Mchambuzi
JF-Expert Member
- Aug 24, 2007
- 4,850
- 9,434
- Thread starter
- #61
Patlending,
Nakubaliana na wewe kwamba tunaweza andika hata kontena zima la vitabu kuhusiana na suala hili na most likely hakuna kitachofanyika kuleta mabadiliko katika usimamizi mzima wa uchumi kwa manufaa ya watanzania walio wengi; Pia nakubaliana na wewe kwamba ni kweli - CCM ina wataalam wengi lakini kama tunavyofahamu, wakipewa tu nafasi za kisiasa huwa wanaishia kustaajabisha umma kwa madudu, ubabaishaji na uchwara wao katika kusimamia sera kwa manufaa ya wananchi; Je ni kwa nini inatokea hivyo? Kuna sababu nyingi ambazo zimeshajadiliwa sana na bado zitaendelea kujadiliwa, lakini kwa madhumuni ya huu mjadala, hasa kwa sababu hoja hii imejitokeza ndani ya mjadala huu, ningependa kutoa mawazo yangu machache juu ya suala hili; Katika hili, pia nitakuwa najibu moja ya hoja za mdau mwenzetu bongolander kuhusiana na na suala zima la usimamizi mbovu wa uchumi miongoni mwa viongozi wa Tanzania;
By definition, party politics ni partisan politics, ndio maana ni kwa kiasi kidogo sana vyama vya siasa huwa vina reflect and carter for societys interest kwani vyama hivi world all over vipo zaidi kwa ajili yaku respond to the expediencies of power; Vyama vya siasa vina muda mdogo sana to reflect over larger social issues; Hali hii, again, ni world all over lakini kwa nchi maskini na ndogo kiuchumi kama Tanzania, tabia hii ya vyama vya siasa inakuwa felt zaidi kutokana na sababu moja tu kwamba sisi kama jamii ya watanzania, we dont have a firm direction of development; we dont have a Nation and a National Vision ambayo imetokana na wananchi wenyewe, yenye kuweka priority juu ya wapi fedha ziende, kwa madhumuni gani, kwa muda gani, chini ya key performance indicators zipi n.k; Badala yake, chini ya uliberali mamboleo, tumekuwa tunafuata objectives and targets za IMF/World Bank (Patlending awali ulijadili wataalamu wa nje ) na sote tunajua historia ya sera hizi za uliberali mambobelo kwahiyo haitakuwa na maana sana kuanza kujadili kwa kina suala hili;
Ni katika muktadha wa paragraph yangu hapo juu pamoja na madhara yake ndio maana hakuna cha kustaajabisha kuona madudu kama vile serikali kutegemea 75% ya bajeti kwa ajili ya maendeleleo zitoke kwa wahisani, huku madudu yakizidi kuwa worse pale ambapo baada ya serikali kupokea 75% ya fedha za maendeleo ya maskini kutoka kwa wahisani (nje) kama mikopo ya masharti nafuu, serikali hiyo hiyo inafanya maamuzi ya kutenga sio zaidi ya zaidi ya 35% ya bajeti ya nchi kwa ajili ya maendeleo ya wananchi kwani ni utamaduni wa muda mrefu kwa serikali kutennga 65 to 70% ya bajeti kwa ajili ya posho, mishahara, procurement na operations za kisiasa katika muktadha wa partisan politics niliojadili hapo juu; Kwa mtindo huu, ni lazima serikali itasikiliza zaidi wataalam wa nje kwani hawa ndio wanaiweka serikali mjini and as we all know, tyrants love AID, kwani without aid, I, as a tyrant wanna be sitaona maana ya kutafuta uongozi katika nchi maskini kama Tanzania;
Patlending, kuingia zaidi katika hoja yako ya msingi kwenye bandiko namba 59 hapo juu, hasa kuhusiana na jinsi gani wataalamu kama kina anna tibaijuka n.k wanavyokuwa ineffective, nadhani ni muhimu tukaelewa kwamba mtu kama Tibaijuka au Ndullu ni properly trained individuals wenye good track record ya utendaji lakini katika mazingira, mfumo na muundo ambao ni formal (not informal), unafuata sheria na kanuni husika, ndio maana ikitokea unawaweka watu wa aina hii katika mazingira kinyume na haya, hasa mazingira ambayo politics is supreme to rationality, economics and even common sense, no matter how much they try, hawatafanikiwa kuleta a desired change;
Kuna mtaalamu mmoja wa masuala ya African Politics anaitwa Giran Hyden; Mtaalam huyu amejadili sana jinsi gani African States are inherently weak kwani zinaendeshwa zaidi na informal systems kuliko formal systems; Katika moja ya makala yake anauliza swali kwamba je:
"If informal institutions are so dominant and the STATE so weak and soft, how do countries in Africa govern themselves?"
Anasema kwamba individuals and organizations in Africa do not engage in politics to win the right to govern or influence government policy within an overall framework of legitimate rules; Instead, Politics in most African states is rather like politics in the international arena where the unsanctioned use of coercion and violence takes place in the absence of agreed upon rules. Consequently, politics in Africa are less restrained and more personalized than in places with formalizes systems of rule; The result are higher stakes and greater risks for those who engage in the political game and greater uncertainty for the general public;
To put it in a nutshell, pengine constitutional reforms zitaweza kutusaidia katika hili ambapo wataalamu kama kina mama Tibaijuka na wengine wataondokewa na constraints katika utendaji wao kwani chini ya mfumo wa sasa wa patrimonialism hasa huu wetu wa an imperial president, Max Webber (mtaalam mwingine mashuhuru wa masuala ya siasa) anasema kwamba:
"The patrimonial office lacks above all the bureaucratic separation of the private and official sphere. For the political administration too, is treated as a purely personal affair of the ruler, and political power is considered part of his personal property The office and the exercise of public authority serve the ruler and the official on which the office was bestowed; They do not serve impersonal purposes;"
Nakubaliana na wewe kwamba tunaweza andika hata kontena zima la vitabu kuhusiana na suala hili na most likely hakuna kitachofanyika kuleta mabadiliko katika usimamizi mzima wa uchumi kwa manufaa ya watanzania walio wengi; Pia nakubaliana na wewe kwamba ni kweli - CCM ina wataalam wengi lakini kama tunavyofahamu, wakipewa tu nafasi za kisiasa huwa wanaishia kustaajabisha umma kwa madudu, ubabaishaji na uchwara wao katika kusimamia sera kwa manufaa ya wananchi; Je ni kwa nini inatokea hivyo? Kuna sababu nyingi ambazo zimeshajadiliwa sana na bado zitaendelea kujadiliwa, lakini kwa madhumuni ya huu mjadala, hasa kwa sababu hoja hii imejitokeza ndani ya mjadala huu, ningependa kutoa mawazo yangu machache juu ya suala hili; Katika hili, pia nitakuwa najibu moja ya hoja za mdau mwenzetu bongolander kuhusiana na na suala zima la usimamizi mbovu wa uchumi miongoni mwa viongozi wa Tanzania;
By definition, party politics ni partisan politics, ndio maana ni kwa kiasi kidogo sana vyama vya siasa huwa vina reflect and carter for societys interest kwani vyama hivi world all over vipo zaidi kwa ajili yaku respond to the expediencies of power; Vyama vya siasa vina muda mdogo sana to reflect over larger social issues; Hali hii, again, ni world all over lakini kwa nchi maskini na ndogo kiuchumi kama Tanzania, tabia hii ya vyama vya siasa inakuwa felt zaidi kutokana na sababu moja tu kwamba sisi kama jamii ya watanzania, we dont have a firm direction of development; we dont have a Nation and a National Vision ambayo imetokana na wananchi wenyewe, yenye kuweka priority juu ya wapi fedha ziende, kwa madhumuni gani, kwa muda gani, chini ya key performance indicators zipi n.k; Badala yake, chini ya uliberali mamboleo, tumekuwa tunafuata objectives and targets za IMF/World Bank (Patlending awali ulijadili wataalamu wa nje ) na sote tunajua historia ya sera hizi za uliberali mambobelo kwahiyo haitakuwa na maana sana kuanza kujadili kwa kina suala hili;
Ni katika muktadha wa paragraph yangu hapo juu pamoja na madhara yake ndio maana hakuna cha kustaajabisha kuona madudu kama vile serikali kutegemea 75% ya bajeti kwa ajili ya maendeleleo zitoke kwa wahisani, huku madudu yakizidi kuwa worse pale ambapo baada ya serikali kupokea 75% ya fedha za maendeleo ya maskini kutoka kwa wahisani (nje) kama mikopo ya masharti nafuu, serikali hiyo hiyo inafanya maamuzi ya kutenga sio zaidi ya zaidi ya 35% ya bajeti ya nchi kwa ajili ya maendeleo ya wananchi kwani ni utamaduni wa muda mrefu kwa serikali kutennga 65 to 70% ya bajeti kwa ajili ya posho, mishahara, procurement na operations za kisiasa katika muktadha wa partisan politics niliojadili hapo juu; Kwa mtindo huu, ni lazima serikali itasikiliza zaidi wataalam wa nje kwani hawa ndio wanaiweka serikali mjini and as we all know, tyrants love AID, kwani without aid, I, as a tyrant wanna be sitaona maana ya kutafuta uongozi katika nchi maskini kama Tanzania;
Patlending, kuingia zaidi katika hoja yako ya msingi kwenye bandiko namba 59 hapo juu, hasa kuhusiana na jinsi gani wataalamu kama kina anna tibaijuka n.k wanavyokuwa ineffective, nadhani ni muhimu tukaelewa kwamba mtu kama Tibaijuka au Ndullu ni properly trained individuals wenye good track record ya utendaji lakini katika mazingira, mfumo na muundo ambao ni formal (not informal), unafuata sheria na kanuni husika, ndio maana ikitokea unawaweka watu wa aina hii katika mazingira kinyume na haya, hasa mazingira ambayo politics is supreme to rationality, economics and even common sense, no matter how much they try, hawatafanikiwa kuleta a desired change;
Kuna mtaalamu mmoja wa masuala ya African Politics anaitwa Giran Hyden; Mtaalam huyu amejadili sana jinsi gani African States are inherently weak kwani zinaendeshwa zaidi na informal systems kuliko formal systems; Katika moja ya makala yake anauliza swali kwamba je:
"If informal institutions are so dominant and the STATE so weak and soft, how do countries in Africa govern themselves?"
Anasema kwamba individuals and organizations in Africa do not engage in politics to win the right to govern or influence government policy within an overall framework of legitimate rules; Instead, Politics in most African states is rather like politics in the international arena where the unsanctioned use of coercion and violence takes place in the absence of agreed upon rules. Consequently, politics in Africa are less restrained and more personalized than in places with formalizes systems of rule; The result are higher stakes and greater risks for those who engage in the political game and greater uncertainty for the general public;
To put it in a nutshell, pengine constitutional reforms zitaweza kutusaidia katika hili ambapo wataalamu kama kina mama Tibaijuka na wengine wataondokewa na constraints katika utendaji wao kwani chini ya mfumo wa sasa wa patrimonialism hasa huu wetu wa an imperial president, Max Webber (mtaalam mwingine mashuhuru wa masuala ya siasa) anasema kwamba:
"The patrimonial office lacks above all the bureaucratic separation of the private and official sphere. For the political administration too, is treated as a purely personal affair of the ruler, and political power is considered part of his personal property The office and the exercise of public authority serve the ruler and the official on which the office was bestowed; They do not serve impersonal purposes;"
