza vita dhidi ya Abushiri na wafuasi wake.

Abushiri baada ya kukamatwa alishtakiwa katika mahakama ya kijeshi na kunyongwa tarehe 15 Desemba 1889.

Mwaka wa 1890 Hermann von Wissmann baada ya kumaliza vita na Abushiri na kumnyonga alielekeza jeshi lake kaskazini na akamshambulia Mangi Sina katika vita vikali ambavyo jeshi la Sina lilionyesha uhodari mkubwa wa mapambano.

Vita hivi vilinyanyua haiba ya Sina na Wajerumani wakanyoosha mkono wa urafiki na huo ndiyo ukawa mwisho wa uhasama baina ya Mangi Sina na Wajerumani. Juu ya haya Rindi aliungana na Hermann von Wissmann dhidi ya Sina na na hii ikapelekea kwa Sina kushindwa vita mwaka wa 1891.

Fitna na usaliti ukawa sasa ni moja ya silaha zilizowapa Wajerumani ushindi.

Sina alifariki mwaka wa 1899 akiwa kaacha sifa ya ushujaa wa vita mbele ya Wajerumani kwani peke yao hawakuweza kumshinda hadi ulipopitika usaiti dhidi yake.

Kunyongwa kwa Mangi Meli Old Moshi mwaka wa 1900 pengine yeye Muro Mboyo akiwa shahidi wa mauaji yale ulikuwa ujumbe tosha kuwa nyakati zimebadika.

Meli kama ilivyokuwa kwa Abushiri na yeye alisalitiwa pia na wale aliokuwa akiwapigania.

Kadhalika kama ilivyokuwa kwa Abushiri kuwa adui wa kweli hakuwa Mjerumani peke yake bali pia nduguze katika ukanda wote wa pwani ambao walikuwa tayari kujiuza kwa Wajerumani.

Haikuwa tabu sana pia kwa baadhi ya watawala wa Uchagani kutambua kuwa adui wa kweli pia hakuwa mtawala jirani yake aliye Kibosho au Machame chini ya Mlima Kilimanjaro bali Mjerumani kutoka mbali.

Hali hii ilikuwa na manufaa makubwa kwa Wajerumani.''

 

[bagamoyo]

Historia ya Sajenti Mbavu Moya katika Vita ya Kwanza ya Dunia (WWI)

Nyarugusu, Tanzania Source : Tanganyika TV VITA VYA DUNIA HISTORIA YA MBAVU MOYA April 14, 2020 SHUJAA TOKA TARAFANI FIZI Wakati huu wa kumbukumbu la Vita vya Kwanza vya Dunia (Première Guerre mondiale ) vya 1914-1918 ambavyo uitwa pia "Vita vikuu" (Grande guerre),tumkumbuke afisa...

www.jamiiforums.com

 

[Kanungila Karim]

Nilikuwa bado sijazaliwa

 

[bagamoyo]

Tabora, German East Africa

Belgian Congo and the Tabora Offensive (1916)​

The Tabora Offensive was an Anglo-Belgian offensive into German East Africa, which ended with the Battle of Tabora in the north-west of German East Africa, it was part of the East African Campaign in World War I.

Source: Belgian Congo


Belgo-Congolese troops of the Force Publique after the Battle of Tabora, 19 September

 

[bagamoyo]

21 September 2016
General Tombeur (General Tabora) and the Battle of Tabora



September 19, 1916 was a memorable date during the First World War. That day, the Belgian-Congolese Wehrmacht captured the town of Tabora in the former German East Africa from the Germans. One hundred years later, Belgium commemorates the Great War in Central Africa, also in Saint-Gilles, during several ceremonies.


19 september 1916 was een memorabele datum tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Die dag veroverde de Belgisch-Congolese Weermacht de stad Tabora in het voormalige Duits-Oost-Afrika op de Duitsers. Honderd jaar later gedenkt België tijdens meerdere plechtigheden de Groote Oorlog in Midden-Afrika, ook in Sint-Gillis.

 

[bagamoyo]

The Story of Martin Kayamba (I)​

PUBLISHED: ‘Ten Africans‘ first published in 1936

By Martin Kayamba, 1935

My Life and Work in East Africa

I was born on 2nd February, 1891, at Mbweni, Zanzibar. I am the first son of Hugh Peter Kayamba. He is one of the sons of Chief Mwelekwanyuma of Kilole, son of Kimweri Zanyumbai (Kimweri the Great) King of Wakilindi.

The Wakilindi are a ruling clan, who ruled over the Wasambaa and other tribes in the coastal areas of Tanga prior to the German occupation of these countries.

On 12th January, 1915, my turn came; I was sitting at the farm of my relation when I was called to the village, which was about fifteen miles inland from Tanga.

Jumbe Omari of Umba, who was my nurse when I was a small boy, came to see me with a message from Akida Sengenge of Ngomeni; I was required by the District Commissioner at Muheza. We walked there together. The District Commissioner asked me what I was doing and if I intended going anywhere. I replied I was trading and produced my license, which he took from me. I said I had no intention of proceeding anywhere.

He asked me where I had come from and when. I replied I came from Zanzibar, and delivered my passport from the German Consul, Zanzibar. I was informed afterwards that certain persons had reported to him that I was a spy and had come into the country one month before the outbreak of the war from the Zanzibar Government.

This was disproved by my passport from the German Consul, Zanzibar. He asked me if I was a British subject and could speak English. I replied in the affirmative. He then said I would be sent up country to stay there till the end of the war as I might create trouble in the place. I said I was not going to make any trouble and I had my trade property apart from my personal property, and what would happen to it? He said I would get it after the war, but I had to be sent up country to stay there till the war was over. I was then escorted to the prison.

As I had only 20 rupees with me I asked my relations to send me another 80 rupees, in two instalments of 50 rupees and 50 rupees because I was afraid the German African soldiers might rob it from me if they knew I had money. They brought me 50 rupees and before I received the second instalment I was handcuffed with another Bondei Christian, named Geldert Mhina, and was escorted to Handeni.

At the Muheza Station the German Assistant District Officer of Tanga abused us and said we would surely be shot because we were passing news to the British.
At Korogwe we had the most terrible time. As soon as we got there, it was about 2 p.m., we were put in a prison gang and despatched to carry sand till the evening. We used to work with criminals from 4 p.m. till 11 p.m.

From 8 p.m. to 11 p.m. we carried ammunition boxes from the train to the Police Station. We had our meal only once a day, at 4 p.m. 5 the meal consisted of boiled maize. We were kept with criminals and treated as criminals.

After six days we were escorted to Handeni together with the wounded British soldiers of the Lancashire Rifles who had been captured in the battle of Tanga.

The British soldiers were carried in hammocks by the native prisoners of war. On the way the British soldiers were well treated. We were joined by the Korogwe English missionaries, including Bishop Birley and Brother John, with African teachers of the U.M.C.A. We marched together to Handeni. There we met in prison over one hundred African teachers of the U.M.C.A. and Rev. Canon Petro Limo, an old African priest. These were afterwards sent to Kondoa Irangi, where they were brutally treated in prison. Some of them died as the result of the most atrocious treatment meted out to them by the German officer of Kondoa Irangi and his African prison warders.

Our gang was sent to Kimamba. Some of us were made to carry the loads and hammocks of the English missionaries. I was fortunate to obtain a job of safari cook. I got myself engaged in this work in order to save myself from carrying loads and hammocks for nearly eleven days.

I had never carried loads before in my life. I knew nothing about cooking as I had never done this work in my life, but I had to make the best of it. Having tasted European food while at Kiungani College and having often been dining with Miss Thackeray, etc., I had to form some idea as to how this food was cooked. It was a difficult job. For two days the cook of the German officer was doing the whole cooking and I was watching him.

On the third day I was ordered to do everything myself. I do not know how I managed it, but somehow or other I made some sort of food which was fairly eatable. I remember one day I boiled three ox-tongues for three hours and yet they were as hard as a bone. I did not know the trick of getting them properly boiled. But to my surprise they were passed as eatable. I sometimes wondered if the food cooked by me could be eaten by anybody else other than missionaries. They probably knew I was not a cook and made concessions accordingly. I must have caused them bad stomachs, but I did not hear of any complaints. If I had cooked for the German officer I would surely have received some knocking for bad cooking.

When we got to Kimamba my work ceased. I contracted an acute dysentery on the way and at Kimamba my condition was worse. But I was cured by a German doctor at Kimamba. On our way to Kimamba the German African soldiers who were escorting us were treating our gang very badly. They made us run and lashed the stragglers. Bishop Birley very often had to rebuke them for this. It was the road of the Cross. At Kimamba we entrained for Tabora and the English missionaries detrained for Mpwapwa.

On our arrival at Tabora Railway Station we were despatched to the Prisoners of War Camp. There we found Indian soldiers who had been captured at Tanga and Jassini, about two hundred of them, and some African teachers of the U.M.C. A. who had been sent there before us. These are the teachers who were together with Rev. Keates. They related to us that when they got to Tabora they were sent to gaol and kept with criminals. READ MORE
Source : The Story of Martin Kayamba (I)

 

[TAI DUME]

Huyu hajaja kutafuta mali za babu zake kweli?

 

[idtech]

Mimi ni mtafiti/mwanafunzi wa Ujerumani na ninaandika insha kuhusu mkoloni Herrmann von Wissmann wa Ujerumani. Alikuwa meja na mwanajeshi wa Afrika ya Mashariki ya Kijerumani 1888-1895. Kuna wajerumani wachache wanaosema kwamba alifanya vitu vizuri na alikuwa rafiki wa watanzania. Hawadhani kwamba alikuwa mkoloni mkatili na alifanya mauaji ya watu wengi.

Ninajua maneno haya si kweli.

Herrmann von Wissmann na jeshi lake aliua watu wengi katika vita. Bado wajerumani wachache (especially right-wing extremist groups) wanasema kwamba watanzania wanampenda Herrmann von Wissmann kwa sababu alifanya vitu vizuri kwa Tanzania.

So, ningependa kujua: Mnajua na mnadhani nini kuhusu Herrmann von Wissmann?

Samahani kwa kiswahili changu kibaya! Nimejifunza tangu miaka miwili tu…

Asante sana kwa kujibu swali langu.

Bwana mtafiti habari yako, mie sio mwanahistoria hivyo habari za huyo bwana uliemtaja sizijui.

Nina swari moja kwako, unamaoni gani juu ya kile kinachodhaniwa mali za Mjerumani?