Mzee Mwanakijiji
Platinum Member
- Mar 10, 2006
- 33,771
- 41,027
Oh yeah? hili linawahusu marehemu Waislamu au hata wasio Waislamu? Au linawahusu marehemu waliokuwa rafiki zako lakini wasio rafiki haliwahusu?
Sweke34,
Mafunzo yetu yanatukataza kukumbushana enzi ya ujahilia.
Haifai sasa kuanza kuongea mambo yasopendeza ya marehemu.
Mohamed
Uongo. Uongo. Uongo.
1. Nyerere aliondokea wapi kwenda Edinburg mwaka 1949?
2.Alipotoka Edinburg mwaka 1952 alipokewa na nani?
3. Alipokuwa anafundisha Pugu alikuwa anakaa wapi? Tukumbuke Nyerere alikuwa analipwa paundi 450 kwa mwezi, mshahara ambao ilibidi Gavana akubali alipwe. Kwa mshahara huo na nafasi yake, mnataka kutuambia kuwa kila alipofika Dar alikuwa anajibana kwenye chumba cha Abbas? Bila shaka inawezekana kuna siku alifanya hivyo kwa rafiki yake lakini huo si ushahidi kuwa Abdulwahid ndie alimpokea Dar!
4. Alichokifanya MS ni kuchukua incidence moja na kuifanya ndio kawaida. Si bure yeye kutumia neno 'inasemekana'.
Uongo mtupu.
Amandla.....
FM,
Maajabu katika haya yote ni kuwa hii leo Abdulwahid Sykes anazungumzwa katika historia ya TANU.
Kampokea Nyerere au hakumpokea.
Mohamed
Thename of Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir like the names of many other Muslimpatriots is omitted from the political history of Tanzania.[1] There isno place in the official history in which his name is mentioned even inpassing. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir's name began to feature in early 1980's whenMuslims privately began to research and document their role in the independencestruggle as a reflection to their marginalisation in distribution of power. Asa result of this Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir's name soon came to the fore and wasassociated not only with politics and equal power sharing between Muslims andChristians but also with efforts by Muslims to build educational institutions. Havingaccomplished his role as a patriot and a symbol of mass mobilisation under TANUduring the struggle he resigned from politics soon after Tanganyika achievedits independence in 1961 and through his organisation Dawa't Islamiyyaconcentrated on serving Islam and Muslims. This shift was to create anunprecedented confrontation between himself and the then President of TanzaniaJulius Nyerere. On the order of the President, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir wasarrested for ‘subversion' and deported to Zanzibar and the EAWMS of whichSheikh Hassan bin Ameir was among its leaders declared an ‘illegal' society. Inits place BAKWATA was formed to replace the EAMWS. The reverberations of thisclash between these two giants of titanic magnitude are being felt as we speaktoday likewise the vacuum left by the EAMWS has not been filled. Consequentlythe political climate and relations between Muslims and the government was notto be the same again. Inthe same breath relations between Muslims and BAKWATA to say the least has beenlukewarm. Muslims perceive BAKWATA as a puppet organisation and just to mentionthe name leaves a bad taste in the mouth. To refer to a Muslim as a BAKWATA Muslim is like calling a Christian adisciple of Judas Iscariot who betrayed Jesus for thirty pieces of silver. Asto Nyerere, history is yet to judge him. But one cannot be knowledgeable to allthis in the absence of the political history of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir. Thereare however, contrary voices disputing Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir's politicalcarrier. These voices are originatingfrom some of his students questioning his role in politics. Students of SheikhHassan bin Ameir prefer to remember him as a brilliant ‘ulamaa', an outstandingtranslator of the Qur'an[2] and not as a politician. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir's ‘silsila' goes backto Sayyidna A'li b. Abu T'alib and Rasuli Lahi (SAW). Understandingly hisstudents do not want to taint this with what they perceive as ‘trifles'. But reality and history takes exception tothis. This stand if allowed to flourish would wipe out and obscure an importantperiod in Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir's life and hence has erase a significantchapter in the country's history. Along with it, the country will also lose histhoughts and aspirations, which made him what he is in the history ofTanganyika. We will also not be able touncover the forces behind marginalisation of Muslims. This is information vitalto Muslims and has to be accessible to all and sundry. The truth however stillremains that Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir was in deed a politician who played aleading role in Tanganyika's struggle for independence.[3] Muslimsor his obedient students should be the last persons to question Sheikh Hassanbin Ameir's political carrier. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir - TheScholar Foot-Soldier, 1940 -1950In 1940 when Sheikh Hassan binAmeir left Zanzibar for Tanganyika he was sixty years old. The purpose of thisresettlement was to create a springboard in Tanganyika from where he couldspread the message of Islam to the neighbouring countries of Congo, Nyasaland,Rwanda and Burundi, which were predominantly Christian countries. In a periodof about twenty-eight years Sheikh Hassan bin Amir was able to establish centresin Tanganyika and in the neighbouring countries, teaching from one village ortownship to another. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir would stay in one place for awhile holding 'darsas' and when he was satisfied that the message was wellreceived he would move on leaving behind his students to continue with thework. He would move on to another town or village and do the same but alwayscoming back to the places he had previously held court to check onprogress. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir was sosuccessful in proselytising work that Belgians who were the colonisingauthority in Congo, Rwanda and Burundi seeing masses of their subjectsreverting to Islam declared him a prohibited immigrant in all their coloniesand he was therefore forcefully evicted back to Tanganyika.[4] At thattime Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir had shifted his headquarters from Dar es Salaam toBujumbura in Burundi. Back in Tanganyika SheikhHassan bin Ameir criss – crossed the country spreading the message of Islam notstaying in one place more than was necessary. This was the formative years of Sheikh Hassan's influence and theperiod, which he was able to build a strong base of followers through out thecountry who looked upon him as ‘amir'. In between his travels Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir continued to write hisdiscourses[5] and hewrote in Arabic, but not without a purpose. He wanted Muslims to learn Arabic because it is the language of theQur'an. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir had excelled in the language both oral andwritten. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir wrote in Kiswahili only when he wanted tocommunicate with Muslims on political matters. This is the period when the fireof nationalism had been kindled in Africa. When nationalist politics began inTanganyika to oust the British from the country Sheikh Hassan bin Ameirtransformed the centres he had established into active centres of colonialresistance and mass mobilisation. His students and followers providedmembership as well as leadership to the emerging movement. The Years of Tabligh andPolitics, 1950 - 1961SheikhHassan bin Ameir's political carrier began much earlier when he was travellingaround the country establishing centres. Probably unknown to his students thatthey were being prepared as foot soldiers for an imminent onslaught on the colonialgovernment. However, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir came into prominence in 1950 whenhe was elected into the TAA-Political Subcommittee and hence became one of thesignatories[6]to the memorandum on constitutional development presented by TAA to theGovernor of Tanganyika, Sir Edward Twining.[7] The taskof this committee among other issues was to clandestinely prepare the groundfor formation of TANU to free Tanganyika from colonialism.[8] SheikhHassan bin Ameir as the Mufti represented the dominant Muslim interests inTanganyika. Open politics and massmobilisation to agitate for independence in Tanganyika began with the formationof TANU in 1954 with Julius Nyerere, a Roman Catholic as the leader. While atthe top TANU had a Christian president, Muslims, however, dominated themovement in leadership and membership composition. At the party headquarters inDar es Salaam there was what was known as the ‘TANU Elders Council' (Baraza la Wazee) a polit – bureau ofsorts constituting of 173 members all of them Muslims. [9] While the Elders Council supported Nyererethis was not the case with other members in the party. A small faction ofradical Muslims rose to oppose Nyerere's leadership for no other reason but forbeing a Christian. This created aninternal crisis not between Muslims and Christians but among Muslimsthemselves. This was a serious issue,which could have derailed the movement before it even took off. A meeting wastherefore called in 1955 to clarify the status of Christianity in TANU. It wasat this meeting that Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir impressed upon the people ofTanganyika on the importance of secularism in TANU to preserve national unity.This meeting was held in a house in Pemba Street and Sheikh Nurdin Husseinsupported its resolution from Lindi and Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo of Dar esSalaam who was a student of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir. This meeting coined thename 'Yuda' which was to be the labelof any member of TANU who discriminated his fellow African because of hisfaith.[10] The name ‘Yuda' coined by TANUhad direct relationship with Judas Iscariot from Christian scriptures, thetraitor who betrayed Jesus for thirty pieces of silver. The problems, whichTANU encountered, were mainly from colonial government or those inspired by itusing fellow Africans as puppets to try to derail the movement. It was thebelief of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir that the survival of Muslims as a people andIslam as a religion rested in the total overthrow of the colonial governmentand the strategy to achieve that goal was through national unity. It was from this cue from Sheikh Hassan binAmeir that Nyerere and with the help of the Elders Council was able toestablish in TANU the nationalist-secularist ideology. A very critical obstacle tonational unity was thus averted. Had TANU succumbed to sectarian politics ofinsisting that since Muslims were the most discriminated upon by colonialismand were dominant in politics and should therefore assume leadership in theparty, this would have been divisive and counter productive to themovement. Christians would have beenalienated and probably the colonial government in its ‘divide and rule' tacticswould have encouraged them to form a rival party. This new party certainlywould not have been pro - Islam. Theonly power to benefit from such rivalry would have been the British and theroad to independence would not have been smooth. It would have been fraughtwith factional violence as is the case in all countries where sectarianpolitics reign supreme. Nyerere was a familiar face atthe 'darsa' of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir in down town Dar es Salaam. It is saidwhenever Nyerere went to see Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir, Sheikh Hassan wouldalways as a rule, dismiss his students and would sit down with Nyerere and hisentourage for hours on end discussing on the future of Tanganyika. Under SheikhHassan bin Ameir's wings no Muslim dared to challenge Nyerere. [11] SheikhHassan bin Amir's ‘madras' in Dar es Salaam therefore played a multiplicity ofroles. It was a centre of religious knowledge as well as centre for massmobilisation and agitation against the colonial government. It was difficult to distinguish betweenvisitors who came to visit Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir. Had they come to the Muftito seek ‘fatwa' for a ‘mushkel' or had they come to exchange notes on thepolitical climate in the country. Nyerere realised very early in his politicalcareer the power and respect commandeered by Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir andhe never took any important decision without consulting him.
[1] This is a challengeworth taken by students to research into the tarikh of Muslim patriots whofought for independence but their contribution has not been requited.
[2] See Issa H. Ziddy,‘Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir As – Shirazi (1880 – 1979) Mchango wake Katika KukuzaTaaluma na Maendeleo kwa Waislam wa Afrika ya Mashariki' p.8.
[3] From his own mouthSheikh Hassan bin Ameir declared himself a politician. See Sheikh Hassan binAmeri, ‘Ubaguzi wa Elimu' Waraka wa 1963 kwa Waislam wote wa Tanganyika,Da'awat Islamiyya.
[4] See Issa H. Ziddy,op. cit. p. 18.
[5] Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir wrotethe following books from 1914 to 1979: A'qdul A' q – yaani a' la mauledJaylaaniy, (Cairo 1946), Wasilatul –Rajaa (Cairo 1951), Fat – hul Kabiir Sher – he Al – Mukhtasari Swaghiir(Zanzibar 1955), Madarijil – U' laa Sherhe Tabarak Dhil – U'la (Cairo 1962),Sher-he At' yabul Asmaau, Maslakul Muhtaaj ila Bayaani Istilail Minhaaj,(Cairo1966), Idh'ahu Limaanil Asmai, (First publication date unknown reprinted Cairo1987).
[6] The memorandumwhich bears Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir's signature together with signatures ofother patriots is among historic documents, which it is believed have been destroyedto pave way for official history and can now no longer be consulted.
[7]For a detailed discussion on the subject see Cranford Pratt, the Critical Phase in Tanzania 1945-1968,Cambridge University Press, London, 1976, pp. 29-31.
[8]Local historians most of them Christians including Nyerere himself want peopleto believe that TANU was the brainchild of Julius Nyerere. To date the countryhas not honoured the founding members of TANU who most of them were Muslims. See Fr. Peter Smith, ‘Christian and Islam inTanzania Development and Relationships' in Islamochristiana,16 (1990) pp. 171-182. Also Smith, ‘Some Elements for UnderstandingMuslim-Christian Relations in Tanzania'. 1993 (seminar paper presented inDakar, Senegal, ‘Islam in Africa South of Sahara'). Also see See M. Said, ‘InPraise of Ancestors' Africa Events,London, March/April 1988, pp. 37-41. Also See Africa Events, May, 1988, letter by Dr K. Mayanja Kiwanuka.
[9]See Elder Council Section File 376, Party Archives,Dodoma. In 1970 Nyerere attended aseminar on religion in Tabora organised by the Tanzania Episcopal Conference(TEC). In that seminar Nyerere for the first time publicly addressed himself tothe issue of TANU's religious identity. Nyerere said ‘Our Party, the TANU, has no religion. It is just apolitical Party and there are no arrangements or agreements with a particularreligion'. In pre - independence Tanganyika TANU had a religious identity andthat identity was Islamjust as CCM gradually assumed strongChristian influence, identity and excelled in its anti Islam posture.
https://www.jamiiforums.com/#_ftnref10 [10]See article by Rajab Diwani, TANU Ilipambana na Misukosuko Mingi' UHURU 3rd July, 1974.
[11]Inthe formative years of TANU (1954 – 1958) the top leadership in TANU was fromAl Jamiatul Ismaiyya fi Tanganyika. When Nyerere went to the United Nations forthe first time in 1955 to plead for Tanganyika's independence part of the moneyto finance the trip came from the coffers of Al Jamiatul Islamiyya. At thattime TANU treasurer was Sheikh Idd Faiz Mafongo who was also the treasurer ofAl Jamiatul Islamiyya. The TANU secretary was Ali Mwinyi Tambwe who was also AlJamiatul Islamiyya secretary. This intertwining role of Islam and politicsworked perfectly well for Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir because he could meet thesame leadership either in TANU or in Al Jamiatul Islamiyya with no conflict ofinterest. Sheikh Mohamed Ramiya of Bagamoyo Khalifa of Tarika Quaddiriyya alsocommanded such political authority but his influence was within his home town,See August M. Nimitz Jr. Islam andPolitics in East Africa, University of Minneapolis, 1980.
Hii leo ndiyo ajabu yenyewe.
Mohamed
Uongo. Uongo. Uongo.
1. Nyerere aliondokea wapi kwenda Edinburg mwaka 1949?
2.Alipotoka Edinburg mwaka 1952 alipokewa na nani?
3. Alipokuwa anafundisha Pugu alikuwa anakaa wapi? Tukumbuke Nyerere alikuwa analipwa paundi 450 kwa mwezi, mshahara ambao ilibidi Gavana akubali alipwe. Kwa mshahara huo na nafasi yake, mnataka kutuambia kuwa kila alipofika Dar alikuwa anajibana kwenye chumba cha Abbas? Bila shaka inawezekana kuna siku alifanya hivyo kwa rafiki yake lakini huo si ushahidi kuwa Abdulwahid ndie alimpokea Dar!
4. Alichokifanya MS ni kuchukua incidence moja na kuifanya ndio kawaida. Si bure yeye kutumia neno 'inasemekana'.
Uongo mtupu.
Amandla.....
FM,
Maajabu katika haya yote ni kuwa hii leo Abdulwahid Sykes anazungumzwa katika historia ya TANU.
Kampokea Nyerere au hakumpokea.
Mohamed
Thename of Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir like the names of many other Muslimpatriots is omitted from the political history of Tanzania.[1] There isno place in the official history in which his name is mentioned even inpassing. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameirs name began to feature in early 1980s whenMuslims privately began to research and document their role in the independencestruggle as a reflection to their marginalisation in distribution of power. Asa result of this Sheikh Hassan bin Ameirs name soon came to the fore and wasassociated not only with politics and equal power sharing between Muslims andChristians but also with efforts by Muslims to build educational institutions. Havingaccomplished his role as a patriot and a symbol of mass mobilisation under TANUduring the struggle he resigned from politics soon after Tanganyika achievedits independence in 1961 and through his organisation Dawat Islamiyyaconcentrated on serving Islam and Muslims. This shift was to create anunprecedented confrontation between himself and the then President of TanzaniaJulius Nyerere. On the order of the President, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir wasarrested for subversion and deported to Zanzibar and the EAWMS of whichSheikh Hassan bin Ameir was among its leaders declared an illegal society. Inits place BAKWATA was formed to replace the EAMWS. The reverberations of thisclash between these two giants of titanic magnitude are being felt as we speaktoday likewise the vacuum left by the EAMWS has not been filled. Consequentlythe political climate and relations between Muslims and the government was notto be the same again. Inthe same breath relations between Muslims and BAKWATA to say the least has beenlukewarm. Muslims perceive BAKWATA as a puppet organisation and just to mentionthe name leaves a bad taste in the mouth. To refer to a Muslim as a BAKWATA Muslim is like calling a Christian adisciple of Judas Iscariot who betrayed Jesus for thirty pieces of silver. Asto Nyerere, history is yet to judge him. But one cannot be knowledgeable to allthis in the absence of the political history of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir. Thereare however, contrary voices disputing Sheikh Hassan bin Ameirs politicalcarrier. These voices are originatingfrom some of his students questioning his role in politics. Students of SheikhHassan bin Ameir prefer to remember him as a brilliant ulamaa, an outstandingtranslator of the Quran[2] and not as a politician. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameirs silsila goes backto Sayyidna Ali b. Abu Talib and Rasuli Lahi (SAW). Understandingly hisstudents do not want to taint this with what they perceive as trifles. But reality and history takes exception tothis. This stand if allowed to flourish would wipe out and obscure an importantperiod in Sheikh Hassan bin Ameirs life and hence has erase a significantchapter in the countrys history. Along with it, the country will also lose histhoughts and aspirations, which made him what he is in the history ofTanganyika. We will also not be able touncover the forces behind marginalisation of Muslims. This is information vitalto Muslims and has to be accessible to all and sundry. The truth however stillremains that Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir was in deed a politician who played aleading role in Tanganyikas struggle for independence.[3] Muslimsor his obedient students should be the last persons to question Sheikh Hassanbin Ameirs political carrier. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir - TheScholar Foot-Soldier, 1940 -1950In 1940 when Sheikh Hassan binAmeir left Zanzibar for Tanganyika he was sixty years old. The purpose of thisresettlement was to create a springboard in Tanganyika from where he couldspread the message of Islam to the neighbouring countries of Congo, Nyasaland,Rwanda and Burundi, which were predominantly Christian countries. In a periodof about twenty-eight years Sheikh Hassan bin Amir was able to establish centresin Tanganyika and in the neighbouring countries, teaching from one village ortownship to another. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir would stay in one place for awhile holding 'darsas' and when he was satisfied that the message was wellreceived he would move on leaving behind his students to continue with thework. He would move on to another town or village and do the same but alwayscoming back to the places he had previously held court to check onprogress. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir was sosuccessful in proselytising work that Belgians who were the colonisingauthority in Congo, Rwanda and Burundi seeing masses of their subjectsreverting to Islam declared him a prohibited immigrant in all their coloniesand he was therefore forcefully evicted back to Tanganyika.[4] At thattime Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir had shifted his headquarters from Dar es Salaam toBujumbura in Burundi. Back in Tanganyika SheikhHassan bin Ameir criss crossed the country spreading the message of Islam notstaying in one place more than was necessary. This was the formative years of Sheikh Hassans influence and theperiod, which he was able to build a strong base of followers through out thecountry who looked upon him as amir. In between his travels Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir continued to write hisdiscourses[5] and hewrote in Arabic, but not without a purpose. He wanted Muslims to learn Arabic because it is the language of theQuran. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir had excelled in the language both oral andwritten. Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir wrote in Kiswahili only when he wanted tocommunicate with Muslims on political matters. This is the period when the fireof nationalism had been kindled in Africa. When nationalist politics began inTanganyika to oust the British from the country Sheikh Hassan bin Ameirtransformed the centres he had established into active centres of colonialresistance and mass mobilisation. His students and followers providedmembership as well as leadership to the emerging movement. The Years of Tabligh andPolitics, 1950 - 1961SheikhHassan bin Ameirs political carrier began much earlier when he was travellingaround the country establishing centres. Probably unknown to his students thatthey were being prepared as foot soldiers for an imminent onslaught on the colonialgovernment. However, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir came into prominence in 1950 whenhe was elected into the TAA-Political Subcommittee and hence became one of thesignatories[6]to the memorandum on constitutional development presented by TAA to theGovernor of Tanganyika, Sir Edward Twining.[7] The taskof this committee among other issues was to clandestinely prepare the groundfor formation of TANU to free Tanganyika from colonialism.[8] SheikhHassan bin Ameir as the Mufti represented the dominant Muslim interests inTanganyika. Open politics and massmobilisation to agitate for independence in Tanganyika began with the formationof TANU in 1954 with Julius Nyerere, a Roman Catholic as the leader. While atthe top TANU had a Christian president, Muslims, however, dominated themovement in leadership and membership composition. At the party headquarters inDar es Salaam there was what was known as the TANU Elders Council (Baraza la Wazee) a polit bureau ofsorts constituting of 173 members all of them Muslims. [9] While the Elders Council supported Nyererethis was not the case with other members in the party. A small faction ofradical Muslims rose to oppose Nyereres leadership for no other reason but forbeing a Christian. This created aninternal crisis not between Muslims and Christians but among Muslimsthemselves. This was a serious issue,which could have derailed the movement before it even took off. A meeting wastherefore called in 1955 to clarify the status of Christianity in TANU. It wasat this meeting that Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir impressed upon the people ofTanganyika on the importance of secularism in TANU to preserve national unity.This meeting was held in a house in Pemba Street and Sheikh Nurdin Husseinsupported its resolution from Lindi and Sheikh Abdallah Chaurembo of Dar esSalaam who was a student of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir. This meeting coined thename Yuda which was to be the labelof any member of TANU who discriminated his fellow African because of hisfaith.[10] The name Yuda coined by TANUhad direct relationship with Judas Iscariot from Christian scriptures, thetraitor who betrayed Jesus for thirty pieces of silver. The problems, whichTANU encountered, were mainly from colonial government or those inspired by itusing fellow Africans as puppets to try to derail the movement. It was thebelief of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir that the survival of Muslims as a people andIslam as a religion rested in the total overthrow of the colonial governmentand the strategy to achieve that goal was through national unity. It was from this cue from Sheikh Hassan binAmeir that Nyerere and with the help of the Elders Council was able toestablish in TANU the nationalist-secularist ideology. A very critical obstacle tonational unity was thus averted. Had TANU succumbed to sectarian politics ofinsisting that since Muslims were the most discriminated upon by colonialismand were dominant in politics and should therefore assume leadership in theparty, this would have been divisive and counter productive to themovement. Christians would have beenalienated and probably the colonial government in its divide and rule tacticswould have encouraged them to form a rival party. This new party certainlywould not have been pro - Islam. Theonly power to benefit from such rivalry would have been the British and theroad to independence would not have been smooth. It would have been fraughtwith factional violence as is the case in all countries where sectarianpolitics reign supreme. Nyerere was a familiar face atthe 'darsa' of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir in down town Dar es Salaam. It is saidwhenever Nyerere went to see Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir, Sheikh Hassan wouldalways as a rule, dismiss his students and would sit down with Nyerere and hisentourage for hours on end discussing on the future of Tanganyika. Under SheikhHassan bin Ameirs wings no Muslim dared to challenge Nyerere. [11] SheikhHassan bin Amir's madras in Dar es Salaam therefore played a multiplicity ofroles. It was a centre of religious knowledge as well as centre for massmobilisation and agitation against the colonial government. It was difficult to distinguish betweenvisitors who came to visit Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir. Had they come to the Muftito seek fatwa for a mushkel or had they come to exchange notes on thepolitical climate in the country. Nyerere realised very early in his politicalcareer the power and respect commandeered by Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir andhe never took any important decision without consulting him.
[1] This is a challengeworth taken by students to research into the tarikh of Muslim patriots whofought for independence but their contribution has not been requited.
[2] See Issa H. Ziddy,Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir As Shirazi (1880 1979) Mchango wake Katika KukuzaTaaluma na Maendeleo kwa Waislam wa Afrika ya Mashariki p.8.
[3] From his own mouthSheikh Hassan bin Ameir declared himself a politician. See Sheikh Hassan binAmeri, Ubaguzi wa Elimu Waraka wa 1963 kwa Waislam wote wa Tanganyika,Daawat Islamiyya.
[4] See Issa H. Ziddy,op. cit. p. 18.
[5] Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir wrotethe following books from 1914 to 1979: Aqdul A q yaani a la mauledJaylaaniy, (Cairo 1946), Wasilatul Rajaa (Cairo 1951), Fat hul Kabiir Sher he Al Mukhtasari Swaghiir(Zanzibar 1955), Madarijil U laa Sherhe Tabarak Dhil Ula (Cairo 1962),Sher-he At yabul Asmaau, Maslakul Muhtaaj ila Bayaani Istilail Minhaaj,(Cairo1966), Idhahu Limaanil Asmai, (First publication date unknown reprinted Cairo1987).
[6] The memorandumwhich bears Sheikh Hassan bin Ameirs signature together with signatures ofother patriots is among historic documents, which it is believed have been destroyedto pave way for official history and can now no longer be consulted.
[7]For a detailed discussion on the subject see Cranford Pratt, the Critical Phase in Tanzania 1945-1968,Cambridge University Press, London, 1976, pp. 29-31.
[8]Local historians most of them Christians including Nyerere himself want peopleto believe that TANU was the brainchild of Julius Nyerere. To date the countryhas not honoured the founding members of TANU who most of them were Muslims. See Fr. Peter Smith, Christian and Islam inTanzania Development and Relationships in Islamochristiana,16 (1990) pp. 171-182. Also Smith, Some Elements for UnderstandingMuslim-Christian Relations in Tanzania. 1993 (seminar paper presented inDakar, Senegal, Islam in Africa South of Sahara). Also see See M. Said, InPraise of Ancestors Africa Events,London, March/April 1988, pp. 37-41. Also See Africa Events, May, 1988, letter by Dr K. Mayanja Kiwanuka.
[9]See Elder Council Section File 376, Party Archives,Dodoma. In 1970 Nyerere attended aseminar on religion in Tabora organised by the Tanzania Episcopal Conference(TEC). In that seminar Nyerere for the first time publicly addressed himself tothe issue of TANUs religious identity. Nyerere said Our Party, the TANU, has no religion. It is just apolitical Party and there are no arrangements or agreements with a particularreligion. In pre - independence Tanganyika TANU had a religious identity andthat identity was Islamjust as CCM gradually assumed strongChristian influence, identity and excelled in its anti Islam posture.
https://www.jamiiforums.com/#_ftnref10 [10]See article by Rajab Diwani, TANU Ilipambana na Misukosuko Mingi' UHURU 3rd July, 1974.
[11]Inthe formative years of TANU (1954 1958) the top leadership in TANU was fromAl Jamiatul Ismaiyya fi Tanganyika. When Nyerere went to the United Nations forthe first time in 1955 to plead for Tanganyikas independence part of the moneyto finance the trip came from the coffers of Al Jamiatul Islamiyya. At thattime TANU treasurer was Sheikh Idd Faiz Mafongo who was also the treasurer ofAl Jamiatul Islamiyya. The TANU secretary was Ali Mwinyi Tambwe who was also AlJamiatul Islamiyya secretary. This intertwining role of Islam and politicsworked perfectly well for Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir because he could meet thesame leadership either in TANU or in Al Jamiatul Islamiyya with no conflict ofinterest. Sheikh Mohamed Ramiya of Bagamoyo Khalifa of Tarika Quaddiriyya alsocommanded such political authority but his influence was within his home town,See August M. Nimitz Jr. Islam andPolitics in East Africa, University of Minneapolis, 1980.
Hii leo ndiyo ajabu yenyewe.
Mohamed
Mwanakijiji,Oh yeah? hili linawahusu marehemu Waislamu au hata wasio Waislamu? Au linawahusu marehemu waliokuwa rafiki zako lakini wasio rafiki haliwahusu?
mohamed said;2811655]nguruvi3,kuhusu bakwata, ukafiri sidhani kama yanakuhusu sana wewe.
Mohamed
........mohamed said; initplace bakwata was formed to replace the eamws. The reverberations of thisclash between these two giants of titanic magnitude are being felt as we speaktoday likewise the vacuum left by the eamws has not been filled. Consequentlythe political climate and relations between muslims and the government was notto be the same again. Inthe same breath relations between muslims and bakwata to say the least has beenlukewarm. Muslims perceive bakwata as a puppet organisation and just to mentionthe name leaves a bad taste in the mouth. To refer to a muslim as a bakwata muslim is like calling a christian adisciple of judas iscariot who betrayed jesus for thirty pieces of silver
Nyerere kasemwa na kuitwa kila jina la ubaya, kasingiziwa kila neno hilo halimhusu kama marhum. Wakisemwa wengine ''tuachane na hayo, si jambo jema kuongelea marehem kwa mabaya''. Haa!Mwanakijiji,Umeiona, eeh?
Bahati mbaya sana na Nyerere akipenda sana watu waamini hivyo.
Akitaka sana kuwa harakati za uhuru zianze na yeye.
Kuna kisa cha kusisimua sana siku Abdulwahid anamfahamisha Nyerere kuhusu baba yake Kleist, kuwa alikuwa anazungumza Kijerumani na Kiingereza, akijua shorthand (hati mkato), akijua kupiga typewriter na akijua kuweka vitabu vya hesabu na ndiye alijenga ile ofisi ya TAA ambayo TANU ilizaliwa.
Abdu akamweleza pia yeye alitokea mwanafunzi wa kwanza Territorial Examination na alikuwa anasubiri kwenda Makerere ndipo alipotiwa jeshini KAR kwenda kupigana Burma.
Hapo wapo katika kuandika historia ya harakati ya kudai uhuru pamoja na Dr Kleruu.
Nyerere alitatazika sana.
Kwa fikra yake alidhani mambo yangeanza na yeye 1954 anakuta historia inarudi nyuma miaka ya 1920.
Bila shaka ilimjia fikra yake mwenyewe. Je yeye ana historia kama ile? Vipi baba yake? Jibu ni kuwa hapana hawana historia kama ile?
Ikabidi historia ile ihujumiwe na ule mswada hadi leo haujulikani ulipo.
Mohamed
Uongo. Uongo. Uongo.
1. Nyerere aliondokea wapi kwenda Edinburg mwaka 1949?
2.Alipotoka Edinburg mwaka 1952 alipokewa na nani?
3. Alipokuwa anafundisha Pugu alikuwa anakaa wapi? Tukumbuke Nyerere alikuwa analipwa paundi 450 kwa mwezi, mshahara ambao ilibidi Gavana akubali alipwe. Kwa mshahara huo na nafasi yake, mnataka kutuambia kuwa kila alipofika Dar alikuwa anajibana kwenye chumba cha Abbas? Bila shaka inawezekana kuna siku alifanya hivyo kwa rafiki yake lakini huo si ushahidi kuwa Abdulwahid ndie alimpokea Dar!
4. Alichokifanya MS ni kuchukua incidence moja na kuifanya ndio kawaida. Si bure yeye kutumia neno 'inasemekana'.
Uongo mtupu.
Amandla.....
Hapo sasa, unapokuja ukasema "Uongo". "Uongo". "Uongo". inabidi uje wewe na kusema ukweli, ukweli, ukweli ulikuwa hivi. Sasa wewe unasema Uongo, ukweli wako haujauweka, unaanza kuuliza tena kabla hujatuonesha "version" yako yenye ukweli, tukuite nani?
1. Hilo utueleze wewe, kwanini utuulize sisi na wewe ndio uliolileta? au hujui?
2. Hilo utueleze wewe, kwanini utuulize sisi na wewe ndio uliolileta? au hujui?
3. Hilo utueleze wewe, kwanini utuulize sisi na wewe ndio uliolileta? au hujui? Jibu letu hapo juu ni mwaka 1955 si huko unaposema wewe na lina sema hivi:
Ilikuwa adhuhuri Nyerere alipokuja Dar es Salaam kutoka Pugu, akiwa si mwalimu wa shule tena. Inasemekana aliposhuka tu kwenye basi alikwenda moja kwa moja ofisini kwa Abdulwahid Kariakoo Market. Nyerere alikaa na Abdulwahid katika nyumba yake namba Mtaa wa Stanley na Abbas Sykes ndiye aliyeambiwa na kaka yake atoke chumbani kwake ampishe Nyerere.
4. Hapo ndipo inapotakiwa wewe sasa ueleze "incidence" zingine na kama unajuwa kuwa Mohamed Said kaandika "incidence" hiyo moja ina maana hajadanganya na mbele huko anaelezea kuwa mpaka nguo za Nyerere zikifuliwa hapo, sasa hiyo "incidence" moja ilkuwa ndefu na si siku moja au mbili au wewe unayo ya kutuelezea mbadala wa huu "uongo" wa Mohamed Said? Tuelezee ukweli wako hapa.
Mag3,
Hapana haja ya mie kukueleza siku za awali za Nyerere Dar es Salaam.
Hizo zinafahamika sana na baadhi ya wazee bado wako hai.
Kisichofahamika kwenu ni nafasi ya Sheikh Hassan bin Amir katika kupigania uhuru wa Tangnayika.
Nakunyambulia Insha Allah kipande katika moja ya "paper" zangu:
"Thename of Mufti Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir like the names of many other Muslimpatriots is omitted from the political history of Tanzania.
Kwanza tukwambie wengine tunamjua mpaka mtu aliyekuwa anaitwa Geugeu, jamaa aliyekuwa anaishi Ng'ambo ya bahari. Jitu refu la miraba minne mmoja wa wababe wa mjini. Kwenye Hotuba nyingi za Nyerere utamsikia mtu anapaza sauti "ndiyo Babaa" basi ujue huyo alikuwa ni Geugeu. Lakini ni wapi kwenye historia "Rasmi" (Hata kwenye vitabu vyako) jina la Geugeu limetajwa? Au kwa kuwa yeye si wa Gerezani ndiyo maana hatajwi? Mimi binafsi nachukia sana kutaja taja majina ya watu kwa lengo la kuonyesha kwamba ni mjuvi wa mambo.
Hapo kwenye rangi ya kijani (najua unaipenda hiyo rangi) ndipo ilipo shida yangu. Unaposema au kutumia neno "Omitted' kwenye lugha ya kiingereza unamaanisha tendo la kukusudia la kutoa kitu ili kisiwepo, mara nyingi tendo hilo huwa ovu. Sasa Mohamed ni nani hasa kwa kumtaja kwa jina au ni kina nani hasa walio - omitte majina ya hao "Musilmpatriots' katika kumbukumbu za kupigania Uhuru wa Tanganyika??
Tuletee nukuu za Mohamed Said kutoka kwenye kazi zake ulizosoma uje hapa utuambie hii siyo sawa na badala yake ni hii hapa. This is a challenge to you. Nakupa mwezi mzima, uje na mambo matatu tu ambayo yapo kwenye kazi za Mohamed Said ambayo siyo kweli na wewe utuoneshe mbadala ambayo ni ukweli. Ukiweza hilo ntajuwa kweli Kigarama ni mkweli, Tena jumuika na wenzako, Nguruvi, Mwana Kijiji, Mag3, Jasusi, Sweke34 na wengineo uwajuwao wewe wote kwa pamoja. Nakuambia "in advance" hamuwezi.
NARUDIA KUBANDIKA TENA HILI BANDIKO KWANI SIELEWI NI KWANINI FAIZAFOXY NA MOHAMED SAID HAWATAKI KUNIJIBU SWALI LANGU HILI.
Waislamu wana Nguzo zao tano wanazoziamini kama ndiyo msingi wa dini yao. Kama kweli waislamu wa Tanzania tangu Tanganyika walikuwa wanakandamizwa, ni nguzo ipi kati ya hizi tano ambayo waislam wa Tanzania wanakatazwa kuitimiza na Serikali kwa sababu serikali inadhibitiwa na MfumoKristu?
1. Kushahadia
2. Kuswali swala tano
3. Kufunga
4. Kutoa zaka
5. Kuhiji kwa mwenye uwezo
Kama waislamu wangekuwa wanakandamizwa katika hizo nguzo tano za uislamu ningeelewa hoja za MS. MS na wenzake watuambie ni wapi na ni lini waslamu walikatazwa kwenda kuhiji, kuswali. kufunga kwa Sunnah na Kufunga Ramadhani, kutoa zaka au kushahadia. Sijawahi kuona mfumo wa serikali ukikataza wakristo kusilimu au waislamu kujenga misikiti au kuadhini. Naijua misikiti ambayo iko katikati ya makazi ya watu kwenye mchanganyiko wa wakristo na waislamu na sijawahi kusikia serikali ikikataza waislamu kuadhini kwa sababu 'wanawasumbua" wasio waislamu kwa adhana zao.
Waislamu wanapotaka kwenda Mecca kuhiji hakuna siku walikatazwa kwenda badala yake serikali mara kadhaa imewahi kutoa fedha kusaidia waislamu kwenda kuhiji, sasa hapo waislamu wanakandamizwaje na huo mfumokristu na inakuwaje mfumokristu unashindwa kuzuia waislamu kuhiji, kusilimisha wakristo au kuadhini?
Hivi karibuni serikali si ilishawahi kutoa zaidi ya Shilingi Bilioni 2 kusafirisha mahujaji kwenda Mecca kuhiji? Kanisa lilikuwa wapi kuizuia serikali kutoa fedha hizo??
Sasa 83% Vs 17% Ndiyo nini? jibu swali bi mkubwa!!83% vs 17%
83% vs 17%
Hayo ya ukafiri yanamhusu nani sasa?? Mwenzio anakukataza kutoa hukumu wewe nawe unarudi pale pale. Umeambiwa si Mtume wa Mwenyezi Mungu, Swahaba au imamu mwenye haki ya kutoa hukumu juu ya amali za mtu bali ni mwenyezimungu pekee siku ya Kiyama. Mwenzetu ni Uislam gani wewe unaoutetea?? Ndiyo maana FaizaFoxy alikutilia shaka!!Nguruvi3,
Prof. Haroub mie ndugu yangu.
Usitake kuleta maneno yasiyokuwa na maana yoyote.
Kuhusu BAKWATA, ukafiri sidhani kama yanakuhusu sana wewe.
Mohamed
Kwenye Red sijui kama watatoka salama na tarakimu zao zilizozaa takwimu feki namna hii. 83+17 =100. Hapo wahindu, Baniani wanawaweka wapi? Umerusha kombora la Nyukilia sijui kama watakuwa na nguvu ya kuja kukiri kama Tarakimu zao zimezaa takwimu feki.Hii umeoshwa akili na MS bila kukupa takwimu zozote zenye kuthibitisha hili. Hata hesabu ndogo zinawashinda, jiulize Tanzania ina Wakristo, Waislamu, Wasiokuwa na dini, Wanaoabudu mizimu na wengineo. Kama wakristo wamehodhi 83% na Waislamu 13%, Sasa 83+17=100, Hapa makundi haya mengine ya wasiokuwa Waislamu au Wakristo mmeyaacha wapi kwenye percentage zenu za kufikirika? Au MS kakwambia hao ni 0%? Kama hesabu rahisi kama hii unamezeshwa na unakubali utapata wapi guts ya kusimamia unachokisema? Bibi unamjua Kingunge Ngombale Mwiru? Ulizia dini yake kwa mtafiti wako MS.
Kwenye Red sijui kama watatoka salama na tarakimu zao zilizozaa takwimu feki namna hii. 83+17 =100. Hapo wahindu, Baniani wanawaweka wapi? Umerusha kombora la Nyukilia sijui kama watakuwa na nguvu ya kuja kukiri kama Tarakimu zao zimezaa takwimu feki.
Usipate tabu Mgalanjuka. Mwanakijiji alimaliza yote aliposema haya;Kigarama, njia ya mwongo ni fupi. Hiyo Hesabu ya darasa la tano imeshabikiwa humu na watu wanaodai tusihoji mabandiko ya MS pamoja na yeye mwenyewe na nilimwambia MS katika post moja kwamba historia yake inaleta viroja! Aje atukokotolee hii hisabati tupige makofi.
Katika kukariri, Mohamed Said ni bingwa ndiyo maana hajui hata hatari ya hiyo mbegu anayoipanda. Taabu yote hii inasababbishwa na ukweli kuwa tulipata uhuru mwaka 1961 na hakuna mzee hata moja wa Mohamed (hasa hao walowezi wa Kizulu na Manyema) aliyeukwaa hata unaibu waziri katika serikali ya kwanza ya Tanganyika huru kama walivyotegemea. Naamini Mwalimu aliwasoma sana hawa jamaa - oneni sasa vitoto na vijukuu vyao kama Mohamed Said vinavyochangamkia hizo hadithi walizopewa utotoni !Mwanakijiji said:Mzee Said pamoja na ujuzi wote wa maneno na historia kuna kitu kimoja kiko wazi kuhusiana na hizi 'kazi' zake - amezikariri. Amekariri masimulizi ya utotoni na hata alivyozidi kupata ufahamu zaidi ndivyo hivyo hivyo alivyozidi kuzikariri. Hivyo anachotuelezea ni kile ambacho amekariri kwa kusimuliwa au kujisomea n.k Na hivyo anakirudia na ukiangalia kwa juu juu unaweza kweli kuwa impressed. Tatizo linakuja nipale unapozama chini na kuanza kufuatilia 'kujua'. Kuna tofauti kubwa kati ya kujua na kukariri.