Nyerere katika Utangulizi wa Kitabu chake cha
Uhuru na Umoja* (naweza kusema historia fupi ya harakati za uhuru kwa maneno yake Nyerere mwenyewe) anasema hivi kuhusu historia ya harakati za uhuru Tanganyika:
The Tanganyika African National Union was born in July 1954, and modern political development in Tanganyika really begins from that date. But it would be absurd to imagine that this organization, which gathered strength so quickly and so quickly achieved its preliminary goal of independence sprang out of thin air. Nor its triumph attributable to any special abilities or virtues of the people this part of Africa.
Katika sehemu hiyo ya utangulizi Nyerere anaeleza vitu vikubwa vitatu ambavyo si vigumu kuviona, kwanza ni kwamba TANU kama chama cha siasa kuundwa kwake mwaka 1954 kulileta harakati za ukombozi na uhuru katika kiwango tofauti kabisa na kubadilisha kabisa historia ya Tanganyika. La pili ni kwamba, mafanikio ya TANU hayakuja hivi hivi tu yalikuwa na asili yake na tatu siyo ujuzi fulani wa watu wa Tanganyika au uwezo wao fulani ndio ulifanya mafanikio ya TANU yawe ya haraka hivyo.
Anaelezea mambo mbalimbali ambayo yaliifanya TANU kufanikiwa kwa haraka namna hiyo. Nyerere anaelezea vitu vifuatavyo ambavyo baadaye alitumia muda kuvifafanua kwa kina:
- Historical circumstances favored Tanganyika (it was a TrusteeshipTerritory under British Administration)
- The groundwork of political organization existed in the form of a multitude of very small welfare and tribal organizations (hapa anajumlisha cooperatives na TAA na vyama vya kikabila)
- Lack of general economic or social development in the country had at least the incidental advantage that there existed no real strong local vested interests supporting the maintenance of colonialism or privilege.
- Swahili was understood by the majority of the people – especially men
- No one tribal group dominated all others in size, wealth and education
Nyerere anafafanua kwa kina jinsi gani mambo hayo yalisaidia sana kujenga mwamko wa kitaifa ambao uliwahakikishia wananchi wote kuwa njia ya amani iliyopendekezwa na TANU kutafuta "uhuru" ilikuwa ni bora. Anasema hii ilikuwa ni muhimu kufanya hivyo kwani kumbukumbu ya kuzimwa kwa juhudi za kukataa watawala zilikuwa bado kwenye fikra za wazee wengi (walioona mwamko wa Maji Maji kwa mfano). Anasema hivi:
This does not mean that the people of this country were cowardly or particularly fond of non-violence; no, they knew fighting; they had been badly defeated and ruthlessly suppressed. As realists, therefore, they wanted to know why TANU thought we could win even without guns.
Mwalimu anaelezea katika utangulizi huo kuwa nchi ilikuwa na matatizo na anakiri wazi kabisa kuwa nchi ilikuwa imegawanyika kidini. Na kinyume na madai ya Mohammed Said Nyerere alikubali kabisa nafasi ya pekee ya wazee wa Kiislamu wa Pwani ambao walitoa mchango mkubwa wa kuifanya TANU ikubalike maeneo mengi nchini. Anasema hivi:
This thumbnail sketch must not be taken to imply that there were no problems for TANU. The country is divided in religion (angalia neno "is") and it would have been very easy for TANU to have fallen into a religious hostility.
Hili ni muhimu kidogo hasa tukisoma masimulizi Mzee Said kwamba katika mgogoro kati ya wale waliotaka kuona TANU inafanya upendeleo wa pekee kwa Waislamu (kina Shehe Takadir) na wale ambao hawakutaka TANU iingie kwenye suala la udini (Mashehe wa Tanga) linaonekana wazi. Nyerere anaendelea hapo hapo:
That it did not do so is a tribute to religious leaders in this country, but in particular to the adherents of the Moslem faith in the coastal belt – where TANU started.
Hii inavunja vunja mara moja na daima madai kuwa Nyerere alitaka kujulikana ni yeye pekee aliyeanzisha TANU na kuwa hakutambua mchango wa wazee wa Kiislamu katika harakati za Uhuru. Ikumbukwe kuwa kitabu cha Uhuru na Umoja kimepigwa chapa mara ya kwanza mwaka 1966 – baada ya Uhuru, baada ya matukio ya jeshi kuasi na watu kuwekwa kizuizini. Kama Nyerere angekuwa na chuki na Waislamu au Uislamu baada ya uhuru kama Mohammed Said anataka watu waamini maneno haya yasingetoka kinywani mwake. Ni maneno ambayo yanatoa heshima kwa viongozi wa kidini lakini "in particular" anasema ni Waislamu wa Pwani! Lakini anakiri kabisa kuwa TANU ilianzia Pwani. Kama Nyerere hakuwa na tatizo kuwapa heshima Waislamu mwaka 1966 haiwezekani basi kuwa alikuwa na chuki na Waislamu kwani angeweza kabisa kutotaja hilo. Alikuwa ni mkweli wa historia na akaitaja kama ilivyo.
Nyerere anaelezea kwa kirefu kidogo juu ya
moral principle ya usawa wa watu wote ambayo anasema ndiyo iliongoza harakati za uhuru. Anaelezea ni jinsi gani kulianza kuibuka makundi ambayo hayakutaka kuona kuwa watu ambao hawakuwa na ngozi nyeusi hawakuwa ni Watanganyika kweli na walitaka wabaguliwe. Anaelezea hili kidogo ndani yake ikifichika falsafa kubwa sana ya utu sawa kwa wote.
Until the end of the 1950s it could be said that TANU was campaigning for equality from motives of expedient self interests. As that decade drew to a close, however, the test came. Were those who claimed equality for themselves willing to accept the other side of the coin – the equality of others?
Hili ni swali jepesi lakini si dogo; lilikuwa na maana nyingi sana kwa wale waliopigania uhuru. Je, wote walipigania uhuru ili wote wawe sawa au baadhi wawe sawa zaidi. Tukumbuke pia wakati anaandika hili Jeshi lilikuwa limeshahasi karibu miaka miwili nyumba ambapo mojawapo ya madai ilikuwa ni kuondolewa kwa viongozi wasio wa Afrika weusi. Nyerere analijibu kiufundi swali hili na kwa hekima ya mzazi ambaye hataki kutaja watu kwa majina lakini wasomaji wake wakiwa na uelewa walitarajiwa kuelewa.
Inevitably there were some few members of TANU whom discrimination had made bitter, and whose basic lack of self-confidence caused them to fail in this test. And inevitably there were also those whose membership and participation in the independence struggle had been motivated by greed and jealousy. Such people still exist in Tanzania, as elsewhere in the world.
Kwa maneno mengine Nyerere anasema siyo wote waliokuwa wako kwenye harakati za uhuru walikuwa wanataka uhuru ili wote wafanikiwe au wakiongozwa na kanuni ile ya msingi na walipoona kuwa hawakufanikiwa wakatoka kwenye kanuni ile na kuwa nje. Hawa anasema walikuwa wanagombania uhuru ili wapate nafasi fulani au walipokosa nafasi walizofikiria wangezipata wakaanza kuwa ni tatizo.
Ushahidi wa kauli yake ulikuwa kwamba uchaguzi wa 1965 ulionesha Watanzania walielewa kuwa ni taifa gani walilolitaka. Anaelezea mtazamo wa matokeo ya uchaguzi ule ambapo baadhi ya wale waliokuwa washirika wa wakati wa uhuru walidondoka vibaya na majina mapya yakaangizwa katika historia (Bibi Titi Mohammed na Paul Bomani walianguka kwenye uchaguzi huu – kama kumbukumbu yangu haijanipoteza).
Nyerere akaelezea hivi matokeo ya uchaguzi ule:
Our people have shown that they accept the objective – the creation of a nation out of more than 120 tribes, out of peoples of different religions and different social groups, and a nation in which race is of less importance than a record of service and an expected ability to give service
Ikumbukwe katika uchaguzi huo Jamal alishinda huko Morogoro na wengine ambao hawakuwa weusi nao kushinda katika jamii ambayo watu weusi ni wengi – kitu ambacho kihistoria Tanzania hakijawa kigeni sana tangu wakati ule.
Lakini Nyerere alielewa vizuri sana maana ya kudai "usawa". Anaelezea kuwa wananchi wa Tanzania walitarajia kuwa serikali yao isimamie ile kanuni ambayo iliwaongoza kupigania uhuru. Anasema hivi:
TANU's emphasis on the morality of its case, and its stress on peaceful methods, has created among the people certain expectations about the actions of their independent nation and its leadership. TANU called for equality; our people now expect it. We called for human respect; our people now demand that their leaders accord it to everyone regardless of his economic or social degree. We called for equal opportunity; our people are now critical that this does not exist.
Na ndio akaelezea kuwa matarajio hayo ya wananchi ndio yalikuwa sababu ya baadhi ya changamoto nyingi na pia nafasi mpya za kujenga taifa tulitakalo. Na kutoka hapo Nyerere anaingia ndani katika falsafa nzito sana ambayo hadi wakati ule ilikuwa haijafanywa na Mwafrika. Ni kile alichokiita "A New Synthesis of Man and Society" ambayo nina uhakika matukio yanayoendelea nchini sasa hivi na hata yale yaliyotokea Libya yakiangaliwa kwa mwanga wake yanakuwa wazi sana. Nashauri watu wakitafute hicho kitabu na kusoma hiyo sehemu.
Nitaendelea na suala la "Je Nyerere alijua Waislamu walikuwa wamedhulumiwa na kuwa nyuma na kukiri hali hiyo ya tofauti katika nchi huru?" Bw. Mohammed Said anataka tuamini kuwa Nyerere hakulijua tatizo la inequality kati ya Waislamu na Wakristu. Napendekeza kuwa alijua na labda kwa kina cha kifilosofia kuliko wengi wa zama zake na maneno yake yanabakia ni ya kina hata yakisomwa leo hii.
* Maneno yaliyotiwa msisitizo ni kauli za Nyerere mwenyewe.
